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This study focuses on the political advocacy of human service administrators following implementation of a highly restrictive state immigration law. It tests hypotheses to assess whether factors associated with the political advocacy of human service administrators generally are also associated with advocacy at a time of policy crisis. Findings suggest that few human service administrators engaged in immigration-related advocacy, and that those who did advocate were those most likely to perceive organizational benefit for doing so. The findings raise questions about the conditions under which human service administrators will advocate for social benefit in an organizational or individual role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As immigration and health policy continue to be contentious topics globally, anthropologists must examine how policy creates notions of health-related deservingness, which may have broad consequences. This paper explores hidden relationships between immigration enforcement laws and the most recent health reform law in the United States, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), which excludes immigrants from certain types of health services. Findings in this paper show how increasingly harsh immigration enforcement efforts provide health facilities a 'license to discriminate' against undocumented immigrants, resulting in some facilities 'dumping' undocumented patients or unlawfully transferring them from one hospital to another. Due to changes made through the ACA, patient dumping disproportionately complicates public hospitals' financial viability and may have consequences on public facilities' ability to provide care for all indigent patients. By focusing on the converging consequences of immigrant policing and health reform, findings in this paper ultimately show that examining deservingness assessments and how they become codified into legislation, which I call 'deservingness projects', can reveal broader elements of state power and demonstrate how such power extends beyond targeted populations. Exercises of state power can thus have 'spillover effects' that harm numerous vulnerable populations, highlighting the importance of medical anthropology in documenting the broad, hidden consequences of governmental actions that construct populations as undeserving of social services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the 1996 Welfare Reform and Illegal Immigration and Immigrant Responsibility Acts on Caribbean immigrants in the United States. Drawing from the conceptual framework posited by Dye's (1984) Elite Preference Model of policy analysis, the author argues that the three laws have created enormous economic and psychological difficulties among families in the United States. Developing countries in the Caribbean region have been severely impacted by the law since they have had to accommodate returning citizens when they are deported under provisions of immigration policies. The question for consideration by this paper is how may the legal and human rights of deportees be balanced against the rights of the U.S. government to secure its borders and ensure the security of its citizens? The paper also addresses issues of immigration, and international relations particularly the north-south dialogue between powerful developed countries such as the United States and small developing states of the Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Detention and removal of unauthorised immigrants by United States (U.S.) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has steadily increased despite declining rates of unauthorised migration. ICE detainees are held in overcrowded detention centres, often without due process and deprived of adequate food, sanitation, and medical care. Conditions of ICE detention contribute to malnutrition and increase the likelihood of infectious disease exposure, including tuberculosis (TB). TB infection interacts with Type 2 Diabetes (DM2), disproportionately affecting individuals who are routinely targeted by federal immigration practices. When two diseases interact and exacerbate one another within a larger structural context, thereby amplifying multiple disease interactions, this is called a syndemic. In this paper, we examine malnutrition in ICE detention as a pathway of bidirectional risks for and interactions between TB and DM2 among ICE detainees. Drawing from literature on detention conditions, TB, and DM2 rates along the U.S.-Mexico border, we propose an ICE-TB-DM2 syndemic model. We present a map displaying our proposed syndemic model to demonstrate the spatial application of syndemic theory in the context of ICE detention, strengthening the growing scholarship on syndemics of incarceration and removal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millions of mixed-status Latinx immigrant families in the United States are facing extreme stress and fear of family separation stemming from harsh immigration enforcement practices. In this paper, we suggest that true systemic practice involves knowledge and critical engagement with the broader contexts of families' lives. To this end, we review the history of immigration policy that created today's sociopolitical climate and help therapists situate themselves within this larger context. We then offer additional practice considerations for family therapy with mixed-status families, ranging from pre-intake concerns to community and advocacy work. Our hope is that therapists will use the areas of this paper that best fit their own practices and contexts, with the shared goal of providing ethical and just services to undocumented and mixed-status Latinx immigrant families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Asian-American groups are more educated than their non-migrant compatriots in Asia and their native-born white competitors in America. Lee and Zhou show that this "educational hyper-selectivity" has significant implications for the socio-economic success of Asian immigrants and their children. But they devote relatively little attention to its causes. This paper develops an answer in the Taiwan case. Using interviews and statistics, it shows that the Taiwanese secured an educational advantage because those arriving before 1965 consisted almost entirely of graduate students. Although they entered on student visas, prevailing political and economic conditions led them to settle in the U.S. After the passage of the Hart-Celler Act, these movers reproduced their advantage by sponsoring the arrival of kin, most of whom were also well-educated. The paper's conclusion assesses the ability of American immigration law to foster the formation of hyper-selected groups.en. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After release from immigrant detainment centres in the United States, a select group of unaccompanied immigrant children enter a community-based programme known as 'post-release services' (PRS) because of an identified vulnerability. Despite the name, post-release services do not confer actual services – only a referral for them. We use an intersectional lens to examine the tension for service providers within PRS policy between the rights of the child and the stigma and increasing criminalisation of being undocumented. This paper is based on document analysis of all public federal documents on unaccompanied children, ethnographic fieldwork in four PRS serving sites in the US, and interviews with 20 unaccompanied children, 17 sponsors, and 13 employees of the government subcontracting agency. Drawing on these unique data sets, we consider how age and legal status intersect in shaping the implementation of services for unaccompanied children and subsequent outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Committed to exploring democratic ways of doing research with racialized migrant women and taking up the theme of “what citizenship studies can learn from taking seriously migrant mothers' experiences” for theory and practice this paper explores walking as a method for doing participatory arts-based research with women seeking asylum, drawing upon research undertaken in the North East of England with ten women seeking asylum. Together we developed a participatory arts and participatory action research project that focused upon walking, well-being and community. This paper shares some of the images and narratives created by women participants along the walk, which offer multi-sensory, dialogic and visual routes to understanding, and suggests that arts-based methodologies, using walking biographies, might counter exclusionary processes and practices, generate greater knowledge and understanding of women’s resources in building and performing cultural citizenship across racialized boundaries; and deliver on social justice by facilitating a radical democratic imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Despite the largely voluntary character of Nigerian immigration to the United States since 1970, it is not clear that their patterns of integration have emulated those of earlier immigrants who, over time, traded their specific national origins for "American" or "White" identities as they experienced upward mobility. This path may not be available to Nigerian immigrants. When they cease to be Nigerian, they may become black or African-American. In this paper, I use US Census data to trace patterns of identity in a Nigerian second-generation cohort as they advance from early school-age in 1990 to adulthood in 2014. The cohort shrinks inordinately across the period as its members cease to identify as Nigerian, and this pattern of ethnic attrition is most pronounced among the downwardly mobile - leaving us with a positively select Nigerian second generation and, perhaps, unduly optimistic assessments of Nigerian-American socioeconomic advancement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1990, a temporary-to-permanent pathway was established for highly skilled workers admitted to the United States under non-immigrant programmes. This paper argues that this policy shift has allowed employers to play a crucial role in the immigration of highly skilled workers, thereby creating labour-market institutional selection that gives a salary advantage to highly skilled temporarily admitted workers retained in the US. Through analyses of the salary differentials among admission-category groups, the paper finds that the salary advantage is based on recruitment from Western countries, adjustment from temporary to permanent status after a second employer screening, working in the information technology sector and the private sector, holding a supervisory position, or having a skill-matched job, all of which are consequences of institutional selection rather than individual self-selection. The results also reveal a difference between those admitted from abroad and those recruited from graduating foreign students in US higher-education institutions, which suggests a distinction between overseas and domestic hiring. Policy implications for the US and other receiving countries are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to improve our understanding of migration–development links by comparing the Mexico–US and Morocco–EU cases. Despite significant differences, Mexico and Morocco share a common geopolitical location on the global South–North migration frontier and a common position as prime reserves of low-cost, low-skilled migrant labour for the US and the EU. The analysis highlights the large extent to which Mexican and Moroccan migration is determined by business cycles and political-economic and labour-market transformations in the US and the EU. Mexican and Moroccan migration patterns and trends show striking similarities. Persistent economic gaps and migrant networks partly explain why, despite recruitment freezes in Mexico (1964) and Morocco (1973) and increasing border controls, migration has endured through family and irregular migration and a diversification of migration origins and destinations. Simultaneously, economic liberalisation and labour-market transformations in origin and destination countries have increased supply and demand for casual and informal labour in the service sector, agriculture and construction. In spite of surging remittances and the considerable contributions of Mexican and Moroccan migrants to improved living standards in origin areas, migration cannot overcome structural development obstacles and deeply ingrained political and economic inequalities in Morocco and Mexico. In fact, migration may deepen such inequalities and deflect the attention away from states' failure to create favourable conditions for equitable development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay analyzes how the book, Welcome to the United States: A Guide for New Immigrants,promotes discourses of governmental safety and sovereignty in favor of shaping new immigrant arrivals into normative United States citizens. The paper