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The rationale behind this paper is to stimulate reflection, open a debate and provide its readers with some much overlooked perspectives, perceptions and approaches from China, India and the Tibetan émigrés in India as regards the Tibet issue. These are formulated on the basis of author's interviews and enquiries with the representatives of the Dalai Lama's Tibetan Government in Exile, the leaders of Tibetan Youth Congress, the representatives of Students for a Free Tibet, as well as the Tibetan émigré in India and ordinary Indians. Besides, the paper also throws light on major differences and contradiction between India and China over Tibet issue; the future course of the Tibetan movement; and explores the possibilities of establishing a mechanism between India and China on Tibet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years what has been witnessed is that Indians have been encouraged to study contemporary China not only due to the cultural richness of that civilization, but also because of China's already significant influence on world events. In fact, with the incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1950 and the Government of India's oft-repeated official acknowledgement of Tibet as an autonomous region of China, the PRC ceased to be a ‘distant neighbour’ and became as proximate to India as the states of the Indian subcontinent itself. Obviously, for Indian scholars whose prime focus is South Asia, there is an imperative to study China as well. Tibet, which has been one of the key areas of China studies, needs to be researched comprehensively so as to gauge the extent of its influence on China studies in India in general and India-China relations in particular. It is in this context that this paper seeks to examine how academics, journalists, policy makers, politicians and China studies experts in India have viewed Tibet so far as its influence on India-China relations in the broader context is concerned. It also highlights the viewpoints of Chinese scholars on such issue, besides examining whether Tibet would continue to be an important factor impacting China Studies in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates to what extent the improving Sino-Indian relations coincide with a mitigation of military threat perceptions. A critical review of the demilitarisation of the border, the military strategies with respect to the Indian Ocean and nuclear arms programmes, reveals that the two countries are still locked in a military security dilemma. Distrust still results in military balancing. The outcome is a complex and multi-level military balance of power that might not bring about peace but enhances stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that India and Australia have a significant role to play amidst China's expanding maritime footprint in the Indian Ocean and growing influence in the South China Sea. With worsening relations between India and China as well as Australia and China, both New Delhi and Canberra have been deepening their connections, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic. The article explores China as a key point of interest in India–Australia maritime cooperation and concludes that India–Australia ties have opened up the possibilities for expanding the arc of India's strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, infrastructure development initiatives across borders, both in South and Southeast Asia, have emerged as a major tool of economic diplomacy, practiced both by China and India. Indeed, it was China's successful experience of linking with the neighbourhood that motivated India to try to extend influence as well as trade beyond its borders. India's success at developing cross-border connectivity is still quite modest compared to China's achievements, but in the long term, India's connectivity drive in its immediate and extended neighbourhood should contribute significantly to supporting its economic growth and providing a counterbalance to Chinese influence in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debate concerning China's emergence as a revisionist power has taken a more direct shape under the Donald Trump administration in the United States. Such a debate is not as prevalent in India even though New Delhi began perceiving Beijing's assertive rise long-ago with caution. India's deductions of China as a revisionist power are drawn on its national security calculus and the anticipatory challenges it faces from China in the land and maritime domain that threatens the status-quo of the region. In other words, India's perception of China in Indo-Pacific is much more constructive, drawn on a dualist outlook of power-partner contention, that comes both as a challenge as well as opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An essay is presented on the international relation among India and China. It states that China's strategic relationship with Pakistan, the extensive infrastructure development in Tibet, and an increased footprint in the Indian Ocean and the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) are some of the irritants that are not conducive to goodrelations between the two countries.

