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During the Age of Revolutions, the Habsburg monarchy initially opposed nationalist movements as revolutionary. While the monarchy later sought to co-opt loyal patriots, historical memory often imagines the Habsburg state as implacably opposed to both nationalism and nationalist movements. In practice, however, Habsburg officials and central European nationalisms overlapped and engaged with each other in surprising ways. Their interaction problematizes a sharp line between monarchism and nationalism. This essay speficially introduces a special issue of Central Europe, consisting of two papers presented at a 2022 conference on the Habsburg state apparatus. The two papers explored the tensions and interactions between Habsburg officials and patriot circles as they played out in international relations. Polish exiles sought to recruit Habsburg officials to the national cause, while Habsburg agents sought to recruit patriots to the spy network of the Habsburg political police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on historical issues in Europe. Popularity of Americanization in literatures about United States-European relations; Reasons for the migration of Europeans to other countries; Boundaries in the production of historical knowledge of the country.

Discusses the differences among European archives in the study of eighteenth-century international relations. Diplomatic historical research; Relationship between domestic developments and the debates about foreign policy; Private papers of diplomats involved in the conduct of policy.

In this paper, we investigated how policy rate modifications – the main instrument used by central banks to provide liquidity during the current health crisis – influenced the evolution of the exchange rate, which is a key element within macro-stabilization policies. We documented that foreign exchange markets in European countries responded asymmetrically to monetary policy interventions devoted to the encouragement of spending and the stimulation of the economy. However, this only occurred during extreme events, which is a side-effect of the monetary policy on the foreign exchange market. These results contribute to the assessment of the space for manoeuvres by monetary policymakers regarding key policy rate modifications as a response to pandemic shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The EU's normative promotion is a keystone in the arch of its Foreign and Security Policy, reflected in establishing a "ring of friends" in its neighbourhood. However, the EU's normative impact in these countries is often hindered by domestic constraints. Conversely, deeper socialisation through persuasion and "learning" may advance towards the promotion of EU norms better. By tracing the "learning" component of the EU's external perceptions in its Eastern (Ukraine) and Southern (Israel and Palestine) neighbourhoods, this paper elaborates upon the receptiveness of EU norms. Considering the specific attention that the ENP draws towards the support of civil society, this paper focuses on "learning" narratives of EU norms among civil society elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine as the key targets of EU assistance – with a particular focus on various conceptualisations of learning in the learning process. Notwithstanding perceptions of the EU as a normative power, we find that the learning processes remain too complex to be captured within a single theoretical framework. Whereas communicative rationality implies learning about each other's identities through rational arguing, our analysis demonstrates that identity performance is one of the most emotive and crucial factors in perceptions of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with re-imaginings of 'Europe' following the accession to the European Union (EU) of former 'Eastern European' countries. In particular it explores media representations of post-EU accession migration from Romania to the United Kingdom in the UK and Romanian newspaper press. Todorova's (1997) notion of Balkanism is deployed as a theoretical construct to facilitate the analysis of these representations as first, the continuation of long-standing and deeply embedded imaginings of the 'East' of Europe and, second, as a means of contesting these discourses. The paper explores the way in which the UK press construct Balkanist discourses about Romania and Romanian migrants, and then analyses how the Romanian press has contested such discourses. The paper argues that the idea of the 'East' remains important in constructing notions of 'Europe' within popular media geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the workshop regarding the relations between Europe and North Africa held at the University of Liverpool in London, England on May 22, 2006. According to the author, the first session of the workshop focused on four papers related tro the policy of the European Union (EU) towards the Mediterranean. Authors of papers discussed during the workshop include Brieg Powel of the University of Exeter and Alex Balch of the University of Liverpool.