examines the guide’s visual and textual inclusions and exclusions in order to hone in on the methods used to create a sense of ignorance in the reader, the techniques through which the United States government represents itself as the ultimate helpmate, and the efforts to condone immigrant normativity by describing repeatedly what “most people” in the United States want, have, or do. Finally, the paper discusses the broader implications of government sanctioned authoritative messages directed toward newly arriving immigrants in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concept of whiteness is seductive; it strikes a chord and resonates, highlighting what was long ignored in the history of immigrants in America. However, in reading the literature, one cannot help but be troubled by the reduction of a plethora of relations to a singular binary, as important as that binary may be. This paper examines the experience of Polonia (the Polish Diaspora) in America, drawing on broad historical evidence as well as a particular ritual of identification (the Pulaski Day Parade in Philadelphia), in order to highlight the follies of reducing the immigrant experience to one of 'becoming white.' This paper challenges three major assumptions in whiteness studies: the particular relationship between ethnicity and race found therein; the assumptions regarding the assimilation of immigrant groups; and the centrality of the white/black binary in processes of identification. Ultimately, the argument presented here posits that to maintain whiteness as an analytically useful concept, it needs to be placed within the complex multitude of relations in which it occurs in the actual experiences of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the fit of the intersectionality framework for understanding transnational lives. The data for this paper is drawn from my research on South Asian migrants to America and their children, the 1.5 and 2nd generation. I focus on these highly educated migrants and their children and their efforts to maintain meaningful family ties and live religions in a context that spans the USA and selected South Asian countries. I use this data to assess whether the intersectionality approach is able to explain lives that span 'real' and 'virtual' social worlds. I show that the intersectionality approach needs to be deepened to capture simultaneous experiences of privilege and marginalisation across national and transnational contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian immigration to the United States is a relatively recent phenomenon that gained momentum in the 1980s in unprecedented numbers. Today an estimated 1.2 million Brazilians live in the United States. Brazilians (re)create transnational places and spaces through social, cultural, and economic practices, within the immigrant receiving communities of Marietta, Georgia, and Framingham, Massachusetts, in the United States. They also incorporate and add new elements to their livelihoods in the respective sending communities of Piracanjuba, in the state of Goias, and Governador Valadares, in the state of Minas Gerais, in Brazil. How are these Portuguese-speaking Brazilian immigrants shaping and (re)creating new places and spaces? In what ways and spheres do transnational exchanges affect two places of destination in the United States and two places of origin in Brazil after migration occurs? Using multiple methods, which include in-depth interviews and participant observation, this paper addresses these questions by evaluating the changes incurred by migration. I use a framework perspective that is largely from outside the Latino/Hispanic context. Migration processes are just as much about those who leave Brazil for the United States as it is about those who return to Brazil (i.e. returnees) and what happens to those respective receiving and sending communities in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine the ways in which young Yemeni and Iraqi immigrant and refugee women and men strive to become literate as they negotiate transnational spaces. I investigate the social and literate connections they forge as they search for the appropriate spouses. Transnationalism, the phenomenon of living locally with global connections, demonstrates both the local and global tensions of refugees and immigrants as they interact in shared cultural sites. Moreover, transnational literacy, as described in this paper, is evoked as a means to sort through particular literacy practices that simultaneously foster status and knowledge and explain the youths' negotiation of home and school lives. Two cases are presented to illustrate how literacy implicates a set of social practices that are conflictual in their transnational locality and in their glocality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper fills an informational gap for multidisciplinary providers of services to the former Soviet Union (FSU) immigrants in the United States, highlighting the long-term medical and mental health consequences of this group's pre-migration exposure to the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear disaster. The international literature is selectively-presented together with recent findings of Chernobyl mental health sequelae in a cohort residing in the United States. Guidelines for service providers, as well as Russian language health service resources in US cities populated by significant FSU communities, are also furnished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of March 2003, the immigrant population in the United States (US) has reached 33.5 million individuals. Finding a way out of poverty is very difficult for many immigrants due to both individual and institutional barriers to savings and asset accumulation. Given that the primary sources of wealth among native-born households is through homeownership, it is only fitting that foreign-born households would also wish to achieve the “American Dream.” This paper outlines significant supports and barriers to savings and, more importantly, homeownership among US immigrants. Several suggestions for asset-based policy development for immigrants are also included in the discussion. By examing these concepts, policy practitioners can learn how to improve economic well-being for current immigrants and future generations of Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With international immigration on the rise, the United States is becoming increasingly diverse as it admits more immigrants every