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Since the 1970s, a continuous exchange of information about conservation between Europe and East Asia has greatly influenced approaches to the treatment of paper objects as well as the tools and materials used. This knowledge is often disseminated and absorbed in a purely practical manner, stripped out of its wider cultural context. However, what is considered 'appropriate' treatment is closely linked to how a particular culture has historically interacted with artworks and arguably the lack of broader cultural perspectives can lead to misguided assumptions in the evaluation of those practices. This article reflects on the differences between European and East Asian cultures of paper conservation. By taking into consideration the relevant cultural, philosophical and historical contexts, the article aims to explore how approaches to conservation, as well as to the profession itself, have developed in these two different parts of the world. It further encourages paper conservators to reflect on their own training and practices while offering an understanding of how these approaches can sometimes be mutually exclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-2000s, the Russian Far East (RFE) has seen a revival of agriculture accompanied by rapid agrarian transformation that has taken a unique form because of the area's proximity to China. However, the existing literature either does not recognize Chinese presence or only studies it in terms of capitalist relationships transplanted directly from China and isolated from local realities. This paper seeks to remedy this oversight by exploring the influence of the multifaceted Chinese presence on RFE agriculture. We use the concept of social topology to demonstrate how different forms of economic life have not evolved as "Russian" or "Chinese," but instead present a bundle of capitalist and non-capitalist relationships that are continuously changing and rewriting themselves. We also explain the observed effect of China's simultaneous presence and absence in RFE's agriculture: Chinese agricultural practices are tightly embedded in local social networks and are loosely tethered to local infrastructure, but the Chinese presence also manifests in perceptions and imaginaries that influence and determine the strategies of the Russian state, agroholdings, and Russian farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asian developmentalism is often depicted as a derivative ideology with its origins in the diffusion of Western thought to the region, first to Japan after the 1868 Meiji Restoration and then to the rest of the region in the twentieth century following the Japanese example. Recent scholarship has challenged that perspective by highlighting important endogenous roots of the developmentalist ideology of Meiji Japan. This paper shows that Chinese developmentalism also has deep local origins in China's own intellectual history that long predated the importation of Western (and Japanese) political economy to the country in the early twentieth century. It also demonstrates that locally-originated Chinese developmentalist ideology diffused beyond China's borders in ways that influenced the emergence of 'developmental mindsets' elsewhere in the East Asia region in the nineteenth century, including in Meiji Japan. Rather than being a laggard in the regional embrace of developmentalist ideology diffusing from the West, China was a key source and exporter of this ideology to the region. For these reasons, Chinese thinkers deserve a more prominent place in histories of the origins of East Asian developmentalism, and of developmentalist thought in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For forty years, the East Asian regional order has delivered widespread peace and prosperity. That order faces possible upending by an economically and militarily more powerful China and a decreasingly robust and engaged United States. While accepting the possibility that such structural shifts could upend the regional order, this paper contends that three powerful counterweights are working to counter disruptive conflicts and to foster peaceful change, namely strong and rising economic interdependence, expanding institutionalization, and active preservation efforts by number of other Asian states, particularly the region's middle powers. This article analyzes the contribution of these three forces to creating the existing order and to their roles in its continuation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contest between the U.S. and China for who gets to define the region has been developing since the early 1990s. During this time, various competing images of who comprises the region have been seen from the narrow and geographical conception including just the ASEAN states, to wider China-preferred images based on the ASEAN plus three grouping, towards broader perspective favoured by Japan including Australia and New Zealand reflected in proposals such as the Comprehensive East Asian Economic Partnership Agreement. How do these regional competitions affect the status of Taiwan? This paper makes the argument that the move towards more state-based regional entities and patterns of engagement (regionalisation), which so far have not (yet) adversely affected Taiwan economically, it has produced significant political challenges for Taiwan's ability to continue to be autonomous from the mainland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has long positioned itself as the ancient