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New Right theories have had a major impact on British politics since the emergence of Thatcherism and the end of the so-called 'years of consensus' in the mid-1970s. In radically rejecting the conventions of postwar politics in terms of the management of both economic and social policies, the ideas of the New Right initially came to significantly shape the policies of the Thatcher government (1979–90), and indeed have continued to wield influence over other administrations in subsequent years. However, to what degree this influence has been retained as we enter the third decade of the twenty-first century is a matter of conjecture, specifically in the wake of Conservative Party 'modernization', as well as the advent of major crises such as the 2007/8 economic crash and the Covid-19 pandemic. Within this context, this article seeks to assess and analyse the ongoing legacy of the New Right and its impact on British Conservatism over this sustained historical period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Fidesz prides itself on breaking with liberalism, and in the realm of political institutions the break is indeed fundamental, the new regime's socio-economic policies have radicalised certain neoliberal tendencies (332) At the beginning of the twenties there's nothing special about states rolling back liberal safeguards and freedoms. Accordingly, Scheiring's claim that "[t]he accumulative state replaced the competition state" (277) might also be too strong, as key economic policies of the accumulative state have not replaced but radicalized those of the pre-existing competition state. The result is a wide-ranging analysis, focusing on domestic and foreign economic actors shaping government policy, and offers an empirically rich and conceptually persuasive account of how and why domestic capital factions lost out under post-socialist neoliberalism, and how Orbán's Fidesz party aimed to alleviate this. [Extracted from the article]

Several anthropological studies on policy in Africa have highlighted discrepancies between the conception, implementation and outcome of development projects. Using my case study, which is drawn from an ethnographic research conducted between 2011 and 2012 in central Mozambique, I demonstrate the post-colonial government policy contradiction in relation to land and how this has been influencing the way livelihoods discourses, plans and projects led by the government and NGOs are designed. My findings show how the land lease policy is a continuous factor that structures local land use and livelihoods across the twentieth and twenty-first centuries and has fuelled a growing demand for land and conflicts. I argue that official policy and local practices differ since the power of discourses has been unable to shape reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia today faces acute demographic problems, which have been the focus of government policy and media attention. Since studies of population migration are a special topic of demography that requires a separate analysis, the article focuses on the problems of natural population change. In the scientific literature, the study of Russia's demographic problems represents a distinct perspective. The experts are well versed in the subject and can address nuances that are overlooked "from the outside." Many social scientists are critical of the government's attempts to solve Russia's demographic problems. Government achievements are often downplayed because they have not been completely successful. First, although Russia's mortality rate has declined for most of the twenty-first century, it is still high when compared to most European countries. Second, although Russia's birth rate is higher than in most European countries, it is still below the world average. These two facts have both positive and negative interpretations. Nevertheless, all demographic projections indicate that Russia's population will continue to naturally decline in the coming decades. To solve this problem, it is necessary to research new approaches and develop new demographic policies, which are possible only through the combined efforts of all Russian demographers, despite their theoretical and practical disagreements. The national project Demography and related programs can help address these problems only if the proposed policies are scientifically studied and adapted to real Russian conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent times, African governments have been adopting explicit National Urban Policies (NUPs). The adoption of NUPs is a sharp contrast to the past when some governments were ambivalent to it. Focusing on eight (8) African countries-South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Malawi and Uganda, we undertook systematic content analysis of the written policy documents for each country. African governments recognise the need for coordinated policy responses to enhance sustainable urban growth in line with Sustainable Development Goal (SDG #11) and the New Urban Agenda (NUA). The paper cautions against adopting 'silver bullet' solutions to avoid jeopardising the creation of local policy innovations that are more suitable to national and local contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea that ordinary people might contribute to verification of arms control treaties is not new; abstract discussions of the concept date back decades. But powerful and portable electronic devices have spread so widely in recent years that societal verification now seems an imminent reality. Motivated individuals might, for instance, collect treaty-relevant data through onboard sensors that smartphones can carry and then transmit the information to multilateral verification bodies or, as is already happening, share it online with global communities that subject it to crowdsourced analysis. But will societal verification generate enthusiasm in the developed and