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En los territorios de la Sierra Norte de Puebla, principalmente habitados por indígenas nahuas y totonacas, confluyen procesos de diversificación biológica, lingüística y agrícola que se manifiestan en actividades económicas, políticas y sociales cuyos signos y significados comunitarios imparten características muy específicas a la región. Tales procesos y actividades han propiciado una defensa ardua de los territorios indígenas frente a los retos que implica la expansión capitalista, destacándose la importancia de la generación de valores de uso por encima de los valores de cambio. El conocimiento del territorio del municipio de Cuetzalan del Progreso y la organización activa de sus habitantes, principalmente los indígenas nahuas, han sido fundamentales para consolidar proyectos de permanencia y transformación que promueven alternativas al sistema capitalista. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cuando se estudia el cine realizado por personas de los distintos pueblos originarios mexicanos, a menudo se hace referencia a las iniciativas gubernamentales que desde la década de los años 90 del siglo XX promovieron la formación de realizadores indígenas en el país. Del mismo modo, el perfil mayoritario de las obras que se han estudiado hasta ahora como parte del cine indígena mexicano es fundamentalmente documental, colaborativo y con una estética activista. Este artículo trata de completar y complejizar la cartografía de un 'cine maya yucateco' que no se inscribe necesariamente en las lógicas del cine indígena ni tampoco se puede considerar cine comunitario. A través de entrevistas con jóvenes realizadores y el análisis fílmico de sus obras, se presenta como estudio de caso el cine de Miguel Ventura y Darío Caballero, atendiendo a los mecanismos descolonizadores de representación de la etnicidad maya en sus películas a través de la activación de la nostalgia. Con ello, se propone una nueva vía posible de cine maya, que adopta las fórmulas de un cine popular no por ello menos político que el estudiado hasta el momento como cine indígena, y que aquí definimos como 'cine de la reexistencia maya.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Iberian & Latin American Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gender & Development is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article assesses 30 years of gender quota adoption and reform in Latin America through the lens of earlier theorizing about the incremental and fast tracks. Focusing on women political actors' ongoing efforts to transform weak quota laws into comprehensive parity requirements, we argue that most fast-track countries follow a steady route. This route builds on Drude Dahlerup and Lenita Freidenvall's landmark conceptualization of the fast track, introducing countries' reliance on iterative quota reforms and demonstrating how innovation in quota design continuously raises the bar for what constitutes a "good" quota or parity law. We demonstrate this route using a case study from Mexico, focusing on the 2014 adoption of gender parity for the federal and state legislatures and the 2019 adoption of "parity in everything," meaning parity for the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The "Paulina case" is the story of a 13-year-old girl in Mexico who became pregnant in 1999 after being raped. Although she received permission to obtain a legal abortion, the hospital convinced her mother through misleading information to decline the abortion. This case has become an almost obligatory point of reference when abortion is discussed in Mexico. This paper analyses how the Mexican press portrayed the Paulina case and the social actors who participated in it – Paulina herself, Paulina's allies, the state government, the Catholic Church, members of the political party PAN and the National Human Rights Commission. One of the great breakthroughs of this case was that the denial of an abortion was judged to be a form of negligence. In demanding justice for Paulina, Paulina's allies were given moral authority in the press to denounce those who denied her an abortion. While the government of Baja California state and members of the PAN were held responsible for their role in the case, the Catholic Church, who was also responsible, seemed to escape criticism. It is probable that the large emotional weight of the Paulina case accomplished more in terms of changing public opinion in support of women's right to decide on abortion than any other single event to date. ≪ L'affaire Paulina ≫ est l'histoire d'une adolescente mexicaine de 13 ans, enceinte en 1999 à la suite d'un viol. Bien qu'elle ait été autorisée à avorter légalement, l'hôpital a convaincu sa mère par des informations trompeuses de refuser l'avortement. Cette affaire est devenue une référence obligée lors de tout débat sur l'avortement au Mexique. Cet article analyse comment la presse mexicaine a décrit l'affaire Paulina et les acteurs sociaux y ayant participé – Paulina, ses alliés, les autorités de l'Etat, l'Eglise catholique, les membres du parti politique PAN et la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme. L'un des grands progrès de cette affaire est que le refus d'avortement a été jugé comme une forme de négligence. En demandant justice pour Paulina, ses alliés ont reçu dans la presse l'autorité morale requise pour dénoncer ceux qui lui avaient refusé l'avortement. Alors que les pouvoirs publics de