Search

Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. While much of the literature explains large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors, we instead suggest that their domestic politics trumps international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the nexus between the International Peace Architecture (IPA) and the Eastphalian Peace. The IPA subsumes ideas, norms, legal frameworks and institutions established for the purpose of maintaining international peace. The Eastphalian Peace encompasses phenomena associated with the rise of Asian powers such as China and India in their efforts to maintain or reform the IPA to meet the challenges of peacebuilding, statebuilding and development assistance in the twenty-first century. This article examines the contributions made by China and India to the IPA and analyses how the emergence of the Eastphalian Peace would impact on Stage Six of the IPA which is supposed to connect Peace with Global Justice (PGJ). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact that the 2014 election of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has on U.S. relations with India, referencing Modi's relationship with the U.S. as the chief minister of Gujarat, India from the early 2000s through the early 2010s. The role that China's increasing power during the 21st century plays in the United States and India's relationship is discussed. An overview of India's economic relationship with China, including in regard to the former's desire to integrate into the Asian region, is provided. India's relationship with Japan, including in regard to Japanese investment in Gujarat, is also discussed.

The international development arena is currently subject to major changes in the geographies of power. In this article I analyse how and to what extent the (re)entry on the development scene of China, India and Brazil, together with increasing prices for primary commodities and improved access to international finance, has affected Zambia’s political leverage to set, implement and fund its own developmental policies. I argue that, while real changes in external financial flows comparable to aid from these non-traditional state actors are still small, these actors’ experience is providing Zambia with an alternative development model that combines purposive state intervention with market-based economic growth and integration into world markets. While Zambia may be taking the first steps in strengthening its ‘sovereign frontier’, the extent of this movement is still small and its development outcomes are far from assured. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While India is internationally acknowledged as a rising power, there is a surprising lack of responsive ideas and discussion about India's rise within the country. This stands in sharp contrast to China, the other rising power, where domestic discussions of China's rise are expansive and broad ranging, and often seek to shape international perceptions of China. This article argues that India does not respond to international discourse about its rise as prolifically as China because of the benign content of international ideas about its changing status, as well as a statist domestic structure that is resistant to ideational diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas milk production and consumption and the genes that allow for milk digestion throughout life are strongly variable across populations, historically only a minority of human groups valued milk as an important component of local foodways. By the early 21st century, however, milk consumption has become globally normative, and a spectacular rise in intake has been documented in countries such as China and India. Meanwhile, in the United States, consumption has declined markedly, especially among children. In this article, I argue that milk has been able to succeed in India and China by being positioned as a food with special qualities that enhance physical growth, which in turn serves as a powerful metaphor for individual and national power and wealth. Simultaneously, milk is being repackaged as a salve for the problems of modernity in the United States. Milk's unique history in each country provides an interpretive framework within which these meanings emerge, and milk's current success in local foodways depends on traditional modes of processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been a nuclear weapon power since October 1964 and India and Pakistan openly since May 1998. Each had its own reason to acquire nuclear weapons—Pakistan to counter India, India to counter both Pakistan and China, and Beijing has always viewed the U.S. and for some time the former Soviet Union as possible nuclear threats. Within Asia, no meaningful dialogue has ever been carried out between China, India and Pakistan on nuclear issues: either on confidence building, doctrine and safety, or on each other's perception of the nuclear threat. Even necessary risk reduction measures have not been attempted. However, some Track Two level dialogues have taken place and this has contributed to some understanding of nuclear policies, strategies and doctrines. In this backdrop, the present study examines the doctrine, strategy and command, and control arrangements prevailing in these countries and recommends the necessary confidence-building measures. These include greater transparency on doctrine, clearer examination of likely strategy and means to universalize “no first use.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to evaluate the impact of India and China on world energy markets by setting their future energy demands, principally for coal and oil, in the context of their domestic supply potential. After examining their approach to energy efficiency, the author concentrates on their energy diplomacy and the way in which they have sought to enhance their security of supply by targeting exporting countries, often those with a somewhat fraught relationship with the west. He concludes that it is in their interest to further strengthen their co-operation and avoid competition which simply drives up the price they pay for oil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global competition between states for position in the uncertain future of the life sciences brings a new dynamic to the intersection between geopolitics and the global knowledge economy. Armed with distinctive approaches to innovation in new health technologies, the emerging economies of China and India are determined to challenge the traditional hegemony of the developed countries in areas such as regenerative medicine where the promised biotechnology future is said to lie. Yet although the political belief that there is a future value for regenerative medicine is global, the precise nature of that future when measured in terms of the path of the science, the market demand, the cultural response, the commercialisation process and its associated business models is obscure. Drawing on theories of the competition and developmental state, I analyse the factors that shape a state's response to the promise of regenerative medicine, the strategies of 'speculative innovation' that may be adopted in pursuit of geopolitical advantage in this uncertain field, and the adaptive qualities necessary for a state's effective competition in an age of globalisation. This analysis is then applied to the emerging economies of China and India to assess their geopolitical strategies in regenerative medicine innovation, their current position in this part of the knowledge bioeconomy, and their likely impact on its continuing globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Projected economic growth for China and India presents considerable opportunities and dilemmas for the African region, especially for human development, rights and security around its own growth centre, South Africa. This article juxtaposes a set of overlapping perspectives - emerging economies versus nics, fragile versus developmental states, new regionalisms, resource conflicts and new South - South relations - to analyse the present and prospective implications for sub-Saharan and South African development. Sustained Chinese and Indian growth may present opportunities, even windfalls, for some countries, companies, classes and sectors on the continent but not for all. This opens up a number of fundamental questions in terms of an expanded research agenda. Will Chinese and Indian multinational corporations and supply chains operate similarly or differently from familiar Anglo-American ones? Will civil societies within and diasporas around India and China affect their respective transnational relations? And will African regional institutions be able to moderate any negative impacts from these changing dynamics? Recent review articles have suggested that international relations (ir) in Africa is 'different'. But what is neglected is how the emerging relationship with China affects this assertion. The article concludes with reflections on implications for development policy and theory arising from 'drivers' such as China, India, and South Africa at the start of the new century. Our thesis is that, given growing divergences in Africa to sustain resource extraction, the emerging economies have to deal with fragile well as developmental states. Crucial in determining this outcome is whether or not the continent's single 'superpower' can facilitate or mediate this process given its own national interest and human development concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]