developing worlds alike? What legal protections must be established for participants? And will information gathered through societal verification ultimately prove useful and trustworthy? Three authors explore these emerging questions: from Burkina Faso and representing the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty Organization, Lassina Zerbo (2013); from the United States, research fellow Nima Gerami (2013); and from Malaysia, nuclear engineer Jamal Khaer Ibrahim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recently legislating the right of all citizens to food security, India continues to suffer high food-insecurity rates. With respect to several measures, food insecurity in India appears to be actually higher than in Ethiopia, a country with only one-fourth of India's average per-capita income. This article examines comparatively the two countries' food-security challenges and governance mechanisms and identifies several relevant policy areas for mutual learning – dietary diversity, maternal and infant nutrition, and sanitation as well as food production and programmes' external oversight. Beyond India and Ethiopia, these findings are pertinent also to other developing countries facing similar food-security challenges, such as Pakistan, Nigeria or Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government intentions stand at the heart of debates about how big data can and should be used in the Global South. This paper provides new insights by examining the political and economic visions promoted by emerging power governments in Brazil, India and China (the BICs). Doing so is crucial as these countries not only comprise some of the world's largest populations, but have also demonstrated their initiative in national and international promotion of big data politics. Drawing on a content analysis of strategic and legal documents discussing the use of big data, we identify potential areas for big data cooperation among the BICs by determining the compatibility of national policy visions. Three visions are apparent: data as a force for political liberation or repression, for improving public services and for facilitating development. Successful BIC cooperation is likely related to the latter two, but less probable for the liberation/repression vision. We conclude by identifying the implications of BIC engagement with big data for the Global South more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drastic immigration policies and economic conditions have resulted in unparalleled return rates to Mexico. Deported parents are faced with the difficult choice of leaving US-born children behind or taking them to their country of origin, where many face significant educational, cultural, and linguistic barriers. This study focuses on six families and the challenges they have faced living with undocumented status in the US, re-adjusting to life in Mexico, and the educational challenges faced by their children in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sting operation is a mainstay of FBI counterterrorism strategy. Critics charge that this practice, in which an informant lures vulnerable individuals into a plot by promising money and more, amounts to entrapment. Detailing contemporary terrorism discourse and the mediation of the war on terror, legal and media scholars contend that the racial formations marking Muslims as predisposed to “radicalization” therein effectively preclude a successful entrapment defense. Building on these critiques, this paper addresses the function of mediation in counterterrorism beyond and in relation to representation. Utilizing the trial transcripts and available government surveillance evidence in the Newburgh Four case, this paper reconstructs the sting operation, remapping the medial work of the informant: how he established, cultivated and elicited the links that constituted the “cell” and its tie to global jihad. I argue that the induced linkages are the stuff of premediation; they constitute not actual ties to terrorism, but those that might have materialized had the informant been a real recruiter. Nevertheless, they act as proxies in lieu of conventional markers of predisposition and help secure conviction. Ultimately, this paper illustrates the function of (pre)mediation in counterterrorism and its relation to mediated representations of terror. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Piracy off the coast of Somalia has resulted in a steady decline in trade through the Arabian Sea and higher costs of doing business for multiple world regions. The EU has responded to the threat with a large-scale anti-piracy operation in the Horn of Africa, which constitutes the first free-standing Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military operation that is not entirely dependent on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) planning and assets. The operation is designed to interdict Somali piracy operations across the Gulf of Aden and to keep some of the world’s busiest sea lanes open for reasons of world trade. This article argues that the EU preoccupation with military solutions to the piracy problem, based on interventions through the Somali federal government with an emphasis on security, is insufficient because it fails to address the underlying causes of piracy and misunderstands the Somali socio-cultural-security nexus and the need for practical longer term land-based approaches to development. The reduction of Somali piracy activities can be linked to this increased military response capacity as well as to increased security precautions undertaken by shipping companies, but none of these strategies has succeeded in dismantling piracy networks. They therefore offer only a temporary and costly stopgap measure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Rhetorical scholars have consistently demonstrated the value of engaging with difference in processes of public deliberation, yet publics still regularly make arguments on the basis of neutrality. Using a case study of advocacy for homeless bills of rights, I employ rhetorical field methods to assess vernacular responses to counterpublic rights claims. By attending to neutrality’s rhetorical force in practice, I examine how it enables publics to deny counterpublic assertions of inequality and obstruct counterpublic rights claims. I argue that neutrality allows publics to deny counterpublics’ needs, define counterpublics’ identities, and disguise their own self-interest. The theory of neutrality I offer here pushes rhetoricians beyond questions of its (un)desirability and (im)possibility to an understanding of how it operates. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Israeli government's design of the first Israeli National Cyber Security Strategy. Topics covered include how the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks influenced national-level intelligence and security decisions, the establishment of the Critical Infrastructure Protection (CIP) arrangement in 2002, and the establishment of the National Cyber Initiative task force in 2011. Also mentioned are the creation of the Israel National Cyber Bureau, elements of the Israeli Concept of Operations (CONOP), and the strategy's implications for international security.

This study contributes to existing research on the relative effectiveness of aid initiatives in addressing food insecurity in India. Specifically, it compares the effects of crop, livestock, credit, and WASH interventions implemented by a development NGO with the impacts of a public direct-transfer scheme on food security among communities in Uttar Pradesh. The NGO’s agricultural and WASH interventions and the government’s Antyodaya ration-card scheme appear to have the largest positive influence. Their positive impact can be enhanced by the presence of good governance and by the simultaneous application of several beneficial initiatives.ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The convergence of diverse global factors - food price volatility, the increased demand for biofuels and feeds, climate change and the financialisation of commodity markets - has resulted in renewed interest in land resources, leading to a rapid expansion in the scope and scale of (trans)national acquisition of arable land across many developing countries. Much of this land is on peripheral indigenous peoples' territories and considered a common property resource. Those most threatened are poor rural people with customary tenure systems - including indigenous ethnic minority groups, pastoralists and peasants - who need land most. In Ethiopia large areas have been leased to foreign and domestic capital for large-scale production of food and agrofuels, mainly in lowland regions where the state has historically had limited control. Much of the land offered is classified by the state and other elites as 'unused' or 'underutilised', overlooking the spatially extensive use of land in shifting cultivation and pastoralism. This threatens the land rights and livelihoods of ethnic minority indigenous communities in these lowlands. This article argues that recent large-scale land acquisitions are part of state strategy for enforcing political authority over territory and people. It examines the implications of such strategy for indigenous ethnic minority groups, focusing particularly on the Benishangul-Gumuz region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arctic policies of the United States, Canada, and Russia have received considerable attention on the international stage in recent years, although engagement by these states with the region extends through many eras. Overlooked in analyses of Arctic policy and practice in the region are the messages communicated through postage stamps, noted in their importance as transmitters of government messages, as these states emphasize claims to sovereignty and the resources of the region. These Arctic states have issued a number of stamps depicting the Arctic throughout their engagement with the region, long before any formal policy documents were issued addressing contemporary geostrategic concerns. This article surveys all Arctic postage stamps issued by these three states and analyzes their messages for correlation with official Arctic policy in several periods, concluding that there is substantial relationship between the issued stamps and the practice and policy of these Arctic states as they demonstrate their effective occupation of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines a set of memoranda, speeches, and other official discourse issued during the Global War on Terrorism that transformed the legal paradigm under which the enemy was defined and authorized new norms of conduct previously prohibited by law. It argues that these texts employ “deconstitutive rhetoric,” defined as discursive action that undermines the existing legal status of those to whom it refers and produces a disarticulate, destitute subject by denying the individual access to the civic forums in which rhetorical agency may be exercised. The essay begins with an analysis of the use of deconstitutive rhetoric in the decision to legally re-define Afghanistan as a “failed state” in order to absolve the United States of treaty obligations with that nation. It then addresses the emergence of “unlawful enemy combatant status,” a new legal category not recognized under the international laws of war. The essay concludes with a discussion the Obama administration’s detention and drone strike policies, which have continued to use deconstitutive rhetoric to undermine the legal status of those captured and killed in the Global War on Terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses the evolution of EU governance since the financial and eurozone crisis from an experimentalist perspective. It argues that EU governance in many key policy domains continues to take the form of an experimentalist decision-making