l'Etat de Baja California et les membres du PAN ont été tenus pour responsables de leur rôle dans l'affaire, l'Eglise catholique qui était aussi responsable semble avoir échappée aux critiques. Il est probable que le fort poids émotionnel de l'affaire Paulina aura fait davantage pour modifier l'opinion publique en faveur du droit des femmes à décider si elles veulent avorter que tout autre événement. El "caso Paulina" es la historia de una niña mexicana de 13 años que resultó embarazada en 1999 después de haber sido violada. Aunque recibió permiso para obtener un aborto legal, el personal del hospital convenció a su madre, mediante información distorsionada, de rechazar el aborto. El caso se ha convertido en un punto de referencia obligatorio cuando se habla del aborto en México. Este artı́culo analiza cómo la prensa mexicana representó el caso Paulina y los actores sociales que participaron en él: Paulina, sus aliadas, el gobierno estatal, la Iglesia Católica, los afiliados al Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN), y la Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Uno de los hitos más significativos del caso fue que se consideró que la decisión de negarle el aborto a Paulina constituyera una forma de negligencia. Al demandar justicia para Paulina, la prensa atribuyó a sus aliadas la autoridad moral para denunciar a quienes le negaron el aborto. Si bien se responsabilizó al gobierno de Baja California y los miembros del PAN por su papel en el caso, la Iglesia Católica, que era también responsable, parece haberse librado de las crı́ticas. Es probable que el gran peso emocional del caso Paulina haya tenido más impacto sobre la opinión pública a favor del derecho de la mujer de decidir en materia del aborto que cualquier otro acontecimiento hasta la fecha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hispanic Research Journal is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indigenous Guatemalan refugees passing through Mexico to seek asylum in the U.S. move in the space of a larger transborder territory created over the past six decades in response to U.S. foreign policy in Central America, historical patterns of labor movement and retreat from violence in the region. I frame this larger territory within the larger settler colonial politics of dispossession and elimination as carried out by the U.S. Mexican, and the Guatemalan states, albeit in different ways and at different stages, that often result in the fragmentation of human and social bodies. I look specifically at how Mam women navigate this transborder territory to escape gendered violence and seek safety for themselves, their families, and communities, and reconstitute themselves as Maya communities in diaspora. I suggest how the bodies of Mam women who have sought redress for gender violence through the process of seeking asylum in U.S. immigration courts are fragmented into discourses, narratives and forms legible through state loci of biopolitics. Finally, I suggest how Mam women refugees seek reintegration of their human and social bodies through reconstitution in shared transborder communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of the American Association of Geographers is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is based on the strategic-relational approach developed by Bob Jessop and investigates the contested privatization of the Mexican oil industry. Privatization has been rampant all over Latin America throughout the 1980s and 1990s. There are, however, some important exceptions from this general trend towards privatization which go widely unnoticed within the academic debate. The Mexican oil sector is one such exception as steps towards its privatization have been undertaken since the 1980s but until today ownership-rights for the enterprise remain with the Mexican state. The strategic-relational approach assumes that despite the pressure exercised by a post-Fordist accumulation regime towards privatization, the contingent interaction of actor strategies and institutions allows for alternative historical paths and may lead to the collapse of privatization processes. In order to conduct a detailed case study, an operationalization of the strategic-relational approach is necessary. Following this path, virgin soil is entered as date only a few attempts have been made to operationalize strategic-relational categories. The case study of the privatization conflict over the Mexican oil industry reveals that in this specific case decisive resistance against privatization stems from the Ministry of Finance, which is normally considered the most important institutional basis of neoliberalism in Mexico. Este articulo se basa en el enfoque relacional estrategico desarrollado por Bob Jessop, e investiga la controvertida privatizacion de la industria petrolera mexicana. Durante los anos 80 y 90, la privatizacion ha sido dominante en toda Latinoamerica. Sin embargo, hay algunas excepciones importantes de esta tendencia general hacia la privatizacion, que han pasado desapercibidas en el debate academico. El sector petrolero mexicano hace parte de tal excepcion, en la medida que los pasos hacia la privatizacion se iniciaron en los anos 80, pero los derechos de propiedad de la empresa son del estado mexicano. El enfoque estrategico relacional asume que, a pesar de la presion ejercida por un regimen de acumulacion hacia la privatizacion posterior a Ford, la interaccion contingente entre las estrategias del actor y las instituciones permiten vias historicas alternas y pueden conducir al colapso de los procesos de privatizacion. Con el fin de llevar a cabo un estudio detallado del caso, es necesario adoptar un enfoque operacional de las relaciones estrategicas. Continuando con esta idea, hasta la fecha, muy poco se ha hecho para establecer categorias relacionales estrategicas de operacion, ejemplo, las tierras virgenes. El estudio del caso del conflicto de la privatizacion de la industria petrolera mexicana, revela que en este caso especifico, la resistencia a la privatizacion del petroleo se origina en el Ministerio de Hacienda, considerado como la base institucional mas importante del neoliberalismo en Mexico. 