The paper provides an introduction to the regulatory landscape affecting a particular category of medical technology, namely standalone software—sometimes referred to as ‘software as a medical device’. To aid the reader’s comprehension of an often complex area, six case studies are outlined and discussed before the paper continues to provide detail of how software with a medical purpose in its own right can potentially be classified as a medical device. The reader is provided an appreciation of how to go about classifying such software and references to support the developer new to the field in locating detailed regulatory support documents and contact points for advice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There has been an increasing number of studies in the international relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism, Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This paper critically examines the impact of the Europeanization process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-Europeanization in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanization on its Balkans policy continues. This paper shows, among others, that it is not the internalizaton, but the instrumentalization of ‘Europe’ that has been the driving force of Turkey's domestic and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Does the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU's AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic crisis signifies a turning point for Greek national self-image. The present paper explores the ideological function of interpretative repertoires in relation to the reproduction and contestation of national identity. We focus on two basic repertoires: a victimizing and a self-blaming one. Even though connotations of victimhood are not homogenous, its association with an external enemy is very popular. This paper demonstrates that discourses of victimization are not unambiguous and solidified; they interact with self-blaming discursive patterns, thus leading to hybrid perceptions of the national self-image that are adjusted to particular political actors’ strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Industrial districts and clusters of small- and medium-sized enterprises specializing in manufacture are an important feature of the Italian economy (Becattini, G. & Coltorti, F. (2006) Areas of large enterprise and industrial districts in the development of post-war Italy. A preliminary survey, European Planning Studies, 14(8), pp. 1105-1138). The textile district of Prato is an exemplary case of the industrial district model (Becattini, G. (2001) The Caterpillar and the Butterfly. An Exemplary Case of Development in the Italy of the Industrial Districts (Felice Le Monnier: Firenze)), contributing 25% of the Italian exports of woollen products. The paper analyses the recent transformations of Prato facing the winds of globalization and in particular the dual challenge of global pressure from outside the district (due to competition from new industrialising countries) and from inside it (due to an ethnic economy formed by Chinese immigrants). The paper concludes with some recommendations for the revitalization of local development, and sketches a possible course for the Prato district. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a possible direction for enabling trans-national cooperation in Europe through forms of spatial planning harmonisation. The specific case considered is that of the trans-national border area located in the wider Alpine-Adriatic context, comprising Carinthia (Austria), Friuli Venezia Giulia (Italy) and Slovenia. Starting from a general analysis of spatial planning systems and identification of operational difficulties which may emerge within any one Member State's planning system—and which then may be compounded in a trans-national context—the paper considers the establishment of a “shared knowledge base” as well as a “shared vision” between the Member States as preconditions to fostering trans-national cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of orientalism to propose a framework for understanding the relationship between international news media and individual representations of minority groups in Europe. Even though the case study focuses on Narva, Estonia, the model here provides a basis for comparing the identity formation practices, particularly of geographically separated Russian speaking minority groups in Europe. Narva's large Russian speaking population and geographical proximity to Russia have been pinpointed as security concerns due to the convenient source of information and mass media sponsored by the Russian Federation causing a misrepresentation of Russian speaking minority groups in international media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Moroccans living in Europe maintain transnational ties with their country of origin. Maintaining such transnational relationships also has a legal dimension, especially in the field of family law. The ongoing significance of Moroccan family law for Moroccan migrants in the Netherlands and their children has fuelled a variety of projects from women's NGOs, migrant organisations, as well as Dutch social work organisations. In addition to providing transnational legal aid, there have been many initiatives to educate women and, more recently, men, about their rights in Dutch and Moroccan family law and Dutch migration law. While these projects have been taking place since the 1980s, they gained new momentum after Morocco substantially reformed its family law in 2004, a reform explicitly framed to improve the legal position of women in the family. Taking a closer look at initiatives and activities in the field of transnational Moroccan family law, this paper will focus on two major issues: the introduction of the new Moroccan family code in 2004 and the issue of women left-behind in Morocco by their Moroccan-Dutch husbands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widely advocated as a means to make policy making more integrated, policy assessment remains weakly integrated in practice. But explanations for this shortfall, such as lack of staff training and resources, ignore more fundamental institutional factors. This paper identifies institutional capacities supporting and constraining attempts to make policy assessment more integrated. A comparative empirical analysis of functionally equivalent assessment systems in four European jurisdictions finds that there are wide-ranging institutional constraints upon integration. These include international policy commitments, the perception that assessment should support rather than determine policy, organisational traditions, and the