architecture, based on a recursive process of framework goal-setting and revision through comparative review of implementation experience in diverse local contexts, which is well adapted to the Union’s turbulent and polyarchic environment. The first part of the paper presents a synoptic theoretical account of the characteristics of experimentalist governance, and summarises the empirical evidence on its incidence and operation within the EU before the crisis. The second part of the paper examines two ‘hard cases’ from an experimentalist perspective, namely financial regulation and the European Semester of socio-economic policy coordination. The paper concludes that both cases illustrate the limits of centralised hierarchical governance under the diverse and polyarchic conditions of the EU, together with the continuing attraction of experimentalist approaches for tackling complex, uncertain problems like financial regulation and reform of national employment and welfare systems. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The German Social Democratic Party's approach to issues of immigration and integration is paradoxical: on the one hand, the SPD has traditionally been the ‘party of and for immigrants’, enjoying the support of the overwhelming majority of the ‘guest workers’ and their descendants. At the same time, however, the SPD has been extremely timid when it comes to promoting immigration and integration policies and capitalising on the immigrant vote. Using a frame analysis of party discourse, this article explores the reasons for the SPD's unwillingness to address immigration more forcefully, taking into consideration three main factors: the ideological divisiveness of the questions attached to immigration, the tactical choices of the SPD positioning itself in the strategic terrain of party competition and the challenges resulting from how the centre–right and smaller parties have made inroads into this field of highly contested electoral politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Not only is Germany one of the principal destinations for immigration in Europe, but its policies and politics have also evolved substantially over the past half-century. This introduction argues that the time is now right to bring back the national perspective into the study of migration, but to do so from a cross-disciplinary perspective. The article provides a context for the contributions within this volume by setting out some key turning points in the development of this area, as well as pinpointing the contradictory nature of the challenges facing policy-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A rhetoric of inclusion and increased social spending within a global context of austerity cuts has dominated disability policies in Singapore today. However, there is a lack of academic works that take a critical disability studies view towards the analysis of disability in Singapore. This work aims to address this gap by adopting a critical social model-led analysis of disability policies in Singapore. The article examines the rhetoric of inclusion, how disability is defined and its implementation through various policies in Singapore. It will examine the underpinnings of disability in Singapore today and its impact on the lives of disabled people. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Street trader organisations are paradoxical objects of study. Their claims resist being analysed through the ‘right to the city’ lens, so contested are rights to inner city spaces between multiple users, not all of them in dominant socioeconomic positions; and so ambiguous is the figure of the street trader, oppressed but also appropriating public space for profit, increasingly claiming, in neoliberalising cities, an entrepreneurial identity. In the aftermath of the 2013 ‘Operation Clean Sweep’ (in which the City of Johannesburg unsuccessfully attempted to evict street traders from its inner city), this paper unpacks the politics of street trader organisations: how they organise their constituencies, frame their claims, forge unlikely alliances and enter into disempowering conflicts in engagements with a divisive municipality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Gay bars have been central to the social and cultural geography of queer folk throughout the twentieth century. In North America, Liquor Control Boards have been important in governing homosexuality. In order to explore the spatial governance of homosexuals, this paper uses a Foucauldian governmentality perspective to analyze data from Washington State Liquor Control Board (WSLCB) enforcement and hearing files between 1934 and 1971. While the WSLCB governed heteronormatively, it did so with a relatively light touch through the deployment and selective enforcement of often vague administrative rules. Adherence to the rules, meanwhile, relied upon an ability and willingness to understand authorities’ intentions and imaginations and to self-govern accordingly. Gay bars were somewhat privileged vis-à-vis neighboring straight bars, due to the unintended consequences of certain state practices, a desire by state authorities to closet homosexuality generally, and a propensity for self-governance on the parts of gay bar owners, managers, and patrons. Our findings add nuance to work on Foucauldian studies in geography, work on licensing and regulation, and urban gay histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine how European authorities have responded to reported threats to aviation resulting from individual terrorist tactics. We do so by applying the notion of political resilience and drawing on Palonen's “policy, polity, politicking, and politicization” model as well as on Malcolm Anderson's concept of “politics of the latest outrage.” We argue that the European Union response to aviation terrorism has created polity transformation and generated a long list of new policies but has also in the process become politicized