civilization of the Far East, which only makes geographical sense through the lens of the West. The literature on China resonates with this geographic illustration, about which, critical scholars have cautioned against the imperial hegemony of Eurocentric knowledge. In this paper, we attempt to answer the call for a Global East through the situated agency of the others in the geopolitics of knowledge circulation. The circulation of knowledge foregrounds transnational flows in a multifaceted and multidirectional process, and mimicry calls for attention to political/soft subversions beneath the camouflaged behavior of coping. By investigating scholarship on the particular topic of shanzhai, we probe into two layers of knowledge production: how the variegated scholarly citation behaviors reflect the situated agency that bears the effects of asymmetric power relations formed through multiple flows of people, idea and capital, but nonetheless demonstrates an endeavor of autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how East Asian states have regulated membership and migration through meso-level institutions. Specifically, we examine how states have used the household registration system (China's hukou system, South Korea's hoju/hojeok system, and Japan's koseki system) in the process of nation-state building in the early post-World War Two period, as a security measure to control movement throughout the Cold War, and as a tool to build or sever trans-border kinship ties in the contemporary era. Drawing on the literature on multi-level citizenship, the article contributes to the growing scholarship that unpacks the civic-ethnic divide in comparative citizenship studies by examining how meso-level institutions shape national-level membership in countries that are commonly characterized as having 'ethnic' citizenship regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sectoral price gaps that were observed in 1990 between Japan and China are studied in this paper by using a decomposition procedure within the input-output framework. The empirical results show that Japan exhibited producer prices that were higher than those observed in China mainly because it registered higher wages that were only partially offset by higher productivity. The effects on output cost gaps of primaryinput price differences and relative productivity levels are analysed. The effects arising from the use of direct inputs as well as the indirect effects that are incorporated into the difference of intermediate-input prices are accounted for by means of an input-output decomposition technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's behaviour in East Asian financial cooperation has overall changed from passively responding to external pressures to taking proactive initiatives, which are highlighted by Chinese elites as evidence of a sense of responsibility. China has taken varied positions towards proposals for Asian financial regionalism, from 'silent' objection, to lukewarm or superficial support, to enthusiastic participation and substantial contribution, and this variance has not always taken place in a chronological order. Despite much speculation over the trajectory of China's role in East Asian regionalism, there has not been a study focused on China's policymaking towards East Asian financial cooperation. Therefore, this paper fills the gap by analysing the factors and policymaking processes that have led to those varied positions. It argues that China, recognising the momentum in the region to enhance cooperation, has replaced the blunt dismissals of proposals, particularly those from Japan, with a more subtle approach that is aimed at ensuring China's influence and promoting the image of a responsible great power; that the extent to which it can contribute to this process is mainly constrained by its economic conditions, particularly the financial institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to determine the relative position (distances) of East Asian countries (including South East Asia) within their own geographical area and in relation to the rest of the world. For this purpose, Balassa's (1965) 'revealed comparative advantage' (RCA) in exports will be used to assess trade performance and economic growth. We use multidimensional scaling to ascertain our contentions. First, East Asian countries are forming a 'flying geese' formation whose leader is Japan followed by Korea and Taiwan and further behind China and the ASEAN countries. Second, this flying geese flock in terms of RCA ranks is paralleled with a similar flying geese formation in terms of economic development. Furthermore the mapping of 100 countries (and a close-up of 45 countries) tell us as to how all relevant countries are positioned in terms of 14 industrial sectors (here we also used factor analysis to classify these sectors). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effect of Confucianism, an influential cultural belief and ethical philosophy in East Asia, on business strategy. Employing a large-scale archival dataset of Chinese public firms covering 2007 to 2020, we provide evidence that Confucianism is positively associated with analytical-oriented strategies. Our empirical findings remain intact after accounting for alternative Confucianism measures, controlling formal institutions and religions, instrumental variable methods, and other approaches to addressing endogeneity and robustness issues. Cross-sectional analyses further reveal that the documented effect is more evident for non-state-owned firms, firms with executives lacking overseas experience, and those operating in higher economic policy uncertainty. Overall, our study sheds light on how traditional culture, an important dimension of informal institutions, shapes corporate strategic decisions in emerging markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper posits four ranked, generic goals of state foreign policy, maps them against the American ‘pivot,’ and concludes with possible handicaps of that shift. Drawn broadly from realism and liberalism, those abstract goals are as follows: national security, economic growth, prestige among the community of states, and the promotion of cherished national values. Applying this framework specifically to Northeast Asia, the USA, regarding security, is likely to increasingly ‘hedge’ China, and its North Korean client, with regional allies, off-shore balancing, and a shift toward AirSea Battle. On trade, the USA will continue its decades-long effort to reduce Asian mercantilism by tying Asian traders into multilateral, neoliberal rule sets. Regarding prestige, the ‘Beijing Consensus’ is a growing challenge to US soft power which the pivot seeks to refute. In addition, on values, the USA will continue to nag especially China to conform to US standards of law and human rights. The USA will continue to push the broad liberalization of Asian polities and economies. The democratic peace and liberal trade are the ideological frame and motivation of the pivot. Nevertheless, significant US handicaps may slow the pivot: American cultural distance from Asia means little public support and understanding of its necessity; strong regional allies will tempt the USA toward offshore balancing on the cheap; and the dire US budget shortfall will reduce the resources necessary to fund it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Soaring prices for minerals and energy are posing a major threat to the resource security of economies in Asia. As a result, many regional governments have launched new resource security strategies in the last few years. Most recent attention to resource security in Asia has focused on debating whether the Chinese government’s resource policies are mercantilist or liberal. This China-focused debate is too narrow to fully capture the nature of resource politics in Northeast Asia, since the governments of Japan and Korea have also recently launched their own resource security strategies. This paper considers regional-level trends in Asian resource politics by examining the causes, content and implications of the resource security strategies deployed by the consumer governments in Northeast Asia. It argues that growing resource security concerns, combined with a process of competitive policy emulation, have seen the Chinese, Japanese and Korean governments each adopt mercantilist resource security strategies over the last decade. Furthermore, the competitive nature of these mercantilist strategies is acting to intensify political and economic competition for resources between the Asian region’s three main economic powers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This introductory paper briefly outlines some of the major developments that are shaping the political-economy of the East Asian region. The implications of the rise of China and the possible decline of the US are considered, before introducing the individual contributions to this special issue. Este articulo de presentacion resalta brevemente algunos de los mayores desarrollos que estan dando forma a la economia politica de la region del Asia oriental. Antes de presentar las contribuciones individuales a este numero especial, se han considerado las implicaciones del ascenso de la China y el posible descenso de los Estados Unidos. [image omitted] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese economic reform process has engendered significant changes in the structure and management of work organizations. Central to the process has been the corporatization of the danwei, or state-owned enterprises (SOEs). This paper examines the progress made in the current round of state-enterprise corporate reform based on the Modern Enterprise and Group Company systems, and extends this to discuss the major social consequences of such large-scale enterprise restructuring. Drawing on interview data from eight large SOEs in the steel industry, we assess the extent to which the aims of reducing government interference in the running of SOEs, developing a sense of enterprise, and achieving cost reductions and productivity improvements through large-scale workforce reductions can be achieved in the present reform-induced climate of labour unrest and incipient political instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loaches of the genus Niwaella, family Cobitidae, are distributed only in East Asia. At present only in Japan and South Korea have fishes of the genus Niwaella been found. Herein we revise the genus Niwaella in China. Son and He (2001) transferred the species Cobitis laterimaculata to the genus Niwaella, but their specimens were not N. laterimaculata, but a new species, N. longibarba sp. n., collected from Cao'ejiang River, Huangzezhen, Chengxian County, Zhejiang Province. The new species is distinguished from N. laterimaculata by its colour pattern of a row of slightly large, and long, scattered dark brown vertical bars on the dorsolateral surface, two or three striations on the caudal fin, and long barbels and undeveloped mental lobes. In this paper we also describe another new