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Several research efforts were dedicated to analysing the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on gross domestic product (GDP) and employment in the host economies. The variations in the conclusions signal that other variables influence and moderate the effects of FDI on GDP and employment. Institutional elements receive limited research attention, despite their influence on the host economies. This paper investigates the moderating role of institutional elements in the FDI-host economies on FDI’s effects on GDP and employment with China and India as case studies. The approach utilises three principal methodologies. The first methodology presents an in-depth analysis of China and India, highlighting selected institutional elements with the potential to influence FDI’s effects. The second methodology confirms the presence of a positive correlation between FDI and GDP and a negative correlation between FDI and employment-to-population ratio (EPR) in both China and India. The FDI, GDP purchasing power parity per capita, and EPR datasets are extracted from the World Bank – DataBank World Development Indicators to ensure the consistency of the data. The results of the quantitative analysis validate the qualitative analysis. The qualitative analysis confirms the moderating role of the selected institutional elements with variations in direction and strength. Significant variations in FDI’s effects on GDP and employment are strongly related to variations in the institutions of governance. The institutions of governance include the functionality of the state organs, the efficiency of the legal system and enforcement of the rule of law, and the quality of implementation of FDI-supportive policies. The findings aim to increase the absorption of the positive effects of FDI on GDP and employment in the respective countries. The research is a cornerstone of in-depth future research into the following areas: the role of selective FDI and constructive conditional FDI policies, the functionality of judicial authority controls, and FDI favourable exchange rates and interest rates policies. The novelty and contribution of the paper lie in its comprehensive exploration of the moderating role of institutional elements on the effects of FDI on GDP and employment in host economies, with a specific focus on China and India. The paper contributes significantly to the academic literature on FDI and economic development by emphasising the importance of institutional factors and providing actionable insights for policymakers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urbanizing villages are erstwhile rural villages that are spatially enveloped and are characterized by their dual relation to the state, which expresses itself as an issue of citizenship; of land ownership; of governance; and building regulations. This paper transcends the current focus on villages in Southern China, by comparing village urbanization between China and India through four narratives of village extensions. Four parallel readings are offered, namely that urban villages are characterized by; shared tenure rooted in their rural past; inherited administrative boundaries that are re-imbued with new legal designations; emulation of traditional practices; and sustained modes of self-governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing insights provided by the theory of monopolistic markets in economics and Great Power behaviour in the discipline of international relations, this paper aims to provide an alternative understanding of India's refusal to join the BRI beyond the immediate bilateral security, domestic politics, and economic considerations in Sino-Indian relations. We argue that BRI is an effort by China to position itself as the leading firm in the market for international development – a space for long dominated by Western development providers. The paper argues that India's efforts to contest the BRI can be seen as a natural outcome of other rising powers resisting China's efforts to monopolize the development market. In doing so, it provides a template of why rising powers compete with each other in providing developmental aid even when cooperation may create mutual benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. While much of the literature explains large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors, we instead suggest that their domestic politics trumps international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constructs long-run estimates of total missing women (including missing girls at birth and excess female deaths) in China and India over seven decades from 1950 to 2020. We find that the number of missing women in India has been higher than in China throughout the seven decades. Over time, missing girls at birth grew faster in China than in India, but China has made more rapid progress in reducing excess female deaths after birth. While the share of missing girls at birth in total missing women has risen since the 1980s, there has also been a shift in excess female mortality from younger to older age groups. Our estimated trends are consistent with key economic, social, demographic and technological events and developments in the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) was resuscitated in November 2017, it was framed as a minilateral grouping of liberal democratic countries to build a free and open Indo-Pacific in the shadow of China's growing assertiveness. However, this Quad 2.0 had not taken collective action until 2021. The four states neither held leaders' summit meetings nor issued joint statements after lower-level meetings. They took no joint quadrilateral actions to deter China either. From a constructivist perspective, this paper addresses this puzzle by critically revisiting the alleged common identity of the four states. It argues that India's national identity has not been built on the ontological difference between liberal democracy and autocracy but on a complex amalgamation of non-alignment, post-imperial ideology, Hindu nationalism and Indian exceptionalism. India, having held a vision of establishing an India–China partnership in Asia, did not regard China as its significant Other until the deadly border clashes between them in June 2020. China's expansionism has challenged India's identity as the pre-eminent power in South Asia and its vision of an equal China–India