本文是以鲍勃·杰索普所发展的战略-关系路径为基础，考察有争议的墨西哥石油工业私有化。在整个20世纪80年代和90年代，私有化在全拉美盛行。然而，在这一私有化的大趋势中，也存在一些重要的例外，它们在学术辩论中未受关注。墨西哥石油部门就是这样一个例外，因墨西哥石油部门的私有化20世纪80年代即开始着手，但至今公司的所有权仍掌握在国家手中。战略-关系路径假定，尽管后福特主义的资本积累机制对私有化施加了压力，但行为体战略与机构之间有条件的互动提供了可供选择的历史路径，并可能导致私有化进程的瓦解。为了进行详细的案例研究，对战略-关系路径进行操作化是必要的。沿着这条路径，把未开垦的土地纳入了进来，因迄今为止只进行了个别尝试把战略-关系分类可操作化。对墨西哥石油工业的私有化冲突案例研究表明，在这一特定例子中，反对私有化的决定性阻力来自通常被认为是墨西哥新自由主义最重要制度基础的财政部。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of CyTA: Journal of Food is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As Latin American countries seek to guarantee sexual and reproductive health and rights, opponents of women's rights and reproductive choice have become more strident in their opposition, and are increasingly claiming conscientious objection to providing these services. Conscientious objection must be seen in the context of the rights and interests at stake, including women's health needs and right to self-determination. An analysis of law and policy on conscientious objection in Peru, Mexico and Chile shows that it is being used to erode women's rights, especially where it is construed to have no limits, as in Peru. Conscientious objection must be distinguished from politically-motivated attempts to undermine the law; otherwise, the still fragile re-democratisation processes underway in Latin America may be placed at risk. True conscientious objection requires that a balance be struck between the rights of the objector and the health rights of patients, in this case women. Health care providers are entitled to their beliefs and to have those beliefs accommodated, but it is neither viable nor ethically acceptable for conscientious objectors to exercise this right without regard for the right to health care of others, or for policy and services to be rendered ineffectual because of individual objectors. Alors que les pays d'Amérique latine s'efforcent de garantir la santé et les droits génésiques, les opposants aux droits des femmes et au choix de reproduction deviennent plus virulents et invoquent de plus en plus l'objection de conscience pour ne pas assurer ces services. L'objection de conscience doit être placée dans le contexte des droits et des intérêts en jeu, notamment les besoins sanitaires des femmes et leur droit à l'autodétermination. Une analyse du droit et de la politique au Pérou, au Mexique et au Chili montre que l'objection de conscience est utilisée pour saper les droits de la femme, en particulier quand on l'interprète comme n'ayant pas de limites, par exemple au Pérou. Il faut distinguer l'objection de conscience des tentatives politiques d'affaiblir la loi ; autrement, les processus encore fragiles de redémocratisation en cours en Amérique latine pourraient être menacés. La véritable objection de conscience exige de trouver un équilibre entre les droits de l'objecteur et les droits des patients, dans ce cas les femmes, à la santé. Les soignants ont droit au respect de leurs croyances, mais il n'est ni viable ni éthiquement acceptable pour les objecteurs de conscience d'exercer ce droit sans tenir compte du droit d'autrui aux soins de santé, ou des politiques et des services qui sont rendus inopérants en raison des objecteurs individuels. A la vez que los países latinoamericanos buscan garantizar la salud y los derechos sexuales y reproductivos, los oponentes de los derechos de las mujeres y la libre elección reproductiva se han vuelto más estridentes en su oposición, y cada vez más invocan su derecho a la objeción de conciencia para no proporcionar estos servicios. La objeción de conciencia se debe ver en el contexto de los derechos e intereses en juego, incluidas las necesidades de salud de las mujeres y su derecho a la autodeterminación. Un análisis de las leyes y políticas respecto a la objeción de conciencia en Perú, México y Chile muestra que ésta se está utilizando para socavar los derechos de las mujeres, especialmente en lugares donde se interpreta como algo sin límites, como en Perú. La objeción de conciencia se debe distinguir de los intentos motivados por política para minar la ley; de lo contrario, los procesos aún frágiles de re-democratización en curso en Latinoamérica podrían ponerse en riesgo. La verdadera objeción de conciencia requiere un equilibrio entre los derechos del objetor y los derechos de salud de los pacientes, en este caso mujeres. Los prestadores de servicios de salud tienen derecho a sus creencias y a que se les respeten esas creencias, pero no es ni viable ni éticamente aceptable que los objetores de conciencia ejerzan este derecho sin respetar el derecho de los demás a los servicios de salud, o hacer que las políticas y los servicios resulten inútiles debido a los objetores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Professional Geographer