species, N. xinjiangensis sp. n., collected from Xinjiang River, Guangfeng County, Jiangxi Province, May 1990, with diagnostic colour pattern of 17–20 large and long, dark brown vertical bars on the dorsolateral surface, a dark stripe or rounded black spots along the lateral midline and some blotches below the lateral midline; it is a large-sized species, with shorter barbels, and longer caudal peduncle. Thus five species of the genus Niwaella are known, three are endemic to eastern China and two are endemic to either Japan or South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their number in East Asia never exceeding 36,000 (currently around 10,000), Jews there are the subject of both distinctly strong positive and negative views. The presence of these attitudes is astounding not only because most of those who hold them have never come across a Jew, but also because the region misses most of the 'classical' motives for either philosemitism or antisemitism. An analysis of contemporary attitudes towards Jews in China, Japan and South Korea, including reactions to the still ongoing Israel–Hamas war, reveals that the distinctions between antisemitism and philosemitism are more blurred and nuanced than is often acknowledged. In East Asia, these two attitudes tend to reflect similar functions, and people often express both views without being aware of their historical and religious context elsewhere. Accordingly, this study by Kowner, Ainslie and Podoler calls for a reassessment of antisemitism beyond the Christian and Islamic spheres, to address this new and changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the affective power of the kawaii ("cute" in Japanese) aesthetic in politics by drawing from the successful "cute" campaign in Taiwan's vital presidential elections of 2000 and 2004. Based on field participation, interviews, and secondary sources, this study offers a historical-textual analysis of the ways in which cute aesthetics and fan participation alter the political communication process in postauthoritarian Taiwan. This study suggests that the prevalence of kawaii in protests and political campaigns, most salient in East and Southeast Asia today, indicates an ideological shift from masculine communication styles to an "effeminate" voice in politics. This study also exemplifies the significance of the "minor aesthetics" such as cute, zany, glamorous, and whimsical because they give voice to weak, silenced and marginalized groups. These minor aesthetic categories deserve the same level of serious attention that academics have given to the grand, the beautiful and the sublime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively few systematic and categorical studies have been conducted on the variant responses by East Asian states to the rise of China, and even fewer dealt with reasons for such intra-regional variations. This study seeks to fill the void by examining the strategic responses by 15 East Asian states for the period of 2011–2016. This period merits close scrutiny because China became more explicitly assertive. The research proceeds in two phases. First, by way of reading into the expert assessments in academic journals, the strategic responses of the 15 states are categorised into balancing, hedging, or bandwagoning. Second, statistical analyses are conducted to see how the intra-regional variations are related to unit-level factors. Of the seven variables analyzed, three – geographical proximity, democracy, and identity – turn out to be crucial in determining the East Asian states' strategic responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been two related trends shaping global trade during the past couple of decades: the increasing role of international supply chains and the rise of China. Increased complexity in global trade has generated a need to construct more processed trade data — trade in value added — in order to deepen our understanding of trade relations between countries. In this article, we present a broad picture of trade in value added between the EU28 and East Asian countries. We find that East Asia is important as a final demand and supply chain export destination, especially for Northern European countries, while for CEE countries it is more important as an import source for both final demand and supply chain trade. Trade with East Asia is least important for Southern European countries. The production structure of an EU country seems to be one of the main factors explaining the importance of supply chain trade with East Asian countries. The data also suggest that supply chain trade could support the growth of domestic value-added exports to the supply chain trade partner country as well as to other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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In the context of stalled multilateral trade negotiations, major trading economies are seeking free trade agreements (FTAs) to secure their market access objectives. Nowhere is this dynamic stronger than in East Asia, where a web of bilateral and plurilateral agreements is stitching together piecewise an Asian free trade area that could plausibly rival the EU and NAFTA trade blocs and where the possibility of a formal pan-Asian agreement has been raised. Taiwan has been largely excluded from this dynamic. However, with the June 29, 2010 signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with China, the possibility of Taiwan joining the FTA dance in East Asia would appear to have been greatly strengthened as the advocates