and subject of politicking, with some high-profile measures being criticized for having a deleterious impact on passengers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Resilience strategies aim to build “resilience” before disasters strike; utilizing preemptive techniques to predict emergencies and prepare systems to manage their consequences. But what can we learn about resilience from responses to disasters that have already happened? This article draws on fieldwork at postterrorist sites in Norway: the Oslo Government Quarter and Utøya island. While resilience policy develops plans for infrastructural recovery after the next disaster, the curators of postterrorist sites rebuild and reclaim existing disaster space. They apply a retrospective framing of recovery. The article explores this work and questions its absence from policy understandings of resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When do citizens rely on party cues, and when do they incorporate policy-relevant information into their political attitudes? Recent research suggests that members of the public, when they possess some policy-relevant information, use that information as much as they use party cues when forming political attitudes. We aim to advance this research by specifying conditions that motivate people to use content over cues and vice versa. Specifically, we believe that increased issue salience motivates people to go beyond heuristics and engage in the systematic processing of policy-relevant information. Using data from a survey experiment that isolates the effects of policy-relevant information, party cues, and issue salience, we find that people are more likely to incorporate policy-relevant information when thinking about hydraulic fracturing (fracking), a relatively high-salience issue. When thinking about storm-water management, a relatively low-salience issue, people are more likely to rely on party cues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate the effects of party cues in experiments. Moreover, the politically aware participants—who are most likely to have been pretreated before entering the experiment—are the most sensitive to this interference from real-world context. Paradoxically, experimenters are most likely to find no effect of parties at the very time that their influence is strongest outside the experiment. These findings emphasize the importance of keeping real-world context in mind when designing and analyzing experiments on political communication effects and might help reconcile disparate results of previous party cue experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Academic interest in utility cycling has burgeoned in recent years with significant literature relating to the health and environmental benefits of cycling, the efficacy of cycle-specific infrastructure, and the embodied experiences of cycling. Yet with few exceptions, none of these accounts conceptualizes cycling as a mode of neoliberal governance through which circulation and quality of labor are improved. This article seeks to address this absence, positioning cycling in relation to broader biopolitical and political-economic governance in two ways: Focusing on the recent experiences of London (UK) it argues first that cycle promotion is a principally biopolitical "mobility" fix that seeks to operate through shaping individuals as entrepreneurs of the self who will move more efficiently. Second, and in relation to this biopolitics of cycling, it suggests that the minimal spatial fixing embodied in cycle-specific infrastructure represents a metaphorical fix resulting from tensions created between the enterprise of cycling, the realities of practicing it in hostile urban environments, and the temporary networks of actors that produce it as such. In doing so, the article contends that what is being materialized is a narrow productivist framing of cycling bothmaterially and discursively in the shape of commuter-focused infrastructure and promotion that effectively marginalizes subaltern and alternative performances. The article concludes by arguing that theorizing the promotion and practice of cycling as part of broader processes of neoliberalization should help to direct future research agendas for cycling and critical mobilities scholarship more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores women's rights activism in Turkey during the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) time in power (2002–present). A comparative analysis of three feminist campaigns for policy reform shows that in a context in which majority public opinion and the policy preferences of the ruling party militate against feminist policy proposals, a strong political ally (the European Union) was necessary to generate a policy change. The article also argues that the political opportunity structures within which feminists are embedded have been reconfigured over the course of the AKP's three terms in power, leaving the AKP in a stronger position to resist feminists’ demands. This explains the paradox of an internally stronger and more dynamic social movement that, nevertheless, appears to have weakenedvis-à-visthe state. Furthermore, because some recent legal reforms do not significantly reflect the AKP's or much of the public's preferences, the movement has been less able to generate implementation of recent policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Migrant journeys are often conceived as linear movement from a sending country to a receiving country. However, a recent work suggests that the notion of linear migrant journeys is a misrepresentation. I argue that European regulations that standardise immigration policy around a common goal of ‘burden-sharing’ such as the Dublin II Regulation interact with the journeys of migrants to create paths that are not linear, circular or guided solely by intent. Rather migrant journeys can be conceived as a series of negotiations with state policies that shape experiences, choices and destinations through constructions of illegality. Mobility becomes an on-going condition rather than a temporary one. Borders then are reproduced as phenomenological rather than physical. I illustrate my argument through an ethnographic case study of a Sudanese man seeking to join his wife and child who had filed an asylum application in France. He interacts with the borders of Europe throughout his journey; however, as he becomes known as an undocumented migrant he moves further from the possibility of entering Europe with immigration status despite being within the territorial boundaries. Conversely, as his physical proximity to Europe increases and is established, his legal proximity decreases. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Korean immigrants in the USA rely heavily on ethnic resources to start up small businesses. Ethnic resources include business networks and knowledge, start-up capital and access to labour power, which are embedded in networks of family, friends and co-ethnics. This paper shows how Korean dry-cleaners in Southern California used ethnic resources to mobilize in response to an environmental policy initiated by the South Coast Air Quality Management District (AQMD). While Korean immigrants used ethnic resources to start up dry-cleaning businesses, they found themselves working with a toxic chemical. In 2002, the AQMD required dry-cleaners in Southern California to convert to costly alternative machines by 2020. Korean dry-cleaners used ethnic-based collective action, particularly the Korean Dry Cleaning Association, as a means of fighting for regulatory concessions. They also used ethnic resources to overcome cultural and linguistic barriers to facilitate the adoption of alternative cleaning machines in compliance with the regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a result of US immigration and enforcement policies, Mexico has experienced the arrival of mixed-status families coming from the USA. We examine these families’ experiences of return to central Mexico through the lens of a ‘context of return’, by focusing on how the Mexican government, particularly schools, has received returned migrants. Based on in-depth interviews with thirteen mixed-status families who returned to Mexico in 2005–2010, we show how the citizenship and legal status of the various family members determine their incorporation in Mexico. As these legal statuses are shaped by both the US context of reception and the Mexican context of return, we argue that the two contexts are intimately related and shape the contours of the families and their incorporation upon their return. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Union (EU) is widely assumed to be a global environmental leader, especially in addressing climate change, though this reputation suffered greatly when European leaders were sidelined during the 2009 United Nations Climate Summit in Copenhagen. Subsequently, however, the EU has made significant progress in extending its Emission Trading System to the aviation sector, one of the fastest-growing sources of greenhouse gas emissions, and did so not only regionally, but also managed to get it onto the global policy agenda. This contribution investigates the EU's role in shaping the 2013 International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) resolution committing 191 government signatories to developing a global market-based measure to cap international aviation's carbon pollution. While not exactly setting new environmental standards or achieving definitive regulatory success, the case illustrates the agenda-setting capacity of the EU through leveraging its market power and adopting an explicitly extra-territorial rule to induce potential regulatory co-operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptualization of the European Union (EU) as market power Europe reflects an understanding that the EU most consequentially affects the international system by externalizing its internal market-related policies and regulatory measures. While considerable evidence exists to support such an exercise of power, further elaboration of the conceptualization reveals a number of ways in which it may contribute to the EU-as–a-power debates. This contribution undertakes a crucial stock-taking exercise for employing market power Europe as a dynamic conceptual framework for understanding and researching the EU as a power. The findings suggest that the conceptualization may improve analytical clarity and advance our empirical and theoretical understanding of the EU's external relations across various policy areas. These insights on the dynamic nature of the conceptualization as an analytical tool reveal important considerations for future scholarly work on the EU as a global regulator and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the one hand, research has trumpeted the European Union's (EU's) influence over international regulation. On the other hand, a significant literature details the limits of EU efforts. How can we reconcile these conflicting findings? This contribution's answer turns on the global regulatory context, two dimensions of which (the distribution of regulatory capacity across the major economies and institutional density at the global level) are used to deduce scope conditions under which the EU can (or cannot) be expected to adopt different policy strategies. The study posits that variation along these dimensions is likely to result in four strategies: regulatory export; first-mover agenda-setting; mutual recognition; and coalition-building. The analytic exercise helps identify sources of and constraints on potential EU behavior as the polity engages in the politics of global regulation. The framework could in principle be extended to explain the strategies of other regulatory great powers; it unifies existing theoretical arguments, contributes to a growing literature in international relations, comparative