partnership. Despite India's increased cooperation with its Quad partners since then, the Quad is built more on geopolitical pragmatism than on shared liberal norms and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the insertion of China and India in the contested and highly legalised regime of intellectual property rights (IP). In doing so it pays particular attention at two dimensions, the internal adoption of this regime and external endorsement/contestation of international IP norms. Much has been written about whether emerging countries will challenge or support the maintenance of an open rules-based multilateral trade system. In this context, the differentiated integration of these two countries in the IP regime is notable. Domestically, China despite much criticism for widespread IP infringement has followed a maximalist interpretation of TRIPS. India, on the contrary has followed other emerging countries in pursuing a more critical, minimalist understanding. These positions have also been visible at the multilateral arena. This empirical finding runs contrary to the assumption that defiance results from market power. The divergence is the more surprising given a recent explosion of patent filings in both countries. From a political economy perspective, this should translate into support for stricter rules under TRIPS. In explanaining the two countries’ divertent insertion this paper looks beyond economic (market) power and domestic interests and underlines the role of ideational legacies, domestic interests and regulatory capacity. The paper thus stresses the need to look deep into domestic politics and ideational cleavages, as well as at their evolution over time, in order to better understand the international behaviour of emerging countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper estimates the short and long-run impact of foreign direct investment, electricity consumption, and real GDP on ecological footprints in the context of environmental Kuznets and Pollution haven hypothesis for China, India, and Pakistan over 1970–2016. Panel and time series models have been adopted in this research. Results of the cointegration test revealed the long-run association among the considered variables. Furthermore, Fully-Modified and Dynamic Ordinary Least Square validated the pollution haven and environmental Kuznets hypothesis for the study area. On the other hand, the linkages between income and ecological footprints have identified U-shaped EKC in the case of China and India. The empirical results of the Dumitrescu and Hurlin panel causality test indicated a unidirectional causality from income to ecological footprints. In contrast, bidirectional causality found between ecological footprints and foreign direct investment and between ecological footprints and electricity consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent military standoff between India and China in Ladakh had received tremendous public attention, both domestic and international. Mounting uncertainty, chaos, and looming instability marked the crisis for the fact that it shattered the prolonged stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Particularly for India, it marked the heightening national security challenges from China. While the discussions that followed the crisis explored at length how the clash and the ensued crisis generated security threats, it seems to have inadequately captured the nuances of the insecurity generated. The article argues that the security concerns generated were not just physical but also 'ontological'. The paper seeks to demonstrate how the Ladakh crisis engendered a sense of ontological insecurity for India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the evolving geopolitical developments in the Indo-Pacific region, especially through the lens of an India–US–China trilateral/tripolar framework. At a time when ‘strategic unease’ has become a defining characteristic of the region and ‘security alignments and strategic hedging’ a prevalent diplomatic tendency, this paper captures an evolving trend of convergence in the strategic visions of the three key Indo-Pacific players – India, China and the US, and rising bilateral strategic/defence cooperation between them. Using a constructivist approach, this paper explores the feasibility of a trilateral cooperative framework among the three countries in near future. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Schaffar A. and Dimou M. Rank-size city dynamics in China and India, 1981–2004, Regional Studies. By using empirical evidence based on data from India and China between 1981 and 2004, this paper studies the dynamic patterns of urban hierarchies within the two most populated countries in the world. The paper focuses on three specific issues: the distributional form of the rank-size relation, the urban growth patterns that do not reject Gibrat's law for cities, and finally the shifts in urban hierarchies for both countries over these two decades. Schaffar A. et Dimou M. Les dynamiques rang-taille des villes en Chine et en Inde, 1981–2004, Regional Studies. En s'appuyant sur la comparaison des évolutions des systèmes urbains chinois et indien entre 1981 et 2004, cet article propose une analyse de la formation des hiérarchies urbaines dans les pays en développement. De façon plus spécifique, trois axes de recherche sont abordés: la forme de la distribution rang-taille des villes, les caractéristiques de la croissance urbaine qui valide la loi de Gibrat et enfin les changements des hiérarchies urbaines dans les deux pays. Distribution rang-taille?Croissance urbaine?Loi de Gibrat?Loi de Zipf?Inde?Chine Schaffar A. und Dimou M. Rang-Größen-Dynamik von Städten in China und Indien, 1981-2004, Regional Studies. In diesem Beitrag untersuchen wir anhand empirischer Belege auf der Grundlage von Daten aus Indien und China im Zeitraum von 1981 bis 2004 die dynamischen Abläufe von urbanen Hierarchien in den beiden dichtbesiedeltsten Ländern der Welt. Im Mittelpunkt des Beitrags stehen drei konkrete Themen: die Verteilungsform der Rang-Größen-Beziehung, die urbanen Wachstumsabläufe, die der Gibrat-Regel für Städte nicht widersprechen, und schließlich die Verlagerungen in den urbanen Hierarchien der beiden Länder während dieser zwei Jahrzehnte. Stadtgrößenverteilung?Städtewachstum?Gibrat-Regel?Zipfsches Gesetz?Indien?China Schaffar A. y Dimou M. Dinámicas de las ciudades según la relación