sectorisation of policy making. This paper concludes by exploring the potential for altering these institutions to make policy assessment more integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the 'regional dimension' of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the Black Sea area. Specifically, it analyses the emerging forms of regional cooperation and their interrelation with ENP. It has been demonstrated that the different regional cooperation initiatives, of varying quality and importance for the countries of the area, have been experiencing substantial change due to the dual challenge of dealing with their immediate environment and European integration. Alongside established regional organizations, like the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), new types of regional cooperation, such as the Black Sea Synergy (BSS), have also been growing in importance, not least because of the dominant role of the European Union (EU) and its wish to make a success of the ENP. Finally, the paper makes concrete proposals regarding the possibility of transforming and upgrading both the existing regional cooperation bodies and ENP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since McCallum's (1995) finding of surprisingly high border effects on trade between the US and Canada, there have been a number of studies on other parts of the world, and improvements made to the gravity model to measure this effect accurately. This paper suggests some other modifications to the model, and applies it to a region of the world that presents a distinctly interesting case. Changes in border effects of formerly socialist countries in Central and East Europe, and countries in the former Soviet Union are analyzed during 1976-2002 at country and sectoral levels, and also with respect to blocs of countries. A discussion on cross-country variations in border effects follows the computations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that increased European integration has encouraged new forms of governing within the member states. This paper focuses on the process of Europeanization by comparing the implementation of the cross-border co-operation programme INTERREG in three separate cases. This article questions the capacity of the European Commission to encourage regional and sub-regional actors to co-operate and form multi-level networks that increase territorial development through state borders. This paper argues that the local adaptation of Commission incentives depends both on the degree to which border actors are satisfied with national policies and on actors' capacity to consolidate pro-European institutional arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The open method of co-ordination (OMC) has received much attention in the recent EU literature. The predominant view claims that the OMC is not only a new but also an effective policy-making instrument. This paper raises doubts about both claims by offering a comparison of soft law policy co-ordination in three international organizations. More specifically, this paper compares the European Employment Strategy to the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines of the EU, the OECD Economic Surveys, and the IMF Article IV Consultations. Based on expert interviews, it seeks to demonstrate that these procedures are forms of multilateral surveillance that do not differ in kind. Such a comparative analysis of the OMC refutes claims to its novelty. Having compared the four procedures, a more general model of multilateral surveillance consisting of six elements is generated that facilitates further comparisons. This paper concludes that governments select voluntarist procedures mainly to secure their own competencies rather than to realize common goals. Effective problem-solving is therefore not necessarily the dominant objective of soft law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of Eurasian regionalism mostly focuses on the Eurasian core, for example, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, which have been pursuing a more exclusive and closer form of integration – Customs Union/Eurasian Economic Union. Other countries of the post-Soviet space are often described as post-Soviet ‘escapists’ or ‘isolationists’ and mostly discounted in the analyses of the Eurasian regionalism. The paper looks at six post-Soviet states, who opted out from the Eurasian Economic Union, and analyse their interaction with the EEU. The paper argues that despite tensions in relations with Russia, most of these countries are reluctant to entirely disrupt their economic relations with the post-Soviet Eurasia. The paper argues that six countries of the post-Soviet Eurasian periphery effectively pursue policies of a looser form association with the Eurasian core. This finding allows to argue that Eurasian regionalism, similarly to its European model, consists of the core and outer circle. The outer circle is featured by overlapping regional arrangements and growing presence of external powers and growing number of transit and trade flows linking this Eurasian periphery with the West and Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The EU is clearly in the process of developing an external dimension to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). This paper focuses on ex. Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters (PJCCM) provisions. These developments pose specific legal basis issues for the EU, given its complex EU–member state legal relationship, and the inter-institutional balance, all reflected in the treaty framework post-Lisbon. New Court of Justice rulings are now emerging which will assist in this issue. Equally the approach to be taken in developing these relationships will be crucial. This paper proposes the adoption of an Onuf style constructivism in order to best capture the reality of the process that is developing, and has developed for the ex. PJCCM measures internally. This then needs to be allied with a constitutionalism model to ensure a balanced development of all three aspects of the AFSJ. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As international relations actors in the post-Second World War world, international organisations have played a significant role in the standardisation of global policy concepts during the 20th century, and humanitarian assistance has been no exception. While the study of the role of international organisations in shaping a dominant model of humanitarian aid has recently gathered pace, few historians have focused on different, less successful models and interpretations developed by other international organisations. Recently declassified Commonwealth Secretariat records show that discussions within the Secretariat and among member states regarding the potential objectives and scope of Commonwealth humanitarian assistance programmes took place as early as the 1960s, and continued throughout the following decades. This article provides an overview of the origin and evolution of the Commonwealth’s approach to humanitarian assistance since the 1960s. Its objective is to document this hitherto little known aspect of Commonwealth assistance policies, and, based on an initial literature and archival survey, to contribute to the identification of further research questions and gaps in this aspect of Commonwealth history. Although they are very different in nature and scope, the Commonwealth and the European Union share at least one common feature in so far as humanitarian assistance is concerned, namely their difficulty in reaching a consensual definition of it. By exploring the links and discrepancies between, as well as within, each organisation’s approach to humanitarian assistance, and by examining the initiatives of some of their member states, this paper seeks to highlight the plasticity of the definition of humanitarian assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From the Eurocrisis to the migration crisis, and from Brexit to a strengthening far right, the European Union (EU) faces multiple stressors. But while crises unleash anxiety, they do not necessarily portend the worst: because they disrupt old routines, crises can open space for new political possibilities. As a self-consciously hybrid, ‘post-national’ political form, the EU would seem poised to take advantage. Instead it is stuck. In this paper, taking an ontological security approach and focusing on EU migration governance, I propose that one cause of paralysis could lie - ironically - in an aspect of the EU that is crucial to its normative power: Europe’s long peace. An ontological security perspective highlights the management of existential anxiety as crucial to identity, suggesting how different modes of anxiety management have different political effects. Applied here, EU narratives and routines preserving ‘no war’ might suppress relations of structural power; they might mimic primitive defense mechanisms; or they might be symptoms pointing to unconscious processes keeping difficult knowledge - including colonial pasts - undealt with. I suggest how migration governance might manifest these mechanisms, contributing to the difficulties of desecuritising migration and linking its governance to EU values and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on interviews and a series of fieldwork visits to Albania, Greece, Bosnia, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey, this paper provides a synopsis of the main Muslim communities in Southeast Europe, their ethno-linguistic differentiation and their community organisations. It argues that in the last decade, an often-exaggerated concern with Islamist terrorism in the region has obfuscated the much more important processes of de-Islamization and emigration within the context of ambivalent or unsympathetic nation-states. As this paper shows, Muslim communities in the Balkans are characterised by the tension between both fragmentation and stagnation on the one side and stabilisation on the other: Fragmentation in linguistic, ethnic and religious terms as well as demographic and cultural stagnation particularly in Bulgaria and Greece, countered by processes of stabilisation through the re-emergence of established Muslim administrations and communities, particularly in the Western Balkans. This stabilisation is partly supported by Turkish state and religious institutions, which have replaced the conservative missionaries from the Gulf and Saudi Arabia. This 'Turkish turn', the paper argues, is likely to have a considerable impact on the future of Islam and Muslims in the Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that although human rights law is applicable in situations of armed conflict, international humanitarian law is lex specialis. However, this may not necessarily be the case with regard to internal armed conflicts, and legal authorities provide contradictory views as to what extent human rights principles are applicable in internal armed conflicts. This article explores the relationship between human rights law and international humanitarian law and considers the jurisprudential approach of the European Court of Human Rights in relation to right to life cases arising out of the internal armed conflicts in Turkey and Chechnya. The paper argues that such case law provides evidence that Strasbourg considers the principles of human rights law as lex specialis in right to life cases arising out of internal armed conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to define the meaning of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of the European framework and examine three different European countries. The main elements which encompass the meaning of CSR focus on activities with social and environmental sensitiveness, on a voluntary basis. The paper analyses the dimensions of CSR and presents its benefits. Furthermore, the paper