politics, and European studies on the role of context in conditioning causal relationships, and offers a nuanced and tractable set of expectations about the EU as a global actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU's) regulations affect how business is conducted and consumers and the environment protected in parts of the world far beyond its borders. Moreover, the external impact of its regulations informs understandings of the EU as a global actor. This contribution makes three main arguments. First, the EU's regulatory influence varies systematically across different forms of regulatory interaction: regulatory competition and different forms of regulatory co-operation. The form of regulatory interaction, therefore, is a critical intervening variable between the EU's regulatory power resources and its influence. Second, within the different forms of regulatory co-operation the EU's influence varies in line with expectations derived from the literature. But, third, the magnitude of the EU's influence seems to be considerably less in regulatory co-operation than suggested by the literature on regulatory competition; a finding that reinforces the first argument. The contribution also introduces the rest of the special issue, identifying three overarching conclusions: the utility of the EU's regulatory power resources is context specific; debates about what kind of power the EU is, at least as previously conceived, are unproductive; and that the EU's engagement in the world is better explained through general theories of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of China as a development actor across the global South has raised significant questions regarding the extent to which the country presents new development opportunities to its compatriots in the South. My aim is to reflect on and parse out the experiences and policies that have shaped China’s development to assess how it can inform the field of development studies. I argue that we need to critically engage in China’s development process, as China’s own development has led to the emergence of many more problems than solutions, ranging from increasing inequality to exclusionary development practices pertaining to ethnic minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This contribution focuses on the European Parliament (EP) as an actor in European Union (EU) border policies. It situates the Parliament in the dynamics of the Schengen project and discusses the distinct role it plays therein, as well as its impact thereon. The article argues that the EP managed to establish itself, years before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, as a credible actor in border policies able to bring the citizens’ perspective into EU border policies. With its keen interest in the Schengen area as an area in which citizens can move freely without being subject to border controls, and with its focus on fundamental rights, it played, and continues to do so, a role in ensuring that “Schengen works”. The article presents its powers and the interplay with the other EU institutions, mainly on the basis of a number of key examples. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Links between security and migration are well established and are associated with the meaning, status, and practice of borders in the international political system. This article assesses how and with what effects the effects of environmental and climate change have entered this relationship between migration and security. It does so by assessing the EU’s external governance of migration in “South Mediterranean Partner Countries” (SMPCs): Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria, and Tunisia. It is argued that a focus on promoting “adaptation” and building “resilience” has developed that is consistent with the logic of governing migration from a distance. However, the article challenges ideas that environmental/climate change act as simple migration “triggers” and instead explores implications of movement towards and not away from risk, as well as the potential for populations to be trapped in areas that expose them to risk. It is shown that both have important implications for the relationship between migration, environmental/climate change, and security in SMPCs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the origins and development of the European Border Surveillance System (EUROSUR) in order to better understand its functioning in view of its stated objectives. Particular attention will be devoted to the European Commission’s recurring claim that one of EUROSUR’s main goals is to save lives at sea. This contribution questions that assertion. It rather considers EUROSUR as representative of the steady, technocratic development of a European system for border management. The reliance on the exchange of information, the reinforcement of FRONTEX, the European Union’s agency for the coordination of operational cooperation between national border guards and the emphasis on cooperation with third countries support this claim. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the role of narratives in European Union (EU) external relations in the revised European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and systematically explores how they operate in practice in the context of the EU's border management practices vis-à-vis the “southern borderlands”, in particular with respect to their inclusionary and exclusionary potential. Key EU documents and statements by EU agents, released throughout the first three years of Arab uprisings and pertaining to the revised ENP, will be subjected to a thorough examination which highlights four observations: first, in spite of the fact that the revised ENP is rooted in several narratives, some nevertheless dominate over others; second, the simultaneous presence of and recourse to different narratives contribute to an increase, rather than a decrease, of uncertainty in the EU's