year. However, in contrast to past inflows of immigrants to the U.S., many now entering the U.S. come from non-European nations, whose cultural values may significantly differ with U.S. mainstream cultural values. As a result, some immigrant cultural values are clashing with U.S. mainstream cultural values as found in U.S. social institutions. Thus religious professions and congregations who attempt to help immigrants adjust to U.S. society may need to address and cope with the dilemma that results when cultures clash. With this in mind, one important question can be raised: Is there a limit to the toleration of immigrant cultural practices? In the context of this question and after examining the problem of immigrant culture clash adjustment situations, this paper reviews and evaluates the arguments in the literature associated with two possible approaches that may begin to help guide or address culture clashes: cultural relativism or cultural universalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent scholarship has declared multiculturalism to be in retreat, yet multiculturalist discourses and practices remain salient in many realms of social reproduction. This paper explores multiculturalism in predominantly white churches in the U.S. South, a region that has seen significant demographic transformations due to immigration. Church outreach to immigrants draws on theologies that reject racial prejudice and that call for the accommodation and celebration of cultural differences. Drawing on qualitative research with pastors and congregants, this article explores how multiculturalist practice is both re-working and reinforcing existing social relationships in Christian faith communities. Multiculturalist practices, we show, disrupt racialized hierarchies long embedded in white churches. But they simultaneously leave racialized distinctions and inequalities intact, in part by maintaining separation between immigrants and non-immigrants. This case illustrates the everyday politics of multiculturalism and the ways in which the boundaries of social membership take shape in ordinary, seemingly non-political spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US and India have strengthened their borders against illegal immigration. However, the two states have striking differences with respect to their border control methods. The US strengthened its Mexican border through fences and militarization. In sharp contrast, even though India fenced some parts of its border, it has relied on shooting practices which have resulted in the deaths of thousands of Bangladeshi immigrants. Drawing upon Narrative Policy Analysis (NPA), this paper identifies patterns in justification strategies regarding border control against illegal immigration in the US and in India. The findings indicate that in the US, border control was justified by the restoration of law at the border. To the contrary, in India, border control was associated with arbitrariness. The majority of Indian policymakers encourage arbitrary border practices by adopting the view that ‘any method’ is legitimate to curb illegal immigration from Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The systemic approach to deliberative democracy is an empirically underexplored topic. Since 'classic' micro indicators for deliberation are at loggerheads with the idea of distributed deliberation, appropriate assessment techniques for large-scale public deliberation are few and far between. This paper aims at exploring a novel pathway into the empirical translations of the deliberative systems approach, using discourse content and the representation of policy frames in the legislature. I argue that legislative frame representation (LFR) is a crucial indicator for the level of sub-systemic deliberative uptake and policy responsiveness. Next to the necessary theoretical and methodological work, the results of an explorative case study for the immigration discourse in the US and Canada are presented. The results indicate that there are considerable differences in the systems' capacities to take up discourses from civil society and that LFR can be an important tool to explore deliberative systems empirically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One outcome of immigrant adjustment is the development of a sense of community among immigrants with similarities in such nominal areas as race or region or subregion of origin. This paper proposes a theoretical framework for the study of communication and this sense of community: the sense of community is engendered as the immigrants develop connections to each other; they develop these connections under the influence of contextual conditions; communication may correlate with the sense of community or connections or contextual conditions, may mediate the ability of the connections to influence the sense of community or the ability of the contextual conditions to influence the connections, or may directly influence the sense of community or the connections or the contextual conditions; this communication could be analyzed on the basis of its cultural orientation, the arena in which it takes place, the exposure of the immigrants to it and its content. The paper applies the theoretical framework to Caribbean immigrants to the United States and presents research issues and questions developed from the theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on materials related to labor migration acquired by the Immigration History Research Center (IHRC) at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota. The IHRC is approaching its 26th year of work in the acquisition, preservation, and provision of archival and library resources on the experiences of some 24 European and Near Eastern ethno-linguistic groups in the U.S. The Center also serves as an active agent in stimulating research and activity in immigration and ethnic studies. The 1986 Center-sponsored symposium, "A Century of European Migrations, 1830-1930: Comparative Perspectives," emerged as a milepost for research on migration history, drawing together leading scholars from 10 countries whose work sounded a number of themes, including labor issues. The Center's holdings document those immigrant groups most commonly associated with the great trans-Atlantic migration to the U.S. from roughly the 1880s to the 1920s. IHRC holds over 45,000 monographs and bound periodicals, nearly 900 newspaper files and 3000 serial titles, and over 800 manuscript collections amounting to some 4000 linear feet.