provides a brief description of the recent CSR activities in the European Union, and attempts a comparative analysis of CSR activities and their respective impacts on three European countries: Greece; Denmark; and Hungary. Finally, the paper concludes that the effective implementation of CSR strategy cannot follow strict rules and should be adjusted to the culture, needs and particularities of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the European Union's attempts to externalize JHA policies and turn neighbouring countries into partners contributing to its internal security are hampered by numerous factors, including its obvious ambivalence towards these countries. The limitations of pursuing internal security objectives through a 'soft' partnership approach are particularly visible in the South Caucasus. The paper examines the EU's policies in Georgia and finds that they lack strategic vision and coherence. EU activity in Georgia illustrates three major challenges to the export of JHA policies in the neighbourhood: (1) the form of relations between the EU and its supposed partners ('modes of governance'); (2) the EU's policies vs. local expectations; and (3) the contradictions in the EU's objectives (democracy vs. efficiency). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that imperialism continues to exist today. It focuses on the ideational dimension of such power constellation and highlights the role of 'educational diplomacy'. Specifically, it examines norm-settings within international educational politics as a way of identifying shifts within what might be called benevolent imperialism. At the centre of its analysis is the global dimension of the project aimed at establishing a European Area of Higher Education, also called the Bologna process. The paper examines three aspects of the process in more detail: (1) its main legal framework, (2) the European Register of Quality Assurance Agencies, and (3) the setting in which the European ministers have embedded the new international strategy of the Bologna process on the occasion of the follow-up conference in London 2007. The question it addresses is: to what extent is the Bologna process merely a form of Americanisation, or is there a set of European norms emerging that are accepted in other regions, suggesting that the EU is a new, emerging, imperialising power? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US-Japan and US-EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US-Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the relationships between public policy and the development of industrial clusters. A conceptual model of the relationship between public policies and the development of industrial clusters is developed and tested using data from 43 European industrial clusters. The results indicate that most government policies have no significant impact on the growth of industrial clusters or for the development of co-operation within industrial clusters. There is limited evidence that packages of government policies that are specifically geared towards improving the local asset base are effective in overcoming obstacles to growth of industrial clusters. However, when age is used as a control variable the weak relationship between policy packages and growth of industrial clusters disappear. The results indicate that individual and packages of public policies are not strongly connected to either high levels of co-operation, or high growth in industrial clusters. Moreover, no clear evidence was found that high levels of co-operation were associated with growth in industrial districts. In the light of the failure to find clear-cut associations between public policies and the development of industrial clusters the paper outlines a research agenda to help to increase our understanding of these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of European unity, understandings of the terms ‘Europe’ and ‘European’ have become even more complicated than they were before. A contested concept within its borders, how is ‘Europe’ understood and seen from the outside? This paper deals with the under-researched issue of public perceptions of the European Union (EU) outside its borders, and the role of the international media in shaping such perceptions. The study addresses a (con)textual perspective in image creation, treating international news media discourse both as a product and as a process. The domestic contextualisation of images of the EU in Asia-Pacific news texts is scrutinised in order to assess features of the content of the EU news texts as well as regional newsmakers' attitudes and behaviours when representing the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses different conceptualisations of the term globalisation of research. From this discussion five dimensions of globalisation of research are identified. Using three different type of data, the paper goes on to examine the extent, motivations and mechanism for the globalisation of research along these five dimensions among leading European and US pharmaceutical multinational companies (MNCs). The evidence for the period 1975–1998 shows that the general process of international expansion of research activities varied significantly between leading US and European MNCs. It is also clear that the development of the process of globalisation has proceeded unevenly along the five dimensions studied. The data also show the increasing concentration of both US and European research investment in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) marks an important political moment when European integration has been extended to the issue of defence. Understandably, there has been extensive commentary on the ESDP, most of which has focused on the ESDP's institutional, industrial or military deficiencies. These commentaries have been illuminating but by concentrating on the manifest weaknesses of the ESDP, scholars have perhaps neglected