is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Latin American Business Review is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gender & Development is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Iberian & Latin American Research is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Iberian & Latin American Research is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I analyze the right to free, prior and informed consultation (CPLI) as a dominant symbol to explore key contradictions in the field of indigenous rights in Mexico. According to the anthropologist Victor Turner, dominant symbols condensate disparate and even contradictory meanings. From this perspective, I address how the right to CPLI in Mexico has become a dominant symbol not only because of its remarkable presence in the demands of the country's indigenous organizations and activists, but also because it condensates contradictory meanings originated in social processes that range from neoliberal governance to indigenous struggles for self-determination and territory. As a result of these disparate processes, the right to CPLI not only has different meanings, but it is also mobilized by different actors for very different ends, in a struggle to fix the meaning of that right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of de/centralization in Mexico during the period 1824–2020, building on an original dataset that coded three subdimension of the politico–institutional arrangement, 22 policy areas and 5 subdimension of the fiscal sphere for each year during that time. The country evolved from a decentralized federation at the outset to a relatively centralized one nowadays. The Mexican case also sheds light on the importance of regime type and the ruling elite's ideological orientation to explain de/centralization patterns. Centralization was prevalent during two long authoritarian periods since the last quarter of the XIX century. On the contrary, dynamic decentralization occurred once the authoritarian regime began to erode in the 1980s. The ideological orientation of the ruling elite helped to strengthen those trajectories. When that elite embraced developmental ideas, the move towards centralization was deeper, whereas the opposite took place once national authorities embraced a neoliberal agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Association of American Geographers is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the relationship between interpersonal trust and the trust in different institutions as well as its involvement with sociodemographic and political culture-related variables and its connection with associativism. For this, 1993 and 2000 national surveys where used. The results show that there is independence between interpersonal trust and the trust in institutions, because they are built by different processes. There is also a slight relationship between sociodemographic variables and political values or ideology. Interpersonal trust is linked with active participation in associations, which may point out that it is associated to specific forms of social organization. On the other hand, trust in institutions seems to respond more to the behavior of the political system, its performance, and how it is evaluated. Besides, it appears that the trust is influenced by age or place of residence. Older persons and those living in small villages are associated with conservatism. Non-political institutions (such as religion, unions, etc.) could be affected by policy performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open Government (OG) is an increasingly used term in public administrations. Public sector managers seem to be interested in modernizing their public management models and find OG strategies a means to respond to increasing citizen demands for transparency, participation, and collaboration in public affairs. Specifically, the broad scope of this term seems to have produced an assortment of what public managers understand as OG. This research is a comparative analysis of the perception that exists in the local governments of two countries: Mexico and Spain. Our research questions are: (1) How do OG managers understand this concept? (2) What is the perception of those who manage OG regarding the level of development in their organization? And (3) What are the realities of OG implementation in local public administrations? This article reports the results of a survey to city councils in Mexico and Spain, in order to compare the perception of OG. The survey's descriptive results are complemented with an Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), allowing us to define public managers' perspectives in both countries and compare them. Results indicate that there are some points of agreement between both countries, such as the relevance of transparency and citizen participation as pillars of OG. However, there are also discrepancies, not only in the progress of implementation, but also regarding the general perceptions about what OG is, and its scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because children learn habits from observing their parents, we assessed the top-of-the-mind beliefs held by parents about "drinking plain water in front of their preschool child during lunch one day this coming weekend." We recruited a convenience sample of 34 Mexican parents from daycares in Guadalajara and conducted a content analysis. Main advantage identified was getting healthier, followed