This paper addresses the effects of work and welfare benefits upon the state-to-state migration of poor in the United states. Evidence is not found to support the welfare-magnet hypothesis. Poor people are not moving to states with higher welfare benefits. AFDC benefits are found to have a negative effect on migration at the origin. Wages and unemployment rates have a negative as the destination. Migration is towards areas where the wages and unemployment rates are lower. Poor people, when they can move, follow the jobs, even though these jobs are low paying. Female-headed households and households with more children are also found to be less likely to migrate. Households with the fewest recourses are those least likely to move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering that the United States and Canada are neighboring North American countries with fairly similar liberal democratic political cultures, their immigration policies are noticeably different. While US policies prioritize family reunification, Canadian policies favor labor demands and employability. This difference reflects the varying degrees to which the public influences their respective immigration policies. Examining contemporary immigration policies of the United States and Canada, this paper compares the role of public opinion in each, and argues that public opinion plays a more prominent role in immigration policies in the United States than it does in Canada. This observation is due in part to the partisan nature of the US political structure and to the cohesiveness among immigrants, particularly Latinos. Canada, in contrast, favors a policy of multiculturalism that empowers immigrant groups and limits individual groups' capacity and inclination to dominate policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The birth of formal citizenship education in the United States emerged in the context of mass immigration, the Progressive Movement, and the First World War. Wartime citizenship education has been chastised for its emphasis on patriotism and loyalty, and while this is a trend, historians have minimised the ways in which the democratic goals of the Progressive Movement at large also shaped citizenship education in its infancy. The paper situates citizenship education within the larger and broader aims of the Progressive Movement, and then looks at two federal agencies, the Bureau of Education and the Bureau of Naturalization, which produced and distributed the first citizenship curricula to the nation’s teachers. Ultimately, analysis of their citizenship textbook and teachers’ manual show that, even during war, it was assumed that through education any person, regardless of nationality or gender, could access citizenship, this being a very democratic mission in a paranoid moment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the last 60 years, the United States has accepted some two million refugees for resettlement. Standard opinion polls suggest that the American response to these refugees has been mixed. Yet, despite much ambivalence about particular refugees and where they may belong in the grid of American social and cultural categories, the notion of refuge and the imperative toward support and welcome to refugees endure. As an extended example, this paper considers press treatment of refugees in Richmond, Virginia during the last quarter of the twentieth century—before security concerns and surging numbers of illegal immigrants irrevocably changed the nature of American immigration. Unlike the ambivalent response that emerges in national opinion polls and some other venues, in this case the construction of refugees is neither negative nor ambivalent, but is instead solidly positive. This positive construction extends across a broad range of racial and national-origin groups and is conditioned by a peculiarly American notion of how refugees relate to broader American categories, particularly that of 'immigrant'. In this local story from the United States lies a broader tale of how refugees are woven into the existing social and cultural categories of the countries in which they resettle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the discussion surrounding nationalism still revolves around the ethnic versus civic nation divide. For purposes of this paper it is more useful to view the United States from the tri-modal perspective offered by Anderson, in which the United States is a creole (or settler) nation. All of Anderson's types can be seen as variants of ethnic nationalism. Kaufmann argues that the US evolved from ethnic to civic nationalism by the 1960s. This argument overlooks the importance of phenotype-based racism in the evolution of creole, or white settler colonial nationalism. We want to argue that US nationalism evolved from ethnic, to white racial nationalism in the interwar years. Since the 1920s, the political establishment has opted for civic nationalism that is based upon 'white assimilationism'. This civic nationalism has been challenged by multiculturalism since the 1960s. In the context of a democratic political culture, the content of American nationalism has become 'populist' in the sense that it has come under popular contestation from the assimilationist right and the multiculturalist left. This populist nationalism includes aspects of ethnic and civic nationalism. Racial formation theory will be used to show that national identity may remain under 'relatively permanent political contestation' with racial cleavage as a major fault line in that contest. The issues of immigration and the treatment of Muslims since 9/11 will be addressed in order to make the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following essay employs the metaphor of 'the other side' in order to explore the symbolic relationship between America and Europe in F. W. "Murnau's Sunrise" (1927). The essay argues that the film's symbolic stress on the dichotomy of Europe/America and there/not there rearticulates the role of the US in the immigrant imagination, redefining it in terms of the supernatural, almost deathly nature of early film. The journey west has long been equated with the mythical passage toward death, and in a similar way early responses to the mechanics of cinema also stressed the idea of film as phantasmal projections of this 'other side,' a spectral realm haunted by ghosts, apparitions, and shadows. The paper thus positions theoretical notions of negative space (dealing in particular with Jean-Paul Sartre's notions of