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This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tobacco use is associated with an annual global economic cost of two trillion dollars and mortality of half of its regular users. Tobacco leaf cultivation is the starting point of the tobacco cycle. Tobacco farming employs millions of small-scale tobacco farmers around the globe, most of whom are out growers who rely on the tobacco industry. This paper aims to map the regions of greatest tobacco production globally (i.e., the US, Brazil, China, Indonesia, India, and Zambia) and tobacco use rates in these locations. Smoking rates were higher in those areas, except for India, where important population subgroups reported an upward trend for tobacco smoking. In general, there was a relationship between tobacco farming and tobacco smoking. Tobacco farming may lead to a higher risk of tobacco use and lower adherence to tobacco control policies. Therefore, promoting viable alternative livelihoods for tobacco farmers must have dual benefits. Additionally, specific health prevention policies might be necessary for those populations reporting higher tobacco use and lower perception of tobacco-related health risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on recent and upcoming mega-events in South Africa, China and Brazil, this paper contrasts and critiques the associated image and identity opportunities and risks, as well as comparative motivations for hosting such events. Accordingly, the paper considers the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the scheduled 2014 World Cup and 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics in Brazil. In the context of an increasing number of mega-events being hosted in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India and China; South Africa is to join), the paper provides broader continuity and introduces a broader research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at critiquing several existing strategic international human resource management frameworks and discusses their inadequacy to apply directly to emerging multinational companies, especially those generated from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. To complement the existing strategic international human resource management frameworks, key variables relevant to emerging economies are identified and an extended model with reference to emerging multinational companies is developed with several research propositions. It is believed that the proposed model would better capture the current development of multinationals in transition, and alert emerging international managers to address several people management challenges in the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC), the most rapidly developing countries in the twenty-first century, are expected to become the four dominant economies by the year 2050. This paper examines the risk and return characteristics of their stock markets over the past few years. The markets in Brazil, Russia, and China produce significantly positive mean excess return. China and Brazil not only have the largest Sharpe ratio, but also have the better fit to a conditional risk-return model in terms of stock returns variations. In all markets, the systematic risk, beta, is still the most important factor in explaining returns variations. Other risk measures, including unsystematic risk, skewness, and kurtosis, provide limited incremental explanatory power. However, while the intercept coefficient in the regression model is not significantly different from zero in Brazil, Russia, and India, the coefficient for China is significantly positive, indicating that the Chinese stock market generates positive abnormal risk-adjusted returns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Brazil, Russia, India, and China will shape global resource use, the location of market demand and international institutions and interdependencies in the decade to come. In this paper we argue that an understanding of the historical and institutional context of the BRICs, and the potential shift towards a multi-polar world is important for developing curricula and content in international business courses in the future. Implications for international business theory and teaching are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines China's emergence over the past decade as a net donor, and the implications of this status in global development. The analysis begins by outlining China's rise as a net donor, drawing comparisons in two-way aid flows with the other rising states, specifically Brazil, South Africa and India, and then turns to the implications of China's rise as an aid sender. The central argument is that conceptualizing China's rise as a 'net donor' is crucial for understanding the hybrid position that China has come to occupy in the global aid system, and the consequences of this positioning. Although China has achieved remarkable success with its own development, rather than join the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) regime of traditional donors, the Chinese Communist Party and government leadership has chosen instead to continue to self-identify with the countries of the South, and to construct ties of South-South cooperation outside of DAC arrangements. The Chinese leadership is trying to stake out an unprecedented position in the global aid system, traversing the North-South divide, despite the fact that China has already joined the ranks of world economic powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the tremendous economic potential of the Brazilian, Russian, Indian, and Chinese (BRIC) economies, few studies have compared technological innovation in these countries. This study investigates three main issues related to technological innovation in BRICs: 1) indicators of technological innovation were evaluated and used to compare capability of technological innovation between the four countries; 2) differences in innovative configurations were mapped based on constructs of "fundamental vs. applied innovation "and "incremental vs. radical innovation "; 3) the absolute and relative innovative strengths of these four countries were examined in 31 different technological fields. The empirical findings are based on analysis of a patent and citation data set comprising all utility patents granted by the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office to BRIC inventors from 1976 to 2006. These findings elucidate the comparative development of technological innovation in BRIC countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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New powers, such as China, India and Brazil, are challenging the traditional dominance of the US in the governance of the global economy. It is generally taken for granted that the rise of new powers is simply a reflection of their growing economic might. In this article, however, I challenge this assumption by drawing on the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to show that the forces driving the rise of new powers are more heterogeneous and complex than suggested by a simple economic determinism. I argue that these countries have in fact taken different paths to power: while China's rise has been more closely tied to its growing economic might, the rise of Brazil and India has been driven primarily by their mobilization and leadership of developing country coalitions, which enabled them to exercise influence above their economic weight. One important result is that Brazil and India have assumed a more aggressive and activist position in WTO negotiations than China and played a greater role in shaping the agenda of the Doha Round. Thus, although the new powers are frequently grouped together (as the ‘BRICs’, for example), this masks considerable variation in their sources of power and behaviour in global economic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the authors' views regarding the lack of value in analyzing the common structures and trends seen within the BRIC developing countries of Brazil, Russia, India and China. Introductory comments are given noting that while the use of BRIC-centered analysis in economics is popular, it is not particularly helpful for education. Profiles of the particular features and challenges of each country are then given in turn with closing comments on their shared difficulties.