by being a good example for the child. Few parents identified disadvantages. Most reported to have at least one approver within their families. The most frequent facilitator was "having it," while "not having it" was the main barrier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to typify the diversity of grassroots initiatives in Mexico, the circumstances (e.g. historical, social, ecological) in which they emerge, and the roles and power relationships they establish with different stakeholders to promote agroecology. It addresses the need to comprehend how grassroots initiatives contribute to social change and the massification of agroecology in Mexico. Analysis was done using PCA and social network analysis from 167 surveys. Results show that grassroots initiatives impact 18 indigenous groups in the center and south of Mexico, and focus on eco-friendly production, social justice, popular education, and food markets. Initiatives started because of three tipping points that responded to neoliberal policies, relocating local food and massifying agroecology. There are 13 types of stakeholders that promote agroecology and influence grassroots initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a comparative assessment of the state of asylum in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay. It argues that an accelerated weakening of refugee protection, exacerbated during the pandemic, has taken place across the region. Faced with growing mixed flows, the region’s refugee framework has either been used as an ad hoc regularization mechanism or not been broadly used. Also, pandemic mitigation measures have further weakened access to asylum, through militarization and border closures, and a platitude of deterrence practices. These regressive practices may result in the undermining, abandonment and/or replacement of the region’s widely praised refugee governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the literature on how to make food systems just and sustainable, we often look at Alternative Food Networks (AFN) as a way forward. AFNs are initiatives that pose alternatives to conventional food systems (driven by productivism and harmful to human and environmental health). Despite this broad understanding of what AFNs can be, in practice, most cases presented in the literature look surprisingly alike. In this article, we challenge the scholars working on alternative food networks to look beyond the narrow definition of AFNs by considering cases of traditional agriculture and distribution systems. We illustrate this argument using the case of chinampas, a traditional agricultural system in Mexico City that contributes in different ways to local sustainability. Analysing semi-structured interviews conducted on site, we argue that chinampas can be defined as an alternative food network because of their modes of production, their diverse distribution channels, and their economic practices. We conclude that traditional food systems present an alternative to conventional food systems and should therefore be included in AFN research. Broadening the definition of AFNs so to include traditional and non-institutional practices can help identify diverse cases fitting this new lens, including in the Global North; it can also contribute to affirming the value of these traditional systems in building sustainable and just societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to investigate the influence of risk exposure factors on the frequency of road crashes from January to August 2020 in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. It is a longitudinal study with four data sets: road crashes, population and housing census, location of economic activities, and road network information. Specifically, this study investigates the relationship between exposure factors – demographics, main roads and land use – and road crashes. A mixed method analysis was employed, (1) spatial analysis using GIS techniques; and (2) a negative binomial spatial regression model. The results showed a strong spatial dependence (0.274; p-value 0.00) of road crashes in the census tracts, and this effect was statistically significant (0.007) in the spatial regression model. In the model, a high probability (<0.05) of road crashes in the census tracts was found with the population aged 15 to 65 years, the length of main roads and the level of road coverage (Engel index), land uses with economic activities of an industrial and commercial character. The findings of this study successfully capture the social, economic, and urban conditions during the January–August 2020 period in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This new knowledge could help create preventive plans and policies to address the frequency of road crashes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the afternoon of 23 September 2018, a flash flood event occurred at Peribán de Ramos (Michoacán, Mexico). This event was triggered by 2-h precipitation of 58 mm, affecting at least 100 families, damaging 30 houses and killing 8 people. We present the first assessment of this event, for which we carried out stratigraphic descriptions, took sedimentological samples of the deposits and performed numerical simulations with the FLO-2D model to recreate the flow. Our results present a good fit with the flow heights, velocities, and the distribution of the flood zones observed in the field. We additionally performed a flood hazard assessment based on a