clasificación-tamaño en China y la India, 1981–2004, Regional Studies. Utilizando evidencias empíricas basadas en datos de la India y China entre 1981 y 2004, en este artículo estudiamos los modelos dinámicos de las jerarquías urbanas en los dos países más poblados del mundo. Nos centramos en tres cuestiones específicas: la forma distributiva de la relación clasificación-tamaño, los modelos de crecimiento urbano que no rechazan la ley de Gibrat para las ciudades, y finalmente los cambios en las jerarquías urbanas para ambos países en estas últimas dos décadas. Distribución ciudad-tamaño?Crecimiento urbano?Ley de Gibrat?Ley de Zipf?La India?China [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years China and India have achieved tremendous technological progress and development in the solar photovoltaic (PV) industry. Using case studies, this paper analyses and compares the technology progress in the solar PV industry in China and India, and discusses the role national innovation systems played in sustaining technology acquisition, adaptation and development. It illustrates that both countries adopted a strategy of mixing and sequencing different technology transfer and indigenous innovation mechanisms. The experience of both countries also suggests that a functional national environmental innovation system is important in sustaining and advancing technology acquisition, adaptation and development. This paper provides an alternative pathway for developing countries to follow in catching up with developed countries in the emergent green industries and in leapfrogging towards an internationally competitive green economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Focusing on recent and upcoming mega-events in South Africa, China and Brazil, this paper contrasts and critiques the associated image and identity opportunities and risks, as well as comparative motivations for hosting such events. Accordingly, the paper considers the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the scheduled 2014 World Cup and 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics in Brazil. In the context of an increasing number of mega-events being hosted in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India and China; South Africa is to join), the paper provides broader continuity and introduces a broader research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the different styles of anti-corruption strategy, particularly at the local level in China and India. In China there has been a central push with a role of anti-corruption agencies that have law-enforcement power. In India there has been a focus on institutional building together with a visible role of the civil society. China has had a top-down approach while India has more of a bottom-up approach combined with top-down initiatives such as demonetization. Interviews with 44 mid-career and senior officials investigate the two approaches and the impacts of anti-corruption measures in China and India. Interviewees support the approaches adopted by China and India but doubt their effectiveness and sustainability. The way forward, they suggest, is to reduce the influence of political parties especially in India and to enhance e-governance in both countries. Experiences of the two countries have significant implications especially on capacity building, institutional development, and law enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes an alternative approach to understanding theory as description. New theoretical propositions and knowledge practices need to grow out of the comparisons between descriptions, especially comparisons between the Southern cases. Using China and India as two cases, this paper reviews the descriptions of communication technology in the two countries and compares the descriptions. Through such comparisons, the paper concludes that the communication technology studies on China and India provide three theoretical insights: firstly, the state-society relationship shapes communication technology; secondly, the increasing pluralization or hybridity of the cyberspace shapes how communication technology is used; and lastly, it is the quest for finding one's self (or selves) in a Chinese/Indian modernity that could provide references to other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigating a country's navy provides a means of assessing the country's strategic, political, economic as well as international perspectives. Being overwhelmingly strategic in orientation, Indian Ocean occupies an important position among the strategic calculations of all major powers, and as a result has become the centre of gravity due to its increasing economic, military and diplomatic activities in the post-cold war period. Since 1990s China's policies in the region have also changed, primarily due to its high stakes in the region. Its spectacular and constant economic growth has made it an attractive player for markets and its growing activities are an important imperative that shape the strategic environment of the Indian Ocean Region today. Since both India and China are rising simultaneously and have large stakes in this region, both are turning their policies to expand their Maritime sector. The increasing encroachments by China in the Indian Ocean has caused significant amount of friction in their bilateral ties and has led to overlapping spheres of influence with India. The paper establishes that China is expanding its Maritime power in all dimensions creating a security imbalance in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carbon mitigation and net-zero targets have an important place on the political agenda for all countries. Countries have been seeking to decouple economic growth and carbon emissions to achieve decarbonization. However, there is a cost of the decarbonization of economies, which can be called as Green Sacrifice Ratio (GSR), and this is critical for developing countries because they have been in the growing stage. By considering the critical role of GSR in achieving net-zero emissions by decarbonizing economies, the study comparatively examines how much environmental quality should be sacrificed for per capita economic growth in China and India. In line with this purpose, the study uses the Fourier-Shin cointegration test and various time series estimators with Fourier approximations for the period from 1989/Q1 to 2022/Q4. Estimation results are as follows: (i) all variables