southern borderlands; third, despite a multitude of narratives which serve to legitimize EU action in the framework of the revised ENP, the latter perpetuates the logics of its predecessor by generating benefits mainly for the EU itself; fourth, that the first three years of the revised ENP have in practice demonstrated that an imbalance exists between on the one hand the original acceptance of the narratives by EU stakeholders and on the other hand their willingness to abide by them and fill them with life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Western European national policies increasingly portray diversity as negative and migrants as ‘others’ who do not belong to the national community. This article examines how local governments articulate alternative discourses of belonging based on residents' shared membership in the civic life of the city. In a Dutch case study, the ways in which local policymakers diverge from exclusionary national narratives are examined. It is argued that discourses about urban citizenship offer opportunities for the inclusion of migrants by drawing new boundaries between ‘good’ citizens and those who are unwilling to participate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Union (EU) is usually described as a promoter of global environmental governance, committed to sustainability and the precautionary principle. Regarding international fisheries management, however, the EU has repeatedly deviated from these principles. This article analyses the EU's policy in two Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs): the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Organization (NAFO) and the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT). The EU's deviation from its environmental principles is explained by the weakness of the pro-environmental advocacy coalition in the EU's fisheries policy subsystem and the overcapacity of the EU's fleet, which first arose when European fishing nations were excluded from traditional fishing grounds during the creation of Exclusive Economic Zones in the 1970s. At the same time the article finds evidence of a trend towards sustainability and precaution in the EU's external fisheries policy since the mid-2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has been conceptualized as a regulatory state, i.e., an emerging polity that differs from the classic Westphalian state. Unable to engage in redistribution and stabilization, the EU has specialized in a range of regulatory functions related to market creation and management of externalities. We argue that the European financial crisis is pushing the EU to move beyond regulation. We explore the origins of and responses to the crisis, and examine the ways in which the crisis is creating pressures for stabilization and fiscal policy. Indeed, we argue that significant inroads into these areas have already been made and further changes in the direction of stabilization and fiscal policy are likely, though whether such competences are centralized or decentralized is an open question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion of the European Union's (EU's) administrative capacity could ultimately strengthen the influence of EU bodies at the expense of national governments. Recent scholarship has focused on the establishment of executive-administrative capacity beyond the European Commission, as in the form of EU agencies or networks. Previous research has identified interest constellations and existing transnational networks as important explanations, showing how the interests of national- and EU-level organizations have tended to group along a national–supranational axis. In 2009, the EU adopted a procedure for making binding EU legislation (network codes), delegating substantial tasks to a new EU energy agency (ACER), a new private European association (ENTSO-E) and to the Commission. Prior to the procedure's adoption, however, ‘intra-sectoral’ divisions overshadowed national–supranational divergence. Enquiring into the causes, this article finds that complementary use of perspectives can deepen our understanding of why and how the ‘European administrative space’ emerges. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the formulation of policy frames towards new minorities in France by analysing Lyon's membership of the European Commission's and Council of Europe's Intercultural Cities programme (ICP). Here, with culture accounting for 20% of Lyon's budget, emphasis is placed on the adoption of the Charte de Coopération Culturelle to use cultural institutions to implement difference-orientated policies. Critically, important issues emerge with this strategy. The effort to engage new minorities is hampered by significant apathy from cultural institutions in Lyon, and the limited geographical area of Lyon included in the ICP. Finally, institutions who engage with promoting interculturality co-opt existing organizations, with negative implications for the treatment of diversity in the city. This illustrates the problems with a European framework fostering a policy frame based on recognition for minorities in a context that has yet to fully embrace such policies at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the labour and labour relations policies in Turkey under the country's ruling political party the Justice and Development Party (JDP) during the 2000s, including in regard to aspects of authoritarianism within Turkey's government. An overview of legislation on labour unions in Turkey is provided. The article compares the labour policy in Turkey under the JDP to its labour policy from the 1960s through the 1990s.

The article discusses the hijab controversies in education system in the Great Britain. It discusses Panopticon and surveillance in education system Foucault's theory of governmentality, and issues faced by Muslim minorities in Great Britain. The author discusses her own experience of discrimination as part of the Muslim minority.