rainfall frequency analysis for extreme events of 2-h duration at different return periods. Results show that even the 2-year event would reach flow depths >5 m and velocities exceeding 6.5 m/s, causing the overspill of Cutio river, affecting ~1500 inhabitants and avocado farming lands, causing a bigger impact on the population's incomes and their way of life. We consider that these types of events could become more frequent and of major magnitude due to the change in land cover and land use, obstruction of natural drainages and changes in precipitation patterns in response to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores continuities and changes in the damming of rivers in the global South. By the 2000s, the infrastructural promises of large dams seemed exhausted. Yet, currently dams are making a strong comeback with new justifications highlighting their capacity to produce low-carbon energy and climate-proofed waterscapes, while the harms they generate are being presented as fixable. Through cases from the Mekong (Laos and Cambodia), and the Grijalva (Mexico) River Basins, we problematize these claims. Despite changes in the aspirations and agencies that foster damming, obdurate dam materialities and the new profit-maximizing operation modes provoke violent continuities of infrastructural harms and hinder the repurposing of dams to serve climate combat. Neoliberalised dams even augment climate vulnerabilities, as the more volatile rivers increasingly exceed their ordering capacities. We also show how the new dam assemblages continue dispossessing riverine residents while divergently strengthening corporate and state powers and obscuring relations of responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the reunification experiences and gender dynamics of reunited Mexican couples post-migration, and the intersections that shape those experiences. In 2021, we conducted a critical ethnographic study guided by intersectionality theory in Veracruz, Mexico. We interviewed women who stayed behind (n = 20), return migrants (n = 12), health care providers (n = 6), and community leaders (n = 12). Data was analyzed using thematic analysis using NVivo software as aid. We found that the intersection of age, gender, and employment status influenced gender relations among reunited couples postmigration. Couples reinforced, negotiated, and resisted pre-established gender norms in Agua Dulce. The findings suggest that women have the capacity to act on the relationship pathway upon the return of their migrant partners at the dynamic intersection of age, gender, and employment status. These must be understood against the backdrop of gender norms in the study context. This article provides an important theoretical contribution to research and policy. The contribution lies in the rich intersectional understanding of how and why relationships are affected in different ways depending on intersecting factors across the pre-, during, and post- migration experience. Policymakers and stakeholders can use it to identify ways to enhance women's agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research about Community-Based Rural Tourism (CBRT) shows that participation of local stakeholders is a key factor in the pursuit of sustainability and supports the idea of using collaborative methods like Participatory Action Research (PAR) with local initiatives to address management and planning issues. This paper describes a case study in which tourism sustainability indicators (SIs) for a CBRT initiative were constructed through PAR with a group of women in rural Mexico. It reconstructs the steps and the process through which the indicators were established and implemented, and proposes a critical analysis of the assessment and its impacts on the group. The findings show that, provided that the SIs are adapted to the rural context, the co-construction of tourism SIs has led to assess the tourism activity using criteria adapted to the women's needs and vision. The PAR process encouraged collective action, horizontal dialogue and made more visible the inter-relations and power relations between the stakeholders, demonstrating the potential for collaboration and empowerment in a transdisciplinary perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Umami (2015) by the Mexican author Laia Jufresa deals with the themes of loss, mourning and identity through several interrelated stories. Residents of an apartment complex in Mexico City live in separate flats and experience individual traumas linked to the loss of loved ones. In their daily interactions, they recognize each other's pain while processing their own grief and exploring creative transformations in their identities and communities. Jufresa shows the intimate and personal process of mourning as a counterpart to stories of massive violence and narco-terrorism by presenting detailed examples of "ordinary grief." Jufresa also explores the cultural dimensions of more traditional types of mourning in Mexico. The characters in Umami recognize each other, keep each other company, and experience collective vulnerability, recreating what Barbara Fredrickson, Judith Butler, and Iona Heath attribute to the roles of mutual support in grief and the key role of positive emotion in individual and community transformation. Through these perspectives from psychology, psychotherapy, and medicine, our essay reads Umami as a literary representation of the complex relationship between the personal