presence and absence) alongside the notion of the Atlantic crossing as a synonym for emptiness and vacuity, in order to provide a provocative interpretation both of Murnau's film and of the role of America in the European mindset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores two trajectories of law and politics that have sought to define the appropriate responsibilities municipal police should have for the enforcement of immigration law. The first section describes how the criminalization of migration has been entrenched into federal law over the past 20 years, opening space for the involvement of local police and other service providers in the practices associated with border control. The second section explores the history of municipal sanctuary policies. These local laws were first introduced in the 1980s to protect the rights of Central America refugees, and now place limitations on the use of local police or resources in the enforcement of immigration law. Focusing on San Francisco's City of Refuge Ordinance, this paper discusses the alternative visions of security and political membership that local actors seek to embed in these laws, and how they challenge the criminalization of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps because immigration is currently one of the most hotly debated issues in America (e.g., Kuttner 2004), there is little appetite, especially lately, in the academic literature for an examination of some of the more serious, but lesser known issues that go along with this key demographic factor. These currently ignored issues nonetheless have serious implications for businesses (Crock 2004), the government (Bernstein et al. 2004), public-policy makers (Magnusson and Kripalani 2003) and social-service providers (Dobbs 2004), among others. One such much ignored, albeit serious issue is that of how immigrants gather information to solve problems (including those of consumption) in their new host culture. This issue has been barely investigated in the academic literature, though anecdotal evidence from the popular press show that it has serious implications for marketers (Vence 2002), public-policy makers (Aldrich and Variyam 2000) and social-service providers (Stewart 1996), among others. Consequently, in this paper I investigate this issue as follows. First, I focus on Chinese-American immigrants, for reasons I explain later in this paper. Second, I examine assimilational differences between these individuals, again, for reasons I explain later in this paper. Third, I investigate how these differences affect how these individuals search for information prior to the purchase of three durable products (personal computer, video camera and color television) and one non-durable product (dandruff-control shampoo). What I found is that each of the cultural, identificational, and structural assimilation has (1) distinct effects on this search behavior and (2) these effects vary by type of Product-purchase. I conclude by discussing implications of these findings for marketers, social-service providers and public-policy makers, among others. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using non-citizen voting (or ‘alien suffrage’) as a case study, this article traces the long role which immigration has played in reshaping the boundaries around the citizenry and the population of eligible voters in the US. The paper discusses the gradual ‘territorialisation’ of citizenship and suffrage from the late 1700s to the mid 1960s and then addresses the current ‘deterritorialisation’ of these institutions vis-à-vis the growing population of non-citizens. It concludes with a discussion of contemporary attempts to reinstate non-citizen voting at the local scale, as a means of addressing the widening gap between popular and territorial sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the strategy for controlling ‘unwanted’ immigration that has been implemented by the US government since 1993, and suggests explanations for the failure of that strategy to achieve its stated objectives thus far. Available evidence suggests that a strategy of immigration control that overwhelmingly emphasises border enforcement and short-changes interior (especially workplace) enforcement has caused illegal entries to be redistributed along the south-west border. The evidence also suggests that the financial cost of illegal entry has more than quadrupled; that undocumented migrants are staying longer in the United States; that migrant deaths resulting from clandestine border crossings have risen sharply; and that there has been a surge in anti-immigrant vigilante activity. Consequences predicted by advocates of the concentrated border enforcement strategy have not yet materialised: there is no evidence that unauthorised migration is being deterred at the point of origin; that would-be illegal entrants are being discouraged at the border after multiple apprehensions by the Border Patrol and returning home; that their employment prospects in the US have been curtailed; or that the resident population of undocumented immigrants is shrinking. It is argued that a severely constrained employer-sanctions enforcement effort that has left demand for unauthorised immigrant labour intact is the fundamental reason why steadily escalating spending on border enforcement during the last ten years has had such a weak deterrent effect. Reasons for the persistence of a failed immigration control policy are discussed, and alternatives to the current policy are evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most recent UNAIDS report (December 2003) estimates that approximately 5 million persons became infected with the HIV virus globally in 2003 alone, while 3 million persons died as a result of HIV/AIDS. What do these staggering numbers mean for the Caribbean population? Is the impact of HIV/AIDS the same among Caribbean immigrants in the United States as among the Caribbean population in the countries of origin? If so, what are the factors that promote the spread of HIV/AIDS among this population regardless of their geographic location? Finally, what can be done to reverse the growing infection rate that has made the Caribbean the second largest population to suffer from HIV/AIDS globally? In this paper the authors explore sociocultural, attitudinal and gender-specific factors that place the Caribbean population at risk of the ongoing spread of HIV/AIDS. The authors make recommendations for a community involvement response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic that targets the individual, family and community to address the problem of HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean population. A community involvement model with its potential to reduce the negative impact of socio-structural factors, and attitudes towards victims of HIV/AIDS is recommended as a meaningful response to HIV/AIDS among the Caribbean population. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study surveys the pattern of Turkish immigration and integration in the United States, and examines Turkish-American identity formations in the context of American society. The paper begins with an overview of Turkish immigration in the United States by classifying it in three distinctive immigration waves. It then analyzes Turkish-American struggles for re-constructing new identities by looking at how Turkish identities in the United States are constructed, maintained, and re-constructed, and how Turkish-American ‘meanings’ are negotiated and contested. The study emphasizes the multiplicity, complexity, and contingency of Turkish-Americanness in regard to Westernness, Middle Easternness, Americanness and Turkishness, and problematizes ethnic labels such as ‘Turkish’ or ‘Turkish-American’ by showing their multiple, complex, and contingent meanings. The study is based on the author's observations and in-depth interviews with members of the Turkish-American community during the last two years in the New York City metropolitan area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to evaluate the changing relationships between identities, citizenship and the state in the context of globalisation. We first examine the ways in which scholars discuss changes in the ways in which citizenship and political identity are expressed in the context of international migration. We argue that much of the discussion of transnationalism and diasporacling to an assumption that citizenship remains an import- ant—though not defining—element of identity. Our position, by contrast, is that migration is one of a number of processes that transform the relationship between citizenship and identity. More specifically, we argue that it is possible to claim identity as a citizen of a country without claiming an identity as ‘belonging to’ or ‘being of’ that country, thus breaking the assumed congruity between citizenship, state and nation. We explore this possibility through a study of Arab immigrants in the US. Our findings, based on interviews with activists and an analysis of Arab American websites, suggest that concerns with both homeland and national integration are closely related to each other and may simultaneously inform immigrants' political activism. These findings indicate a need to identify multiple axes of political identification and territorial attachment that shape immigrants' sense of political membership. We argue for the importance of thinking about transnationalism as a process—and perhaps a strategy—as migrants negotiate the complex politics of citizenship and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a Bayesian approach we estimate a stochastic frontier model to measure the productivity effects of state-level exports and immigration to each of the 50 US states. The results show that state productivity is affected positively by both state exports and immigrants arriving with embodied human capital. The efficiency model also reveals that the interaction of incoming immigrants with previously accumulated human capital in the host state improves state efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicholas De Genova (2002) suggests that undocumented status is primarily experienced through consciousness of being deportable. Interviews with undocumented Mexican migrant women living in Arizona show that they experience deportability not just in workplaces, which have been the focus of much scholarship, but also when seeking healthcare benefits for their U.S. citizen children. This article therefore expands the scholarship on deportability by exploring how state strategies for constituting migrants as deportable work through, and reconfigure, intimate ties, in this case, ties to children. Furthermore, it shows that migrant mothers draw on diverse intimate ties, beyond those that are recognized by the state, to manage the impact of their deportability. The article concludes by calling for expanded scholarly engagement with the complex relationship between state regulation, intimate ties, migrant lives, and political possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Asian refugees in the United States have health and mental health needs that are different from those of mainstream Americans and even of recent immigrants. This paper provides a close look at the past experiences and present lives of these refugees, highlights their major problems, and identifies their health and mental health needs. It discusses the reasons why their needs are not being adequately met, and proposes the "what" and "how" of the contributions that social workers can make to addressing those needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that there has been no revival, and that acculturation and assimilation continue to take place. Among third and fourth generation ethnics, a new kind of ethnic involvement may be occurring, which emphasizes concern with identity, with the feeling of being Jewish or Italian, etc. Identity cannot exist apart from a group, and symbols are themselves a part of culture, but ethnic identity and symbolic ethnicity require very different ethnic cultures and organizations than existed among earlier generations. What appears to be an ethnic revival may therefore only be a more visible form of long-standing phenomena, or of a new stage of acculturation and assimilation. Many observers have properly noted that even if United States might have been a melting pot early in the 20th century, the massive immigration from Europe and elsewhere has since then influenced the dominant groups, summarily labelled White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP), and has also decimated their cultural, if not their political and financial power, so that today United States is a mosaic of subgroups and subcultures. Still, this criticism does not necessarily deny the validity of straight-line theory, since ethnics can also be absorbed into a pluralistic set of subcultures and subgroups, differentiated by age, income, education, occupation, religion, region, and the like.