had anticipated. This article considers the economic and trade implications of Taiwan's participation versus non-participation in an emerging East Asian trade bloc. We support our analysis with simulations using the GTAP computable general equilibrium model. The article finds that the benefits to Taiwan of participating in such a bloc have increased, as have the opportunity costs of exclusion, since the share of East Asian partners in its trade has risen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moving from labour to some capital and knowledge intensive sectors, East Asian countries have actively pursued strategic industrial policies and successfully promoted targeted sectors. However, their growth in high tech sectors challenged the US leadership and the World Trade Organization (WTO)-supported neo-liberal development "wisdom". Tensions over trade and technology issues eventually exploded into fierce policy conflicts. This study explores the role of the state in a single information and communication technology (ICT) sector, the semiconductor industry, over the course of its evolution in Japan, Korea, Taiwan and China. It is hoped to tackle the issues surrounding the conflicts between the Western economic orthodoxy and East Asian development policies through explaining the ICT development pathway of these countries. The finding shows that the international frictions in both ICT trade and technology were inevitable and reflect the divergence of development visions held by latecomers and developed countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the history of state intervention in East Asia's varieties of capitalism through a case study of the electric power industry. The reasons for state intervention in China and Japan, their similarities and differences, and their relative importance are described and analysed. The origin and evolution of the different national models of state–business relations in the two countries are influenced by domestic factors such as national defence and internal unification, as well as external circumstances such as colonialism, occupation, and war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Chinese views of North Korea's nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing's ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing's endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea's decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing's recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea's nuclear-weapon program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this century Chinese tourists in Australia have rapidly become the most numerous national source. Relatively little is known about their socio-economic status, their geographical origins and expectations of tourism, and their attitudes to and perceptions of Australia, although every Australian state has devised a specific Chinese tourism strategy to tap into this market. Chinese tourism is concentrated in metropolitan areas in the eastern states, has evolved from group tours to individual plans, and is relatively high spending. Unless geographical and tourism research on Chinese tourism aligns with contemporary theoretical developments in tourism studies, the type of knowledge being produced will be limited. Whilst there is value in extending existing knowledge, important social insights into the Chinese tourists' experience of Australia will not emerge. Although Chinese tourism is similar to earlier waves from East Asia, it constitutes a distinct component of the contemporary Australian market. A deeper understanding of this phenomenon requires the adoption of practice theories that privilege social practices as the entry point for theorising and conducting research. In advocating such an approach, we highlight challenges of linguistic and cultural differences, scale and governmentality in providing a qualitative research agenda for geographical and tourism studies' engagements with Chinese tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking a historical and comparative view, we explore the long debated cause of the spectacular economic successes of East Asia using land reforms in China and Japan during the 1940-50s. Examining the approach to land reform embodied by technocrats such as Liu Shaoqi in China and Wada Hiroo in Japan in addition to the implementation mechanisms of the policies they adopted, we show that the land reforms developed characteristics of dynamic factor endowment according to the Engerman-Sokoloff hypothesis. Fairly equal land redistribution led to political power equality and improved agricultural productivity and income equality, which is conducive to long-term economic development and the prevention of the Kuznets effect ex ante. Nevertheless, factors such as initial exogenous shocks, insufficient scale of family farming, persistent government support and consequential interest groups obstruct sustainable development of the agricultural sector as well as the generalization of East Asian experiences. Equality or inequality is essentially a policy choice in addition to being a long-term ex post evaluation of the reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Christian-Muslim relations in East Asia during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through a description of the lives and journeys of three Roman Catholics - Petro Kasui Kibe (Jesuit), Nicholas the Iruman (Augustinian), and Bento de Góis (Jesuit) - to predominantly Muslim lands. Their journeys display the different ways in which Christian-Muslim