to discuss explicitly how a coherent ESDP could develop. Drawing on recent work by Ben Tonra, this paper discusses the social conditions which are likely to be necessary if the ESDP is to develop into a robust policy. Above all else, a coherent ESDP depends upon the development of a binding sense of mutual obligation between France, Germany and Britain. These nations need to commit themselves to collective defence goals. The paper goes on to argue that for this collective commitment to be developed between these nations, the ESDP requires missions. Only through missions, in which these nations together experience a shared threat, will enduring collective interests and the political will to address them be developed. The future of the ESDP will thus be finally determined by the actions which are carried out in its name. In the end, this may mean that a European defence identity develops not through an independent ESDP but through NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers three challenges to the mature European welfare states posed by economic and social integration, demographic changes, and the alleged decline of state capacity in the form of fiscal extraction in an era of globalization. I argue that the experiences of the older member states in the European Union are difficult to reconcile with the common assertions that globalization necessarily leads to a “race to the bottom” where welfare spending is downsized to the lowest common denominator. I develop a set of hypotheses on plausible linkages between demographic challenges, globalization, political capacity, and welfare spending, and test the propositions in an empirical analysis of 14 European Union member states from 1983 to 1998. My empirical results suggest that economic integration does not pose a threat to European welfare states. Rather, demographic changes such as low fertility rates and the aging of the population and their political implications for political leaders’ incentives are more serious challenges for the continuation of the welfare state in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the constitutional aspects of the ‘Future of Europe’ reform process in the light of interactions between German and ‘European’ federalism. Many aspects of the traditions of German federalism and German post-war constitutionalism have been influential, if not to say formative, for the evolution of the EU. These aspects are set out as a frame for the paper, before more detailed analysis of the constitutional process and a particular focus on the division of competences. The constitutional outcome reveals clear German ‘fingerprints’, though that finding needs to be balanced by a recognition of the constitutional debate as multi-perspectival, involving all member states both separately and collectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a rather unambitious working document,[4.5pc] theEuropean Commission (2002)has presented its analysis of globalization and views on how Europe should respond to its challenges. Provoked by the blandness of this disappointing report, this paper examines whether the EU has other options than pursuing its current policies, which stay within the framework of neoliberal globalization and are roughly equivalent to the ones followed and propagated by the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central argument of this paper pivots around the idea that the structure and functioning of the states and political systems of South Eastern Europe are strongly determined by a long lasting particular feature of the economies and societies of the region: their dualism. This feature has its origins in the modernization process, has evolved in parallel with it and has shaped in a distinctive way both the structure and the dynamics of the polities and states of these countries. The dualism of their economies is thus a key explanatory factor in any attempt to understand the dynamics of the region. Moreover, dualism has always played a crucial role in the process of international integration of South Eastern Europe in the European and global system and it is very likely that it will continue to play a major role in the future. Accordingly the approach articulated is not laying the emphasis on ethnicity, nationalism or religion as the mainstream approaches to the states and problems of the South East European region usually do, but on the regional political economies and on what this paper considers to be their key structural problem. It is indeed difficult to imagine and analyse the Balkan problems making abstraction of the powerful ethnic and religious forces that shaped the destiny of the region but it is important to approach these problems from different and complementary angles. The present analysis implies a simplification indeed, but it is an instrumental and pragmatic one that helps us to discern and disentangle some patterns or configurations of factors relevant for a better understanding of the internal evolutions and of the international integration prospects of South Eastern Europe. The main objective of the paper is to use a specific way of conceptualizing the political economy dynamics of the region in order to illuminate from a structural and historic perspective a crucial problem currently faced by the Balkan states in their attempt to settle on the path of self-sustained growth and European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France is one of the most prominent European military powers and a strong proponent of an independent European military capability. Yet, France’s actions since 2009 suggest that it may be prioritizing the transatlantic relationship over the development of the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy. Does this signal a fundamental Atlanticist shift in the way that France envisions its future defence and security, or does it simply signal a temporary re-evaluation of French Europeanist security ambitions? Our analysis attempts to answer whether there is presently an Atlanticist shift evident in French foreign policy, and whether any such shift is rooted in a desire to preserve French influence through international institutions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This paper combines elite interviews with content analysis of French media comparing the current time with the mid-1990s to determine whether there is a shift in how defence and security issues are discussed and, if so, whether that signals a fundamental change. We find that, while there is a shift, it does not necessarily indicate a more Atlanticist posture, but suggests rather a pragmatic move to further French security goals through the most effective institutional mechanisms available. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When states over- and under-react to perceived transboundary threats, their mistakes can have equally harmful consequences for the citizens they mean to protect. Yet, studies of intelligence and conventional foreign policy tend to concentrate on cases of under-reaction to threats from states, and few studies set out criteria for identifying cases of under- and over-reaction to other kinds of threats or investigate common causes. The paper develops a typology of over- and under-reaction in foreign policy revolving around threats assessment, response proportionality and timeliness. Drawing on pilot case studies, the contribution identifies combinations of factors and conditions that make both over- or under-reaction more likely. It is hypothesized that three factors play significant causal roles across the cases: (1) institutions have learned the wrong lessons from previous related incidents; (2) decision-making is organized within institutional silos focused on only one kind of threat; and (3) actors have strong pre-existing preferences for a particular outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite its elusiveness and undefined boundaries, policy-makers and pundits have strived to pin down what ‘Europe’ as a territorial project actually represents and where it might (and should) be going. Two of the most intriguing arguments refer to Europe as either a ‘super-state in the making’ or a ‘neo-medieval empire.’ These models are typically presented as either mutually exclusive or in tension with one another. In this paper, I argue that the European territorial project's current trajectory is actually characterized by a mix of the two models. Such hybrid form of governance can be defined as ‘neoterritorial’ since it is based on the modern principle according to which freedom can only flourish in a clearly demarcated political space. Yet, this enclosed political space does not necessarily require the modern nation state's entire legal and institutional paraphernalia, but can instead be based on a ‘pooling’ of sovereignty and a flexible institutional framework and be spread out over a larger and more heterogeneous area than the traditional nation state. This hybrid model is epitomized by the Schengen regime, the institutional arrangement governing the management of Europe's borders. Despite its ongoing internal tensions and the challenges it has faced over the years, this model has become—and it is likely to remain in the foreseeable future—an established presence in Europe's political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on European trade unionism has discussed whether the tendency towards ‘union diplomacy’ has meant that that unions are largely disinterested in mobilizing members and pursue contentious action at the European level. Other studies have identified activities that suggest an Europeanization of political mobilization, in demonstrations and strikes and in cooperation with NGOs and social movements. The present paper analyzes attitudes towards transnational action among trade unions in Europe, as well as the degree to which national unions actually partake in more and less contentious action. The study, which is based on a survey to trade unions in Europe carried out in 2010–11 (n 250), focuses particularly on the production of joint statements and petitions, demonstrations and boycotts, and strikes. The aim was to identify the similarities and differences between industrial relations regimes and sectors in Europe and the analyses have revealed that there are in fact significant differences. Trade unions in the continental social partnership regime and the southern polarized/state centered regime tend to approve of and partake in European demonstrations and boycotts to a higher degree than unions in the other regimes, while the Nordic unions in the organized corporatist regime tend to be more skeptical and also participate to a lower degree. In addition, unions in services and organizing professionals tend to partake and approve of such action to a lower degree than unions in other sectors and national peak level unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The population aging challenges facing the European Union countries have been articulated in two ways: the financial sustainability of public welfare systems and the adequacy of retirement incomes and social services. The ideas underlying social sustainability, though less clearly defined, encompass not just both of these challenges but also address the need to ensure intergenerational solidarity, formally or informally, in countries experiencing aging populations. This paper identifies policy challenges put forward by the United Nations and by the European Union regarding that need while also reporting on the opinions of European citizens on various aspects of intergenerational solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to assess the sustainability of neutrality in the early Cold War. This issue is examined through the study of Switzerland's armament policy. The Swiss were able to maintain their status of a permanent neutral after the Second World War, and