follow the non-stationary process, (ii) the long-run relationship exists between variables, and (iii) Estimation results show that GSR is 0.65% for China and 0.78% for India. Therefore, China and India sacrifice a significant amount of environmental quality for a 1% increase in per capita income level. Also, the ecological cost of increasing economic welfare in India is higher with regard to China. Besides, the results are robust according to the alternative method. Thus, the study recommends that both Chinese and Indian policymakers should revise the economic expansion structure with green growth strategies to prevent irreversible environmental degradation due to higher economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at critiquing several existing strategic international human resource management frameworks and discusses their inadequacy to apply directly to emerging multinational companies, especially those generated from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. To complement the existing strategic international human resource management frameworks, key variables relevant to emerging economies are identified and an extended model with reference to emerging multinational companies is developed with several research propositions. It is believed that the proposed model would better capture the current development of multinationals in transition, and alert emerging international managers to address several people management challenges in the global context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents population forecasts for China and India till 2100. The rise in sex ratios at birth in these countries has been observed to be the longest-running and most pronounced in Asia. The paper is based on different hypotheses on the future evolution of birth masculinity in each of these countries. These hypotheses are derived from an examination of present trends across Asia. The population forecasts allow us to explore the influence of various trajectories of sex ratio at birth on the demographic structures of both countries till 2100. In particular, the specific impact of skewed sex ratios on the adult population in which gender imbalances may translate into a major marriage squeeze in the future will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the topic of 'brain drain' was introduced to the United Nations' debates in the late 1960s, policy thinking on skilled migration has shifted its focus from discouraging emigration in the 1970s to encouraging returns in the 1980s, and to facilitating 'brain circulation' since the 1990s. This paper, based on a comparison between China and India in the Information Technology (IT) industry, suggests that how the highly skilled leave the home country in the first place is equally important as how they return or contribute back through transnational connections. IT professionals' migration from India with minimum government intervention may have more sustainable developmental effects than aggressive government programmes in China aimed at promoting return and transnational relations. This is because the migratory process of the Indian IT professionals is built into the dynamics of the global high-tech industry. By comparison, many programmes in China are dissociated from industry despite the heavy investment from the government. But the Chinese programmes may be more conducive for the development of basic research. In short, a proper mix of government policy and market mechanism seems a key to achieving sustainable brain circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last quarter of the twentieth century was characterized by economic reforms in many formerly state-dominated economies. Among them, the reform attempts by China and India have attracted increasing attention in the popular media and academic research. This paper contribute to this research by using institutional theory to analyse the reforms in China and India and develop a framework to explain how reforms evolve. This study contributes to the theoretical understanding of the dynamics of reform, helps policy-makers to formulate reform strategy, and international business executives to project the developmental trends in two of the world's largest emerging markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies regional (spatial) inequality in the five most populous countries in the world: China, India, the United States of America, Indonesia and Brazil in the period 1980-2000. They are all federations or quasi-federations composed of entities with substantial economic autonomy. Two types of regional inequalities are considered: Concept 1 inequality, which is inequality between mean incomes (GDPs per capita) of states/provinces, and Concept 2 inequality, which is inequality between population-weighted regional mean incomes. The first inequality speaks to the issue of regional convergence, the second, to the issue of overall inequality as perceived by citizens within a nation. All three Asian countries, show rising inequality in terms of both concepts in the decade of the 1990s. Divergence in income outcomes is particularly noticeable for the most populous states/provinces in India and China. The United States, where regional inequality is the least, shows further convergence. Brazil, with the highest level of regional inequality, displays no trend. A regression analysis fails to establish robust association between the usual macro variables and the two types of regional inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the domestic sources of the internationalization of national oil companies (NOCs) in China and India. It argues that – counter to notions of state-led internationalization – the going abroad of NOCs reflects a pattern of ‘coopetition,’ i.e., the co-existence of cooperation and conflict between increasingly entrepreneurial NOCs and partially supportive and interventionist home governments. In China, the state has predominantly assumed the role ofresource supplier, rarely stepping in as aveto player. In India, the NOC–government relationship has been more adversarial, with the state intervening more often as aveto playerthan its Chinese counterpart and only slowly emerging as aresource supplier. These patterns of internationalization can be explained by how two major trends have been playing out in the two countries: (1) the marketization of NOCs, and (2) the reform of the governance of overseas investments. The