Since the end of the Cold War, India's strategic horizons have moved beyond its traditional preoccupations in South Asia. India is developing a strategic role in East Asia in particular. At the same time India's strategic thinking has undergone a revolution, as the country that prided itself on non-alignment has moved closer to the West. But India's culture, history and geography still fundamentally shape its worldview. In engaging with East Asia, India is guided by a mosaic of strategic objectives about extending its sphere of influence, developing a multipolar regional system and balancing against China. The interplay of these objectives will frame India's role in East Asia in coming years. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A complex India--China relationship today reflects efforts by both governments for over twenty years to improve relations frozen since 1962. The boundary question has not yet been resolved, however, and China's recent assertiveness along its periphery combined with accelerating military capabilities causes anxiety in India. China worries about India's new partnerships with the United States and Japan. Meanwhile, the economies of both grow rapidly with increasing exchanges of goods and services. The two governments have learned to manage differences. The future relationship between these two Asian giants will be bright if they can cooperate in their shared neighbourhoods, but dark if mistrust and rivalry dominate perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on declassified Chinese records of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's conversations with Mao Zedong and Zhou En-lai when he visited Beijing in 1954, this essay examines the conceptual underpinnings of Sino-Indian co-operation. The Cold War fostered co-operation between two countries that might have been expected to become rivals. In exploring the nature and limitations of the relationship, the essay shows how these leaders failed to understand that Asian countries might be as averse to Chinese or Indian hegemony as they were to Western imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An article is presented that reports on foreign economic relations between India and China and the countries' relationship in 2011. The article describes competition and partnerships between the nations, as well as their diplomacy related to issues of security, territory disputes, and trade. The article also discusses Indian views on China and their changing foreign relations. Information is provided on global changes, the United Nations (UN), and democracies, as well as on Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Chinese President Hu Jintao.

In recent years, China and India have come to be considered rising great powers by many analysts and scholars around the globe. Although the future course of relations between these two rising states could evolve along a number of paths, their shared history of troubled relations and current tensions suggest that their bilateral relations will be increasingly adversarial. In particular, both states are home to powerful nationalist movements with expansive worldviews. As India and China continue their rise to global imminence, these nationalist forces have the power to put the two states on a collision course. In this article, the author evaluates the history and contemporary power of nationalism in each nation today, analyzing in particular Indian nationalist attitudes toward China and Chinese nationalist perceptions of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and India are rising powers, keenly observed by the West and, increasingly, the rest of the world. Yet surprisingly for two states of such growing importance and with a rich and sometimes fractious history, their relationship seems to an outside eye largely reactive and, more broadly, adrift. China and India should be able to manage their parallel rise without generating shocks in their own continent. However, this will require careful management of bilateral irritants and potential regional crises. A more systematic dialogue process, going well beyond high-level visits, that acknowledges their differences instead of emphasising imagined similarities could lay the foundations for a better understanding of the domestic compulsions that drive each nation's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers various security predicaments affecting relations between India and China. These Sino-Indian security predicaments include their territorial dispute, their nuclear arms race, their encirclement and alignment scenarios, their trade and energy issues, and their future prospects. International relations (IR) theory is deployed around these varied security predicaments, with power and perception particularly evident in IR realism, geopolitics, constructivism, and security dilemma dynamics. Balance-of-power theory is complemented by balance-of-threat considerations. India's hedging strategy towards China and China's own strategy of transition point to each country looking to their own respective rise for the mid century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on contemporary geographies of trade between Lhasa, China and Kalimpong, India. The article examines the reopening of a trade route that has historically connected Lhasa with Kalimpong. The transnational mobility across border regions is examined and issues related to economic change in Tibet, India, and China are analyzed. A brief history of the trade route is provided. Anecdotes based on ethnographic fieldwork are provided. Also provided is an examination of how two groups, one for and one against the reopening of an additional trade route, both coincide with and fight against state-focused ideas about space.

The article states that China has publicly renewed its interest on the territorial claim over India's northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh. India is against any surrender of the area and that China's claim may affect the bilateral relations between the two countries, the author points out. One argument cited is that if Arunachal Pradesh is claimed to be the southern part of Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), India cannot accept Tibet to be within China.

Within the first half of this century the international political system will include two new rising powers—India and China. These two countries will effect great changes on the dynamics of the U.S. hegemonic framework; exactly how these changes will manifest themselves remains speculative. While Sino-American and Indo-American economic and political exchanges will be scrutinized, mulled over, and rehashed, the relationship between China and India demands equal attention. These two rising giants will flourish nearly simultaneously, an economic and geopolitical phenomenon unrivaled in recorded history. Policies between the two countries will be a direct reflection of their perceptions of each other. Academic literature and media coverage of India's perceptions of China is bountiful, but because of language and cultural barriers information on perceptions going the other direction—from China toward India—is limited at best. This article helps fill this gap in the academic literature. A fresh look at Chinese perceptions of India for the twenty-first century has been gleaned from a review of current literature and media and, more importantly, through primary research with contemporary scholars, bureaucrats, and journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]