thus succeeded in upholding a centuries-long policy. Their armed neutrality, however, required modern weaponry. In search of this material Switzerland turned to the West, while refusing to purchase weapons from the East. The paper argues that Switzerland's self-imposed policy of armed neutrality increased Swiss dependence on western armaments, and thereby endangered its neutrality status and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines a clash between modern and post-modern security systems, which may generate cooperative security dilemmas. Cooperative security dilemmas are not state-centric concepts as traditional security dilemmas but apply to international systems. The variations of cooperative security dilemmas are tested in the context of Baltic Sea regional security complex, particularly the integration dilemma in the Nordic countries and the identity dilemma with Russia. The security and defense postures of some regional actors tend to follow modern security understandings that may produce cooperative security dilemmas in the post-modern security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What would a non-Eurocentric European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) look like? Starting off with this perhaps 'impossible' question, the first half of the article traces recent shifts in thinking about ENP on the part of EU administrators and intellectuals who argue for a strengthened and reinvigorated neighbourhood policy around the Southern Mediterranean, Middle East and CIS countries, through what has now been termed a differentiated 'ENP plus'. Parsing recent EU reports, opinions and speeches, it isolates a crucial ambiguity within this re-framed policy landscape regarding ENP's relationship to the previous round of EU expansion, which has important political consequences for how ENP currently envisions the thorny problem of transition within the neighbourhood. The second half of the article draws on a parable by the Argentinean novelist-philosopher Jorge Luis Borges to frame more sharply the problem of cartographic representation embedded within ENP. Applying the neologism of a 'Borgesian frontier' to the space of the European Neighbourhood, the paper concludes by suggesting some potential pathways for re-imagining this space in ways that work along with, rather than are 'blind' to, contradictions inherent to Europe's newly minted external borderland. At stake, the article argues, is a politics that can properly re-envision regions of the world located at the limits of Europe's sovereign spatial imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between pay inequality and unemployment rates for 187 European Regions from 1984-2003. We measure inequality within the regions between 16 industrial sectors in each region - and also between the regions: thus, the inequality measures are nested. Our model of unemployment employs a panel structure that permits us to separate regional, national and continental influences on European unemployment. This allows us to test whether a tradeoff exists between cohesion and competitiveness. We find no evidence of this tradeoff; instead, lower pay inequality is generally associated with a lower regional unemployment rate. We find strong country effects lowering unemployment (relative to the model) in relatively smaller countries such as Ireland, Austria, Portugal and the Netherlands; on the other hand unemployment is high, relative to the model, in Spain and Poland. Time effects reveal the effects of European macro-environment on regional unemployment. We find an employment penalty associated with the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and its implementation of around four percentage points, lasting until 1998, when a general reduction in unemployment appears to coincide with the arrival of the euro. Unfortunately, the pattern is again reversed in 2000, coinciding with the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty. The analysis has grave implications for the consequences of the crisis of 2008 and after, although data on this period will not become available for some time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International governmental organisations (IGOs) thoroughly scrutinise their member states' domestic human rights policies. More often than not, though, the organisations' decision-making bodies are unwilling to act on the information that their monitoring bodies generate. This paper discusses three options that might enhance intergovernmental human rights protection: the strengthening of institutions, the creation of new institutions, and the intensification of cooperation with other organisations. However, there are formidable obstacles to a proper implementation of any of those options. Therefore, human rights protection by IGOs will remain suboptimal. The Council of Europe - Europe's human rights watchdog - serves as a case in point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005 the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders (Frontex) was founded. Contrary to the widely used principal-agent approaches, it is more promising to analyse Frontex through the lens of experimentalist governance. This paper has two lines of argument. First, it argues that Frontex may only succeed if Frontex has a sufficient degree of organisational independence and enjoys appropriate and steady support by all member states. This is especially virulent when many member states fail to provide significant contributions in terms of material and human resources as well as time, leading to a suboptimal reduction of duration, scope and operational impact of Frontex's missions. The second argument is concerned with the accountability of Frontex. Contrary to the experimental approach, this article takes a sceptical stance, arguing that important (supra-)national actors are sidelined and relevant legal rules are ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]