There is a growing recognition that the “Rising Powers”, namely the emerging economies, in particular, but not only, China, India and Brazil, whose economic dynamism has begun to transform the contours of the global economy, will bring about radical shifts in global governance. A critical question that arises is how might these countries influence the “rules of the game” that pertain to international trade, particularly those relating to process standards associated with labour conditions and environmental impacts. This special issue provides an initial attempt to address this agenda. This article defines the concept of “Rising Powers” and considers how these economies might challenge the governance of labour and environmental standards. It outlines the objectives of this collection, provides an overview of individual contributions and suggests areas for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The international development arena is currently subject to major changes in the geographies of power. In this article I analyse how and to what extent the (re)entry on the development scene of China, India and Brazil, together with increasing prices for primary commodities and improved access to international finance, has affected Zambia’s political leverage to set, implement and fund its own developmental policies. I argue that, while real changes in external financial flows comparable to aid from these non-traditional state actors are still small, these actors’ experience is providing Zambia with an alternative development model that combines purposive state intervention with market-based economic growth and integration into world markets. While Zambia may be taking the first steps in strengthening its ‘sovereign frontier’, the extent of this movement is still small and its development outcomes are far from assured. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When analysing the data periods including the pre-financial and financial crisis periods, the results show that investors might make profits by using Variable Length Moving Average (VMA) trading rules as buying signals rather than as selling signals shown for the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) stock markets. However, investors may find it difficult to make profits in a financial crisis period, suggesting that more detailed information should be investigated, since the significant results shown during the full period might not reveal the differences between the pre-financial and financial crisis periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the characteristics and evolution over the last ten years of the commodities trade specialization of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa (CIBS). Unlike earlier studies, this work offers an evolutionary and comprehensive assessment of the trade challenges posed by CIBS to the global trading system. To this end, we adopt the notion of “trade specialization cluster,” i.e., a group of countries sharing a common trade specialization at a level higher than experienced in countries outside the group. Clusters are drawn by using the crisp cluster technique. Our findings contribute to partial mitigation of the pessimistic view which looks at CIBS as a source of threat to the developed world—with the relevant exception of China—while highlighting a competitiveness threat for developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Against the backdrop of debates about ‘post-neoliberalism’, we examine the implications of the global economic crisis for three important semi-peripheral states: Brazil, India, and China. Deploying a framework which combines neo-Gramscian theory, radical economic geography, and materialist state theory, we find that all their political-economic models have undergone processes of substantial neoliberalisation, albeit to varying degrees and partly giving way to countervailing trends well before the global turmoil. The crisis has markedly accentuated ongoing developments. In Brazil, it has reinforced a transition to a neo-developmentalist strategy. In contrast, the Indian elites have quickly returned to the path of gradual neoliberalisation. In China, it is still unclear whether a fundamental social-corporatist regime change will be accomplished. Our analysis thus suggests a divergence of trajectories, rather than a general rebound of the state, let alone a full-blown post-neoliberal transformation. Contra la perspectiva de los debates sobre el ‘posneoliberalismo’, examinamos las implicaciones de la crisis económica global, para tres importantes estados semiperiféricos: Brasil, India y China. Con el despliegue de un marco que combina la teoría neogramsciana, la geografía económica radical y la teoría estatal materialista, encontramos que todos sus modelos económico-políticos han pasado por un proceso de neoliberalismo sustancial, no obstante de diferentes grados y dando paso parcialmente a tendencias compensatorias mucho antes de la agitación global. La crisis se ha acentuado notablemente con desarrollos en curso. En Brasil, ha fortalecido una transición a una estrategia nueva especialista en desarrollo. En contraste, las élites indias han regresado rápidamente al camino de la neoliberalización gradual. En China, aún no está claro si se logre un cambio de régimen social corporativo fundamental. Por tanto, nuestro análisis sugiere una divergencia de trayectorias en vez de una recuperación general del estado, y ni hablar de una verdadera transformación neoliberal. 