relations and communication were viewed at that time, and the varying levels of impact that inter-religious dialogue had. Kibe appears to have placed little importance on Christian-Muslim relations and his journey to Jerusalem remains little more than an interesting historical footnote. Nicholas played a background role in the tale of his superiors and travel partners who helped to establish European-Persian relations. And de Góis, through his journey and interactions with Muslims, was able to contribute to a paradigmal shift in European geographical knowledge that changed contemporary understandings of East Asia. The article illustrates that, although Christian-Muslim relations at that time took an array of forms and had a variety of results, episodes from the East Asian mission field that have often been overlooked were highly influential in shaping the early modern world on a regional and global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's rise has been accompanied by a rise in nationalism. But what are the characteristics of this nationalism now being witnessed? Does it support China's constructive engagement with the international order, or does it seek to assert China's supremacy? These questions lie at the hub of a rapidly expanding secondary literature on the emergence of nationalism in China and its impact on China's foreign relations. What is, however, absent from the academic discourse is the voice of the Chinese people themselves. What are their perceptions of the nation-state, and how do these beliefs shape their views of China's relationship with East Asia? To address this gap, we conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations. Our findings, as reported below, represent an initial attempt to answer this final and, arguably, most critical set of questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade patterns in East Asia are termed the "Factory Asia" model, whereby Asia functions as a "global factory" that imports intermediate goods from its regional networks and then assembles and exports them as finished goods to higher-income developed countries. In 2001, China's accession into the World Trade Organisation consolidated this pattern by becoming the core economy in this model. However, is this pattern still valid after more than a decade of rapid development in East Asian countries? The main objective of this article is to examine the evolution of this pattern of trade in East Asian countries. Although the key findings of this study show that the Factory Asia model continues, it is changing as different East Asian countries capture more value in global value chains. The gaps in the rate of upgrading are identified and mainly attributed to differences in government policies and competition. However, the dependence on foreign inputs still remains an important part of high-technology production in East Asian countries. Hence, the idea that East Asia is evolving from a "factory" into a "Research & Development hub" remains far-fetched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about the future of American seapower in East Asia turn on the argument that American seapower presents a risky and costly luxury that undercuts the cooperative potential of US–China relations. This article asks whether accommodation between China and the United States on the possession and exercise of American seapower in East Asia is possible. Accommodation on this front could significantly lower the risks of unintended escalation and in turn undermine arguments that favour an American retreat from East Asia. The article outlines how accommodation can be achieved on the exercise of American seapower in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Atkinson inequality measure of income distribution, we analyze the impact of China as a single country and examine the effect of its domestic income inequality on total income inequality among East Asian countries. First, we find that China's domestic income inequality has increased since 1990. However, the inequality of China's domestic income distribution is still at a low level among East Asian countries as a whole. Second, the growth of China's per capita gross domestic product (GDP) had an equalizing effect on income distribution in a framework of Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) + China, but this effect was reversed around 1997. However, relative to higher income countries such as Japan and South Korea, China's per capita GDP remains low, and although China has in the past contributed to income inequality in the area, it has recently had a more equalizing effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an overview of the perceived importance and accelerated spread of English language education, both formal and informal, in three East Asian countries (i.e. China, Japan and South Korea) against the backdrop of globalisation and emergent ideological, sociocultural and educational trends. It begins with a review of the recent developments in English language education in each of the countries, the ostensible reasons for English language education and the ideological issues contributing to the recent English language education initiatives. This is followed by a discussion and a critique of the common trends and themes manifested in the three countries’ recent initiatives to reform and improve English language education. The article concludes with a number of policy recommendations for English language education in East Asia and other countries, where English does not have an