findings matter to theory and policy. First, they unpack the relational dynamics of business–government relations in hybrid models of capitalism beyond notions of top-down and bottom-up dynamics. Second, our analysis shows that the state intervenes in the international energy strategies of emerging economies as the occasional veto player rather than actively leveraging NOC internationalization for geopolitical goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper contributes to the literature on Chinese and Indian multinationals investing in Europe through an empirical investigation about their identity, their characteristics and the association between their features and their international strategies. The investigation exploits a database, named EMENDATA (Emerging Multinationals’ Events and Networks DATAbase), at the level of the investing firms. In relation to the mode of entry, we find that greenfield investments are a more likely option for large-sized companies. Moreover a high propensity for innovation is associated with a high probability to enter with an acquisition and with technological asset-seeking investments. Finally, high profitability is needed to invest in the EU-core countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The socioeconomic impacts of potential climate policies are unevenly distributed across the globe, and different countries take different leading positions in fulfilling carbon neutrality. We select two top-emitting emerging economies, China and India, as our case studies. Considering structural, entrepreneurial, ideational, and exemplary leadership based on the leadership theory, we analyze the two countries' international and domestic positions in climate change mitigation after each became active climate action taker (i.e. during 2008–2021). We further rely on interest-based and norm-based approaches to explore the driving factors of their leading positions. We conclude that although China is generally more inclined to take the leading position, China and India currently both exert substantive leadership, especially prevalent in recent international climate negotiation rounds. China and India's consistency of international and domestic leadership evolves via different paths. China initially focused more on international rather than domestic leadership positions (symbolic leader), while India initially took the opposite approach (pioneer). An alignment between international and domestic leadership is found in both countries in more recent years, making both countries substantive leaders. Compared with the interest-based approach, the norm-based approach has greater explanatory power for the two countries' leading position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the seminal work of Archibugi and Michie (1995) on the globalization of innovation, several authors have attempted to understand the complex relationship between innovation and internationalization. However, most tend to focus on industrialized countries, just one mode of globalization of innovation and often one traditional indicator of innovation, such as patents or R&D investment, thus ignoring the complexity and multiple aspects of the phenomenon. This paper explores empirically the linkages between different modes of globalization of innovation and firms' micro-characteristics in two of the fastest growing emerging economies. We analyze three distinct modes of globalization of innovation: the global exploitation of innovation, the global sourcing of technology and global research collaboration. We then use primary data from Chinese and Indian firms belonging to three sectors (automotive components, software and green biotech) to explore the differences in the ways in which the firms located in these two economies globalize their innovatiton activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Maritime violence perpetrated by non-state actors is a feature of the Indian Ocean. This includes the piracy, which has occurred most prominently off Somalia but also in the waters of Bangladesh, India and Indonesia, and terrorism perpetrated by al-Qaeda, the Tamil separatist movement in Sri Lanka, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and the Pakistani Islamist group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) against the Indian city of Mumbai. This paper aims to chart why opportunities for non-state actors to use violence to advance their interests may continue across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent debates within and beyond Marxism around empire and imperialism focus on deterritorialization, but fail to see non-Western states as anything other than collaborators or victims. Highlighting the importance of center-periphery relations within the territorially bounded political space of the nation-state, this paper puts forward a new concept of the Postcolonial Informal Empire (PIE) to characterize the emerging powers of China and India. The greatest paradox of PIEs is that a postcolonial impulse—to critically appropriate Western ideas and technologies such as sovereignty, nationalism, and the free market to build the multinational state and combine it with an affirmation of stories of historical greatness and long existing, pre-Westernized, civilizational-national cultures—enables the political entities to consolidate and discipline their borderlands and reduce diverse inhabiting peoples to culturally different but politically subservient subjects. It is predominantly a nationalist politics, and not economic calculability or financial interests, that shapes PIEs’ center-borderlands relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this paper is to assess the nature of competition in the information technology (IT) services sector between India and China. Using primary and secondary data sources, we compare and contrast the strengths and weaknesses of the IT services sector in the two countries along the main dimensions of Porter's competitive advantage model. The principal findings indicate that the IT services sectors in the two countries are distinctively different, have developed along different paths and are highly complementary to each other. China has a well-established hardware sector and its IT services sector focuses mostly on servicing its domestic market. India's IT services sector is predominantly export orientated with focus on the US and Western European markets. Contrary to popular beliefs, given the complementary characteristics of the IT services sectors in India and China, it is unlikely for the two countries to compete against each other in the near future and greater strategic co-operation between IT service providers in the two countries is a more likely outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the mechanisms which spurred the growth in the international reserves of Russia, China, and India during the 2000s. It examines the costs incurred by such countries in intervening into exchange markets to maintain exchange rate regimes as well as highlights the measures they have taken to address the 2008 global financial crisis. How each country deal with the outflows of foreign private capital and decreases in demand for imports in developed countries is discussed.