在围绕“后新自由主义”进行各种辩论的背景下，我们考察了全球经济危机对三个重要的半边缘国家即巴西、印度和中国的意义。运用一个把新葛兰西主义理论、激进经济地理学和唯物主义国家理论结合起来的框架，我们发现它们所有的政治-经济模式都经历了实质性的新自由主义化的过程，尽管程度有所不同，且在全球性动荡发生前已部分让位于相反的趋势。这场危机清楚地指出了当前的各种发展。在巴西，它加强了向新发展主义战略的转变。相比之下，印度的精英们迅速地回到了渐进新自由主义化的道路。在中国，仍不清楚的是一个根本性的社会法团主义的政权转变是否将得到完成。因而，我们的分析表明了轨迹的歧异，而非国家的总体重归，更不用说是一个充分发展的后新自由主义的转型了。 우리는 ‘포스트 신자유주의’에 대한 논쟁의 배경으로 브라질, 인도와 중국 세 개의 중요한 반주변부 국가에게 주는 지구적 경제위기의 함의를 검토한다. 우리는 신그람시 이론, 급진적 경제지리학과 유물론적 국가론을 결합시킨 분석틀을 적용하여, 정도가 다르고 이미 지구적 혼란 이전에 부분적으로 신자유주의화에 반대되는 추세로 후퇴함에도 불구하고 세 나라가 상당한 신자유주의화 과정을 겪었다는 것을 발견했다. 위기는 진행중인 신자유주의를 뚜렷하게 강화시켰다. 브라질에서 위기는 신발전주의 전략으로의 이행을 촉진시켰다. 반대로 인도의 엘리트들은 재빨리 점진적 신자유주의 길로 돌아갔다. 중국에서는 본질적인 사회적 조합주의 레짐의 변화가 이루어졌는지는 불분명하다. 우리의 분석은 완전한 포스트 신자유주의적 전환에도 불구하고 국가의 재부상보다는 세 나라 경로의 분화를 제시한다. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We examine the international diffusion of new drugs under the post-TRIPS intellectual property rights regime. Even after controlling for drug characteristics and variation in national health expenditure, we find substantial differences across countries in the probability of a drug being commercially available, lowest in countries such as Brazil, China and India with historically weak patent protection. Notwithstanding obligations now in force under the TRIPS Agreement to provide patent protection for pharmaceutical products, sellers of new drugs are much less likely to have market exclusivity in these countries. Conditional upon being launched, a drug is five to 25 times more likely to be generic/multisource in these countries than in, for example, Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of Brazil in the global economy. It states that Brazil, Russia (Federation), India, and China (BRIC) will dominate the global economy and politics by 2050, according to experts of the Goldman Sachs & Co. It mentions that the four countries show common interest in areas like international politics and security.

Background Statistics are critical in holding governments accountable for the well-being of citizens with disability. International initiatives are underway to improve the quality of disability statistics, but meaningful ID data is exceptionally rare. Method The status of ID data was evaluated in a review of 12 national statistical systems. Recurring data collection by national ministries was identified and the availability of measures of poverty, exclusion, and disadvantage was assessed. Results A total of 131 recurring systems coordinated by 50 different ministries were identified. The majority included general disability but less than 25% of the systems screened ID. Of these, few provided policy-relevant data. Conclusions The scope of ID data was dismal at best, though a significant statistical infrastructure exists for the integration of ID data. Advocacy will be necessary. There is no optimal form of data monitoring, and decisions regarding priorities in purpose, targeted audiences, and the goals for surveillance must be resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that a single group of emerging powers, principally the BRIC states, are reshaping global politics is now prevalent. However, the basis of their newfound power is not well understood. Their influence is primarily a function of their regional clout, and their outsized weight in multilateral institutions; but also because the goals of US policy frequently play to emerging-power advantages. Investigation of how the emerging powers are choosing to wield this influence in the economic, financial, and security realms finds that, although they have some blocking power, the most prevalent strategies thus far have been to bargain hard to protect their own interests and national space, and to balance the growing influence of their BRIC counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary aim of this study is an attempt to determine whether the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) hypothesis holds for those countries that have collectively come to be known as 'BRICs', namely, Brazil, Russia, India and China. We use the momentum threshold cointegration tests (advanced by Enders and Siklos, 2001) to investigate whether any asymmetric adjustment is discernible for BRICs, and show that whilst the Engle-Granger test (which assumes only symmetric adjustment) fails to reveal any cointegrational relationship for BRICs, the threshold cointegration test (with asymmetric adjustment) provides clear evidence of long-run PPP for BRICs, with the notable exception of China. We conclude that asymmetric adjustment of nominal exchange rates plays an important role in eliminating deviations from long-run PPP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses sudden changes of volatility in the stock markets of the BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) using the iterated cumulative sums of squares algorithm for the period 1990 to 2007 and examines their impacts on the persistence of volatility. The results show that when endogenously determined sudden shifts in variance are taken into account in the Generalized Autoregressive Conditional Heteroscedasticity (GARCH) model, the estimated persistence in return volatility is reduced significantly in every return series. These results suggest that the findings of previous studies could have overestimated the degree of the persistence of volatility existing in the financial time series. These results have important policy implications for the financial market participants and policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]