institutional role to play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Development” involves increases in human and physical capital, plus institutional changes, that are characteristic of whole societies, not just particular sectors. Such changes are not necessarily well-reflected in GDP figures at the time that these changes are occurring – even assuming that we can measure GDP in historical societies with sufficient accuracy. Consequently, types of largely narrative long-run history focused on one or a few case studies are a vital supplement to more econometric and formally-modeled studies. They are particularly useful as correctives to historical work that aims at finding a single variable or event separating cases of developmental “success” and “failure.” However, the claims that emerge from such case studies are quite hard to verify. The article uses examples drawn from East Asia at certain moments a possible example of “failure,” but more recently assumed to be an example of “success” – to both identify historical findings that might have implications for contemporary development choices and to explore why such inferences are necessarily very fragile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of regional economic agreements involving East Asian economies in the years since the financial crises is usually explained in the political economy literature by reference to economic factors. These agreements have been viewed either as a response to the costs of increasing interdependence and/or to the demand by domestic exporters to level the playing field when their rivals benefit from preferential trade agreements. A detailed examination of economic data finds no support, however, for the argument that intra-regional economic interdependence in East Asia has increased significantly since the financial crises. Case studies suggest that business has not played a major role in either promoting or opposing the agreements - not surprisingly in that the agreements are unlikely to have a major economic impact, and are not being widely used. Rather than there being an 'economic domino' effect at work, the new East Asian regionalism is best understood as being driven by a 'political domino' effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One subgroup of the Stegana (Steganina) coleoptrata species group is elevated as a species group (i.e., the shirozui species group), so as to include the three known species, S. ctenaria Nishiharu, S. (S.) masanoritodai Okada and Sidorenko and S. (S.) shirozui Okada, as well nine new species reported from China and Japan: S. (S.) jiajinshanensis, S. (S.) jianfenglingensis, S. (S.) maoershanensis, S. (S.) multidentata, S. (S.) qinlingensis, S. (S.) saigusai, S. (S.) shennongi, S. (S.) wuyishanensis and S. (S.) xanthosticta spp. nov. A key to all the species of this group is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the ecotourism policies in three East Asian countries—China, the Republic of Korea, and Japan. All three countries have recently issued their ecotourism policies and are in the initial stages of ecotourism policy development. This study explored the challenges and opportunities presented in each country's ecotourism policy as well as the areas that need to be further improved in order to strengthen its effects on ecotourism management. Implications to China's ecotourism are made based on comparisons of policy implementations in these three countries such as enhancing education and promotion of appropriate ecotourism, viewing ecotourism development as a scientific and systematic process, coordinating multiple governmental organizations that are involved in ecotourism, placing more emphasis on the preservation of natural environment, and establishing an operational description of a financial plan that will support the most needed areas for developing ecotourism. 本文研究中国、南韩和日本三个东南亚国家的生态旅游政策。这三个国家近期不约而同有新的生态旅游政策出台，其生态旅游政策同时也在发展初期。本文分别探讨这三个国家就生态旅游政策方面所面对的挑战和机遇，以及讨论政策有待改进的地方以加强对生态旅游的管理。通过比较三国的政策执行，得出对中国生态旅游的启示。本文比较的政策包括加强教育和推广合适的生态旅游、视生态旅游发展为科学、有系统的过程、协调多个涉及生态旅游的政府机关、更重视自然环境保护，及建立财政计划的操作规程，作为对发展生态旅游所需条件的支援。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is the sole superpower in the contemporary world and its role in the development of the law of the sea cannot be ignored. Although having not yet acceded to the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, the United States has contributed to the development of the international law of the sea in numerous ways, including responding to the so-called excessive maritime claims in East Asia and creating new rules of maritime enforcement. This article assesses this recent U.S. practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Pedersen's concept of cooperative hegemony, this article examines the prospect of China's peaceful emergence in East Asia. It notes that China has the essential characteristics to become a cooperative hegemon, spearheading an asymmetrical federation among its neighbors in the region. It also observes that China presently employs a number of foreign policy strategies that will enable it to effect a peaceful emergence except in one respect--its ability to accommodate the presence and interests of two hegemonic powers in East Asia. In conclusion, the article asserts that the peaceful emergence of China is possible if it can tactfully manage its relations with the United States with respect to Taiwan, and develop an innovative approach in dealing with Japan, the current cooperative hegemon in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]