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Evdirrehîm Hekarî is mostly known for his Kurdish nationalist writings and activism at the end of the Ottoman Empire. He continued to be a voice for the Kurdish nation during the Republican period in his private writings, while he identified as a Muslim Turk in his publications. Hekarî's complete rejection of secular Turkishness existed alongside his submission to Turkish Islamic discourse. His split identity and paradoxes are analyzed using Frantz Fanon's study of the colonized man and his inconsistencies in his fight with the colonizer. In examining Hekarî's inner inconsistencies, the article also benefits from Partha Chatterjee's study of the contradictions of nationalist thought in its battle with colonialist power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that Turkey had close relations with Middle Eastern states during the Atatürk period, which is contrary to the literature that claims the opposite because of Turkey's Western-oriented ideology. The article asks why Turkey as a Western-oriented state sought to have close relations with Middle Eastern states. To answer this question, the article uses discourse analysis focusing on Middle Eastern leaders' visits as represented in Turkish public discourse. Accordingly, it proposes two main answers. Firstly, the paper argues that the new state's relations with Middle Eastern countries played an important role in legitimation of its Westernization projects in the eyes of its citizens. Secondly, the Turkish state marginalized rival political discourses, mainly Islamism, by proving that even Muslim majority countries wanted to imitate modern Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses the position of Alevi identity and Alevi community with regard to the Turkish national identity-building project. There was a partial compatibility between the Kemalist objective of laicization and nation building and the Alevi practice and understanding of a ‘local’ version of ‘Turkish Islam’. Besides these compatibilities, Alevis faced the challenges of nation-building and homogenization policies, which involved homogenization in ethnic, religious and sectarian domains. Kurmanji- and Zazaki-speaking ethnically Kurdish/Zaza Alevis of Eastern Anatolia had a different experience during the project of centralization and ethnic homogenization, in comparison to Turkish-speaking Turcoman Alevis. This different experience still is a source of division among Alevi communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After reviewing the emergence of Turkish euroscepticism in the context of the evolution of Turkey-European-Union relations between 1963 and 1999, the paper analyses party and popular euroscepticism after 1999. The Turkish case appears to confirm the Taggart-Sitter thesis concerning the strategic euroscepticism of opposition parties. The exception of the Kurdish nationalists suggests that strategic euroscepticism does not apply to ethnic minority parties. In Turkey there is both 'soft' euroscepticism (centre-left parties) and 'hard' euroscepticism (nationalist and Islamist parties), the latter usually based on identity. At the popular level, identity euroscepticism revolves around four key issues: national sovereignty; morality; negative discrimination; and Europe's alleged hidden agenda to divide and rule Turkey (the so-called 'Sevres Syndrome'). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to explore whether there is evidence based on a survey of Belgian, German, Lithuanian and Polish elites that there is a common European identity or whether distinct European identities are emerging along the "new-old" dividing line between European Union (EU) states. Elites' perception of three potential external threats to the cohesion of the EU are investigated and include the inclusion of Turkey to the EU, the close relationships between some EU countries and the U.S., and the interference of Russia in European affairs. Individual-level factors such as elite left-right self-identification, different visions of the role of the EU, and national identity, are examined to determine how they shape perceptions and affect the formation of distinct European identities.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's commemoration in Turkey often reminds Western observers of a personality cult. Looking at national identity-narratives emerging from the stage-management of his homes and final resting place, this article argues that 'Ataturk' has become shorthand for Turkish national identity and his commemoration represents, as a result, much more than a personality cult. Moreover, I show that although the sites in question provide the state with an excellent tool for national socialisation, they also reflect shared national assumptions and cherished symbols. Commemoration entails a sense of safety and protection, but also a warning against straying from Ataturk's path and legacy that have, after all, stood the test of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The necessity of preserving traditional environments, as a part of cultural heritage, is recognized and accepted in Turkey. Nevertheless, due to the abundance of archaeological sites and areas that are deemed historical, several problems exist regarding the preservation of these areas. The improvements made world-wide, specifically in Europe, regarding urban preservation have also had an impact on Turkey. Yet, as the "awareness of preservation" notion indirectly showed its impact affecting only a small group, the integration process was inherently impeded. Consequently, both regulations and successful plan studies on preservation were delayed. Conversely, the issue of preservation has always been considered a secondary priority for Turkey. Whenever a conflict of interest occurs between development and preservation, development is usually preferred. Due to the fact that preservation does not rank high among our priorities suggests that social awareness regarding preservation is not at a desired level. In this article, the applications of the preservation plan studies of the historical city centre of Izmir (the third largest city in Turkey) will be evaluated. Kemeralti, due to its history, size, archaeological, historical and natural values, and being in Izmir, which is an exceptional city in terms of the emphasis on preservation compared to other cities, is considered to be privileged and, therefore, presents a significant example for study. Besides maintaining the identity of the city as well as national identity, preserving areas which may be considered a part of world heritage depends, above all, on raising social awareness. Furthermore, in addition to the concerns regarding the preservation of historical environments in urban areas in Turkey, this article also discusses the promising developments produced by the gradual increase of positive efforts made concerning this matter. These efforts along with the initiatives and experience that played a successful role in overcoming these concerns may also set an example for other similar fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that Turkish potential membership has provoked - or exacerbated - an 'identity crisis' for the European Union is by now a familiar truism. This article is concerned with the specifically religious identity crisis sparked by the Turkish accession process to the (secular) European Union. It takes a broadly comparative approach to the role of Islam in the Turkish political sphere and the role of religion within the European Union, suggesting that a parallel examination sheds light on a number of telling similarities between the two pictures. Complex interplay between religion, secularism, national identity and European identity is a recurrent theme here. Placed within the broader framework of discussions on the place of religion in the European public sphere, this examination yields insight into the state of flux characterising religion in Europe, which, in turn, may bear repercussions for Islam in the Turkish political sphere, for Islam within the EU and for Turkey-EU relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the role of the state in national identity in Turkey. Relation of the level of the identity crisis to the revival of Islamic identities; Impact of globalization on the chances of survival for cultural identities; Relationship between the political structure and national identity crisis.

Discusses the evolution of the national identity issue in Turkey. Details on the principle of nationality; Effect of cultural penetration on the problems of identity in the country; Accounts on the possible basis for a Turkish identity.

Discusses the origins of linguistic nationalism in Turkey. National identity of Turkey; Assessment of the bond between language and nation; Functions of languages.

Discusses the literary work of nationalist writers, Kemal Tahir, Cemil Meri&ccedll; and Attila Ilhan to demonstrate the nuances of nationalist thinking and the possibilities that literature provides for extending the definitions of national identity in Turkey. Impact of the establishment of the Islamically oriented Welfare Party on Turkish politics; Description of the official nationalism in Turkey; Information on Tahir, Meri&ccedll; and Ilhan; Concept of neo-Kemalism.