This paper discusses the estimation of a social accounting matrix that distinguishes between formal and informal activities for China and India for 2000 and 1998-99 respectively. Wage shares for formal/informal employment in China and net domestic product shares for organized/unorganized sectors in India are used as weights to calculate the size of the two sectors. The proposed methodology is a first step towards an integrated approach to account for the dualism of many economies in the developing world. The results can serve as data input for any policy-driven CGE model for developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic historians and practitioners associated with the 32-day Sino-Indian border conflict of autumn 1962 have for long argued that India's appeal for US military assistance during the war led to the abandonment of India's foreign policy of non-alignment. By asking for military assistance, India entered into an alliance with the US. Triangulation of different accounts of the war, declassified US State Department Papers and correspondence between Indian leaders during the time of the war counter these claims. This article demonstrates how India's political elite, informed by cultural beliefs had in fact resisted allying with the US. Cultural beliefs, and not rational claims prescribing alliances, guided the strategic decision-making process in this period of national security crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to examine the growth performance and its impact on inequality and poverty in China and India. The recent upsurge in growth rates in China and India is seen widely as the 'success' story of globalization. It is also claimed that these developments will make a significant impact on the reduction of global inequalities and poverty. Although a number of scholars have analysed the recent economic performance of China and India, these studies, however, have not taken into account the past policies and their impact on current performance. We find there is a gap in the current discussion, which overlooks historical and economic factors on the recent performance. This article critically assesses the claimed fall in global poverty due to mainly the rise of China and India in recent years. The article questions the 'pro-globalization' argument, which suggests that there is a link between 'market liberal' free market policies and falling poverty. It is argued instead that the evidence concerning poverty reduction is ambiguous, and it is not that the most successful economies have adopted pro-globalization policies. Studying the developmental changes taking place in these two countries is important because they together account for 37.5% of the global population. These populous neighbours, regarded as symbols of poverty and failure until two decades ago, contain large numbers of people living below the officially defined poverty line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) emerged under the Kyoto Protocol to facilitate collaboration between developed and developing countries in order to mitigate greenhouse gases. The CDM allows developed countries to receive credits towards meeting their obligatory targets by investing in emission reduction projects in developing countries. The countries are required to set up a Designated National Authority (DNA) to approve the CDM projects. This paper examines the role of the DNA in ensuring sustainable development, using the empirical case of China and India. Three aspects of the DNA's role are examined: the institutional structure, the policy context and the CDM project market. All three aspects highlight the important role of the DNA in meeting the countries' sustainable development priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and India, with four out of ten of the world's inhabitants, must loom large in any discussion of global international migration, especially so-called South-North migration. They have become major sources of migrants to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations. This paper focuses on the migration relationship between China and India and one of the OECD nations, Australia. Australian international migration data allow a comprehensive picture of all movement in and out of the country to be made, and for this article, flows with China and India are analysed. It is argued that the migration relationship is best depicted as a complex migration system involving flows in both directions and circularity, reciprocity, and remigration. A conceptual scheme is developed to identify the main components of the migration system and it is shown that many migrants transit between the different elements in the system. The analysis demonstrates that the traditional conceptualisation of the migration relationship between India and China on the one hand and high income countries on the other hand as being 'South-North' in nature is inappropriate. Some of the implications of reconceptualising mobility in this way for understanding the migration process and for the development of migration policy in China, India and Australia are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a keynote speech delivered at the 15th International Conference on Social Development at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University in 2007.2 The author points out that one of the misgivings in development today is that many countries consider a higher GDP as the only worthwhile achievement one should go after. However, this economic indicator alone does not and cannot reflect accurately the real improvement of the standard of living of people. In this paper, the author suggests a