and the communal in the creative-affective exchanges that allow us to navigate the turbulent waters of everyday mourning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the interventions of different official and non-official actors of Mexican origin in the Costa Rican civil war in 1948. The article demonstrates that during the early Cold War years, Mexico's international relations with Central America were conducted by multiple actors, part of different transnational networks, in part due to the ruptures surrounding the pacts of what was known as the Mexican revolutionary family. This article reconstructs the different historical trajectories, interests, agendas, and actions of these actors, shedding light on a topic often neglected by Mexican foreign policy historiography. Taking up recent debates over Mexico's stance during the Latin American Cold War, this article contributes to filling the gap in the early Cold War Mexican foreign policy towards the region, stressing nuances over the existence of a non-intervention, homogeneous foreign policy that prioritized the relationship with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1970s, the Mexican government has been embroiled in an armed conflict with the drug cartels, and criminal organisations have engaged in violent confrontations with each other. Violence escalated in 2006 under the presidency of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, and since then killings have become spectacular and highly mediatised. An often-overlooked front of the cartel wars is the use of non-official networked media that generates and sustains popular narratives about cartel leaders. In this paper, we focus on the media assemblages that sustain the myths associated with the now captured 'El Chapo' Guzmán, perhaps the most celebrated narco in Mexican history. In particular, we focus on the phenomenon of the El Chapo memes as these have moved into a new phase via digital platforms such as Whatapps. We argue the El Chapo memes play an important role in popular communication revolving around narco culture, functioning as artefacts of and even opportunities for political contestation, as well as everyday humour and survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobilising human rights discourse in pursuit of justice by local social movements is often treated as a straightforward process. However, social movement practice is rooted in domestic socio-political culture, the ability to affectively engage publics and envision 'political horizons'. Human rights discourse is often deployed in this process, but the dynamics involved have both enabling and constraining features which movement participants exploit, negotiate and disagree over. This article explores scholarship on human rights, social movements and democracy to examine these dynamics through the reflections of participants in two recent social mobilisations in Mexico: the Movement for Peace and Justice with Dignity and Ayotzinapa 43. Both movements arose in response to abuses and impunity in the context of spiralling state and non-state actor violence and corruption in Mexico, but also challenged the dominant political narratives of Mexico's democratic development. They focused on the justice demands of victims, but also involved plural groups, many hoping for wider change. Human rights discourse featured in each movement, but they were not human rights movements, raising important questions about how human rights discourse is understood, made meaningful but also kept in check as part of sustaining contentious collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, information concerning attendance at cultural activities and arts participation has not been fully explored. Thus, this manuscript aims to explore the factors related to attendance at cultural and artistic activities during the shutdown period. With that purpose, we use the 2018, 2019 and 2020 MODECULT datasets (n = 1994, n = 1978, n = 1663, respectively) to perform a logistic regression analysis. Results suggest that, during the COVID-19 pandemic, being young, high education attainment, interest in cultural activities, and being familiar with cultural and artistic activities are positively associated with attendance at plays, music performances, dance performances, exhibitions and movies. Contrary, availability of information, perception of prices, perception of free time and cultural offering near home show negative relationships with those same categories. These findings have relevant implications on cultural policies, regarding the aspects that affect culture and arts participation in crisis times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexican cities began an urban expansion process fueled principally by public mortgage supply in the early 2000s. The new urban landscape, comprising mass-produced suburban housing developments for low-income families, deepened socioeconomic differences. For years, developers have claimed land prices are the reason for suburban expansion in Mexico, not policy-enabled construction economies. This study tests the hypothesis that cost reduction strategies through scale economies explain the suburban location and the homogeneous landscape built under the reformed mortgage system. Using data on housing production costs for Tijuana, the results show that building homes using technology developed during policy implementation yields scale economies and reduces building costs. Additionally, statistics