Agricultural employers have faced extreme challenges in recruiting and retaining an adequate workforce. Various societal changes have made hiring local workers into agricultural jobs difficult. Therefore, there is a growing reliance on foreign workers and visa programs to meet labor demands. One such program, the TN visa, can be an effective and useful tool for recruiting professional labor for livestock operations, and many agricultural employers have already seen its value. It is likely that the use of the TN program will continue to grow in the future. However, there is opportunity for misuse and abuse of the TN program because there are few administrative rules and limited oversight. We offer recommendations to improve the TN program and the well-being of TN professionals including additional oversight of the program, transparency in recruiting and contracting workers, educating TN workers about U.S. labor rights, ensuring fair pay, and allowing a path to work authorization for TN workers' spouses and children who accompany them in the U.S. Clearly, sustainable solutions to the farm labor shortage are needed. As a field, we need to better understand workforce recruitment and retention concerns as well as mechanisms being used to address such concerns and their impact on workers' health, safety, and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By allowing individuals to engage in remote relationships with foreign employers, online labor markets have the potential to mitigate the inefficiency costs due to the legal barriers and other frictions deterring international physical migration. This study investigates how the supply of foreign labor in digital and physical markets responds differently to monetary incentives. We use a unique data set containing information on digital labor flows from a major global online labor platform in conjunction with data on physical labor flows. We exploit short-term fluctuations in the exchange rate as a source of econometric identification: a depreciation of a country’s currency against the U.S. dollar increases the incentives of its workers to seek digital and physical employment from employers based in the United States. Using a panel count data model, we find that monetary incentives induced by depreciations of foreign currencies against the U.S. dollar are positively associated with the supply of foreign labor in digital markets, as expected from the frictionless nature of electronic markets. However, we fail to find a positive relationship between monetary incentives and the supply of foreign labor in physical markets, which might be expected due to the substantial bureaucratic restrictions and transaction costs associated with physical migration. We further examine how countries’ income and information and communications technologies development levels moderate the positive relationship between monetary incentives and digital labor flows. Our findings are useful for gauging the extent to which digital labor flows can alleviate the economic inefficiencies from the restrictions on physical migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All across America, Mexican (im)migrants are working and contributing to the economic, cultural, and political life of local communities on both sides of the U.S.-Mexican border. While there are benefits for the migrating workers and their families, and for U.S. employers and consumers, circular migration comes with costs, especially to family life. While migration between Mexico and the U.S. has become an increasingly important economic strategy for families, the very process that has provided for people's livelihoods has often torn families apart. Through oral histories with workers, farm owners, and government officials on both sides of the border, this paper explores the creation of transnational families and communities, and the consequences of circular migration for women, men, and children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expands the human capital model to compare the migration propensities of Cubans, Mexicans and Puerto Ricans within the United States between 1985 and 1990. Examination of effects of personal factors, the economic environment and the presence of fellow nationals; Immigration history of each nationality; Influence of culture on migration behavior.

The article analyzes the depiction of decolonial migration, crimmigration and the pursuit of the American Dream by Black people in the book "American Street" by Ibi Zoboi. Topics discussed include the definition of decolonial migration as the journey of Black people migrating to the U.S. to avoid poverty and violence, role of the integration of the U.S. immigration and criminal justice system in the creation of crimmigration, and depiction of spirit worlds as spaces of freedom in the book.

The lack of good flow data is a handicap to spatial interaction research, yet many published works provide little evaluation of such data. Good quality flow data should provide spatial coverage at a large scale with small sampling and other error components. Few generally available data series for interregional commodity flows, interregional population migration, and intercity person movement in the United States meet these basic requirements. The data sets of the Bureau of the Census, Department of Transportation, Social Security Administration, and other government agencies do not provide a sound empirical foundation for spatial. interaction analysis at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore how race, class, and migration influence Latino household wealth, and uncover important implications for the close 2016 US presidential election outcome in Florida. I follow over 11,000 homeowners in the Orlando area of Orange County, Florida from 2004 to 2016. To proxy for immigrant incorporation, I leverage matched voter registration records and direct observation of borrower identification – driver's license, green card/passport, or undocumented identification. Documented immigrants appear least vulnerable to foreclosure; multivariate analyses show that Latinos with undocumented identification are most vulnerable. Foreclosure and negative equity predict decreases in voter activity among Latino Democrats and Latino Independents, respectively, but not among Latino Republicans. I confirm this pattern at the precinct-level using data on all Orange County voters. Across Florida, county-level Latino foreclosures and lagging home prices correspond to a decline in the Democratic presidential vote from 2012 to 2016. My analysis reveals the mechanisms that erase Latino home equity and how the loss of wealth may have played a role in flipping Florida from a blue state to a red state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I introduce and analyze the Mexican Border Crossing Records (MBCRs), an unexplored data source that records aliens crossing the Mexico-US land border at diverse locations from 1903 to 1955. The MBCRs identify immigrants and report rich demographic, geographic and socioeconomic information at the individual level. These micro data have the potential to support cliometric research, which is scarce for the Mexico-US migration, especially for the beginnings of the flow (1884-1910). My analysis of the MBCRs suggests that previous literature may have inaccurately described the origin of the first Mexican immigrants. My findings diverge from historical scholarship because the micro data capture the geographic composition of the flow at the local level and across nine entrance ports, allowing me to characterize with precision the migration patterns during the 1900s. Overall, the micro data reported in the MBCRs offer the opportunity to address topics that concern the economics of migration in the past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]