better measurement for social development and improvement of livelihood should include public health, education, mortality and basic social security. There is no doubt economic development and wealth accumulation can bring certain improvements in daily lives, they should not be elevated to become the ultimate objective for human kind; rather, they are only means to improving life situations. What is more significant should be the pursuit of freedom for humanity. We have witnessed a continuous rise in the indicators measuring development in the developing world, but these increases have not brought commensurate reduction in poverty or advancement in livelihoods in real terms. Furthermore, by using the cases of China and India, the author has illustrated that there is no real connection between economic and social development. Instead better social policies can play a bigger role in advancing social and human development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stem cell science is a volatile political arena. Propelled by the scientific and economic promise of important new health technologies, stem cell science has produced politicisation across the international, regional and national policy domains. Concerned lest they should lose an important opportunity, the emerging economies of China and India are introducing policies designed to improve their global competitive position in this field. Given that their science, tax regimes, regulation, supporting industries and financial markets are at a different stage of evolution to that of the developed economies, China and India bring their own unique characteristics to the fluid politics of stem cell globalisation. This paper analyses their approaches to innovation in stem cell science and their distinctive contribution to the dynamics of the global political competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Indo-Pacific powers, China and India, respond to international law and evaluates how effectively international law influences each state's behavior. The role of norms and international legal regimes in the major Indo-Pacific flashpoints has become an inseparable justification of contestants' claims over the years. We suggest that a state actor's response to international law can be assessed using three criteria: the internalization, interpretation, and implementation of international law. The article investigates China and India as state actors and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as a case of international law. We assess these criteria by comparing the development of domestic laws by China and India in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (internalization), their declarations submitted to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea provisions (interpretation), and their reaction to third-party arbitrations (implementation). By connecting the domestic and international legal actions of rising powers in the Indo-Pacific region, the article suggests that a state actor's internalization, interpretation, and implementation of international law significantly indicate how international law impacts an individual state's behavior in the international security arena. Thus, this article establishes critical connections between emerging security order, regional politics, and normative developments in the Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of navigation and the rights of coastal states in zones extending from their shores are two of the foundational pillars of the law of the sea regime. However, these two foundational pillars are in tension when it comes to innocent passage, especially the innocent passage of warships. Traditional maritime powers such as the United States and the United Kingdom assert the right to virtually unrestricted passage by warships around the globe. Rising powers such as China and India, on the other hand, protest these activities as threatening their security and global peace and as a violation of their rights in their maritime zones. Conflict over these issues is not new, and history shows how such disagreement can lead to the brink of war. For example, the collision between Soviet and U.S. warships in the Soviet territorial sea in 1988 increased the already heightened tensions of the Cold War. This article explores the positions of Russia, China, and India regarding the passage of warships through the territorial sea. Looking at the history of these countries, we argue that the legacies of colonialism and imperialism have produced national collective senses of insecurity and trauma vis-à-vis their maritime frontiers. Thus, it should not be assumed that, like past great powers, India and China will eventually support the unrestricted innocent passage of warships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nexus between the International Peace Architecture (IPA) and the Eastphalian Peace. The IPA subsumes ideas, norms, legal frameworks and institutions established for the purpose of maintaining international peace. The Eastphalian Peace encompasses phenomena associated with the rise of Asian powers such as China and India in their efforts to maintain or reform the IPA to meet the challenges of peacebuilding, statebuilding and development assistance in the twenty-first century. This article examines the contributions made by China and India to the IPA and analyses how the emergence of the Eastphalian Peace would impact on Stage Six of the IPA which is supposed to connect Peace with Global Justice (PGJ). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the existing business and management research on how 'state capitalism' influences industry outcomes focuses on the state as 1) the owner of companies, 2) a provider of key resources, such as financial support, to favoured companies and/or 3) a unitary actor. Whilst some of this literature highlights links between politicians and officials, on the one hand, and individual companies, on the other, it downplays how other political-economic factors, such as the relative importance of existing industries in terms of employment and links between state banks and state-owned companies impact developments within those emerging sectors that the state wishes to promote. Drawing on the 'state-permeated model' of capitalism, we undertake a comparative institutional analysis of the development of the solar photovoltaic (PV) industry in China and India. Both states prioritised domestic solar PV manufacturing and innovation; however, China's industry is much stronger than India's, reflecting, we argue, 1) the greater ability of China's central state to co-ordinate other actors and 2) the greater importance of India's coal industry compared to China's. We discuss the implications of our work for policy makers and for research, highlighting the need to assess whether state-permeated capitalism is functional or dysfunctional in nuanced ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's declaration of an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) over parts of the East China Sea has been discursively constructed as a threat to regional security by Indian commentators. The Indian government meanwhile has not released an official assessment of the Chinese ADIZ. Unofficial commentators extrapolate the threat into a possible Chinese ADIZ over the disputed border with India. This article examines how the Indian security community interprets and discursively constructs the ADIZ threat. Threat, identity and recommendations for response are constructed, drawing from national identity's contested concepts and ideational elements present within the Sino-Indian security equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China views India as an asymmetric ('lesser') rival that has the ability to obstruct China's grand strategic goals. China's long-term goals are domination in East Asia followed by Asia-wide domination, and finally global pre-eminence. The asymmetric dimension of their rivalry is rooted in the ego-relevancy cognitive bias in the Chinese elites' perceptions of Indian history and statehood. Consequently, China does not consider India as a 'peer'. This perceptual dimension pre-dates their material power asymmetry. Nevertheless, China perceives India as an 'imperial' rival that interferes in China's Tibet. Furthermore, India's 'hegemonic' ambitions in Southern Asia pose a challenge for China at the pan-Asian level, and may even undermine Chinese domination in East Asia. Thus understood, there are three implications for the Sino-Indian rivalry. First, the positional and territorial dimensions of their rivalry are now intertwined and will be difficult to resolve. Second, this is not just a dyadic rivalry as it will interact with their relations with the United States, Japan, and Pakistan, thereby creating new uncertainties. Finally, the military undertones of this rivalry are spilling over into other regional countries. This rivalry will intensify if India pursues internal or external balancing, or if India charts a distinct path to politico-economic modernisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study conducts a comparative analysis of social enterprise intermediaries in China and India to better understand how they legitimize social enterprises in new settings. To address theoretical weakness in this sphere, it combines several institutional theories to capture disruptions created by institutional innovation and also legitimizing processes. Drawing on data collected from surveys, interviews, and websites in each country, it finds that intermediaries mitigate negative and leverage positive influences of external institutions though their strategies vary due to country differences in institutional pressures. This information is key to building intermediaries' capacity to institutionalize social enterprises as new institutional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to advance our knowledge about consumers' shopping behaviour and preferences in two emerging markets (China and India), the current study was undertaken to investigate (1) apparel consumers' shopping behaviour; (2) the effect of consumer innovativeness, and (3) the salient impact of apparel evaluative cues. An online self-administered survey consisted of shopping behavioural questions, the Domain Specific Innovativeness (DSI) scale, 12 apparel cues, and demographic questions were used for this study. In total, 266 and 236 usable data were collected from Chinese and Indian female participants respectively. The findings indicated that Chinese and Indian fashion innovators tended to spend more money on new clothes than non-innovators. Chinese fashion innovators spent significantly more time shopping online than did Indian innovators. In terms of the importance of evaluative cues, fashion innovators and non-innovators in both countries considered fit to be the most important cue; style, colour, and comfort played a relatively important role in clothing evaluation as well, but ease of care and durability were cited as relatively less important among many other cues. The two least important cues were brand name and country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most contemporary analyses of South Asian nuclear dynamics acknowledge the presence of a strategic triangle between the region's three nuclear players, the primary focus usually remains on the rivalry between India and Pakistan. Discussions of Sino-Indian relations remain limited. This is likely attributed to the stability in the two countries' relations, yet it is worth asking why this stability exists and whether it is likely to continue in the future. Although China and India have an acrimonious relationship, their asymmetric nuclear capabilities and threat perceptions mitigate the danger of a traditional security dilemma. India may perceive China's nuclear aggrandizement to be a security threat, but the same is not true of China, which has a vastly superior nuclear force and is largely shaping its nuclear-force structure in response to the threat it perceives from the United States. This dynamic makes a serious conventional or nuclear conflict highly unlikely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the convergence hypothesis in the Chinese and Indian banking sectors following the reforms of their financial systems. Using data envelopment analysis (DEA) techniques to estimate banking efficiency, the main question examined throughout this study is whether this quest for higher performance through liberalisation has also entailed a convergence in banking practices. The results show that this is indeed the case. Rather than finding a specific way of inserting their banking models on the global stage, China and India have been progressively adopting international standards, resulting in a mounting homogeneity in banking business practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]