on housing developers' location decisions illustrate how production economies have contributed to a landscape that increased segregation, exclusion, and housing vacancy in Mexican cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Mid-2000s Latin America witnessed serious policy discussions regarding the modes, delivery methods and goals of early childhood education and care (ECEC). Mexico implemented programs to provide access to ECEC to working mothers and young families. However, behind policy discourse lie very real security concerns for service users. This has been highlighted by incidents such as the 2009 death of 45 children at a daycare, an event which would severely undermine policy development. Using a governance framework, we argue that security concerns trumped other issues for users, including infrastructure and curriculum, and derailed the implementation of ECEC policies. We use an original database of 2005–2013 news reports on ECEC for two Mexican national newspapers to establish the narrative for that period. We argue that until governance and rule of law concerns are addressed, no amount of discourse and policy design will be able to succeed in this vital area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Aztec-Mexica people of Tenochtitlan were, by their own definition, a 'warlike' culture, their collective identity closely tied to military ideals and behaviours. The values of war were dramatized and re-enacted at every level of society, and their shared warrior identity was widely understood by both men and women. This was also a culture in which religion and the supernatural were so deeply embedded in belief and behaviour that it is almost impossible to distinguish religious practice from everyday activities. Attempts to 'rationalize' Mesoamerican approaches to warfare often stem from a laudable desire to demystify Indigenous cultures, to recognize their sophistication, and to refute accusations of superstition and savagery. But any attempt to disentangle religion from practice deprives Aztec structures of the very logic scholars seek to instil. For the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, religion was rational: it provided explanations, motivations, structures and identities. One did not go to war solely for religious reasons, but the process of reasoning, of decision making, occurred within a universe in which the physical and metaphysical were interwoven. For the Aztecs, warfare was a sacred act performed in the service of the gods. They framed themselves as warriors, not only in tangible terms, but historically, mythically and metaphorically. Warfare was inextricable from belief in Tenochtitlan, and only by seeing the Aztecs within their own frame of reference, giving value and meaning to their rituals and histories, can we understand the conjunction of religion and war in their embracing and active vision of the cosmos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico has one of the largest networks of trade and investment agreements in the world. However, the legal architecture in Mexico does not allow sub-federal governments (SGFs) to participate in free trade negotiations. While this explains the rather weak role of Mexican sub-federal units in trade politics, this case study shows that the states are not absent from trade. They utilize semi-formal and informal resources which account for variation in trade engagement. Permissive secondary legislation, cooperation agreements and projects, and intergovernmental bargaining are all institutional resources used by Mexican SFGs to engage in trade politics. These resources function under supportive conditions that facilitate trade, such as interest identification, institutional capacities, and learning processes. A variation of such conditions sets the basis for the use of certain resources. This article presents empirical evidence of SFGs differentiated engagement in the United States-Mexico-Canada agreement (USMCA) and the revamped Mexico-European Union trade agreement (MEX-EU). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research's main objective is to analyse Online Travel Reviews (OTRs) related to tourist attractions aiming at identifying recurring discussion topics/themes to infer whether travellers make reference to positive or negative experiences during their trips. This study focuses on the case of Guanajuato, a Mexican cultural destination. It is important to mention that similar analyses have not been carried out to study any Mexican destination so far. OTRs are analysed using two Natural Language Processing approaches: Mutual Information Ranking and Jaccard Coefficient. These are applied to quantify and extract the most representative themes and the main topics from each polarity within the OTRs. These techniques have been extensively studied in various areas, however, to the best of our knowledge, they have not been applied in digital tourism to detect essential issues during the travel experience. As a result, two recurrent negative themes/topics ('cleanliness', 'prices') were identified throughout this analysis. One surprising finding of this work relates to the lack of variation between national and international travellers' evaluations. The findings of this study contribute to confirming the role of OTRs within the contemporary tourist experience by identifying those places perceived negatively or positively directy from the visitors' perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]