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The paper explores experiences of temporary labor migration that entailed Yugoslav export of know-how (highly skilled knowledge and expertise) between 1980 and 1991, a result of industrial collaboration between Mining and Smelting Combine Bor, a state-owned copper-processing 'giant' in former Yugoslavia, and the biggest copper company in Iran, National Iranian Copper Industries Company. Based on interviews with individuals engaged in the Yugoslav project, supplemented by analysis of documents and historic newspapers from that period, the paper analyzes everyday practices of managerial bureaucratic improvisations and improvisations at work. The article shows how such improvisations helped overcome excessive and rigid Yugoslav socialist bureaucracy and made Yugoslav entrepreneurial capitalist ventures possible. Moreover, it argues that the export of know-how was constitutive of silent acceptances of reproduction of capitalist relations, which helped consolidate the process of liberalization of the socialist market in the late 1980s. We argue that such temporary labor migration and the often improvised work carried out by the Yugoslav workers cannot be seen as a resistance or alternative to the Western/Northern hegemonies. Rather, we argue that such practices were facilitators of the capitalist ventures at semi-peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia and Serbia have emerged as nationalist states that serve the political interests of ethnic Croats and Serbs, respectively. Despite these regime shifts, historical communities of Croatian Serbs and Serbian Croats still remain within these states. This paper sheds light on the experiences of these minority groups who embody ideological threats to their regimes' nationalist goals. I argue that Serbs in Croatia are heavily marginalised by dominant political narratives that have cast them to bear the brunt of the state's post-war grievances. As a result, they experience institutional discrimination that limits their range of economic and social opportunities. Conversely, Croats in Serbia face less explicit prejudice, though post-war stigmas have pushed many to redefine their ethnic affiliations. Both minority groups are experiencing a steady population decline as the rise in nationalist rhetoric has dissolved their rootedness to these territories. This paper examines a majority-minority dynamic in the context of the literature on modern 'ethnocratic' states and presents a case study for how ethnic minorities navigate through social prejudices and find ways to negotiate access to participation in everyday society, given the structural exclusion from institutions they face as communities deemed hostile by their state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of computer networks is relatively well described in Western literature but some parts of the world have been neglected. This paper explores the first ways in which computer networks were used in Yugoslavia, since these are different from the modes used in the West or Russia, because the dissolution of the country -- mixed with its transition from communism to democracy and the wars for independence -- created an environment which allowed computer networks to be used in unprecedented ways. The paper uses a mix of historical method, computational methods for collecting and analysing USENET data, semi-structured interview, archival research, and qualitative online observation. The main findings show that access to Western technology and participation in academic networks enabled Yugoslavian STEM academia and hackers to use computer networks for the first computer networks' propaganda war. Slovenians, Croatians, and Serbians created electronic mailing lists through which they tried to manipulate international actors and to bond the diaspora for a common cause, and they additionally fought in USENET discussion groups by implementing trolling techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the ongoing events of the so-called 'Balkan Route' and the Covid-19 pandemic this paper explores how the populist representations of migrants in the Western Balkans rest on specific historically embedded framings of migration. Based on long-term ethnographic insights and media analysis in Serbia the paper explores how the images of (good/bad) migrants tend to play out as unstable 'floating signifiers' in particular ways which is grounded on ambivalent perceptions of primarily two legacies and patterns of migration crucial for the region: work migration and forced migration. The paper traces how, firstly, the image of the diligent work migrant loyal to nationalist politics can surprisingly easily turn into one of the irresponsible and threatening figure of the returning work migrant as the very culprit of the pandemic (spreading the virus and taking advantage of the health system). The paper explores how this ambivalent image of the work migrant is based in the particular history and transformation of emigration from former Yugoslavia to Western Europe since the 1960s and its interrelation with populist nationalism. Secondly, I will argue that the 'usage' of the image of the 'Muslim migrant' along the©so-called 'Balkan Route' seems to be 'flexible' and 'variable' due to the particular history and presence of Muslim populations in the region. The 'Muslim migrant' can thus easily simultaneously or alternately appear as subject of legitimate humanitarian aid and freedom of movement (with no reference to religion at all), as well as the threatening 'Muslim other'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the construction of a national and supra-national culinary identity in Slovenia in the decades since its independence from Yugoslavia through the TV chefs Valentina and Luka Novak's celebrity cookbooks. As they cook for the nation, they establish the idea of what is to be "Slovene" in post-socialism. Based on an analysis of the spin-off cookbooks from their popular TV series Love through the Stomach broadcast on Slovene television from 2009 to 2014, the paper discusses their complex navigation between various aspects of Slovenia's history, as the chefs distance the cuisine from its Yugoslav past and explicitly reorient its food culture toward Central Europe. In doing this, they reflect and reinforce larger discourse shifts that have been taking place in Slovenia since the 1980s and through which its political and media elites prepared the ground for Slovenia's entry to the EU in 2004, distancing themselves from its "Balkan" neighbors and embracing its European essence. This paper shows how such shifts can be reflected in culinary texts, such as cookbooks, contributing to the understanding of everyday food texts as political texts. The paper also demonstrates the role of the Slovene middle-class elite as culinary trendsetters in the post-socialist period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 1961, the football team of the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) played five matches in Yugoslavia. Drawing on the theory of sports diplomacy, the paper studies the rationale of the host authorities behind the organization of these events as having both foreign and domestic political significance. Accordingly, we argue that the state-party elite organized the football tour of Yugoslavia not only to foster relations with the FLN but also to mobilize the domestic public's support for the provision of material and diplomatic assistance to the Algerian independence movement. Differently from previous works, the paper analyses the FLN team's matches primarily from the perspective of the host country. The research is based on the records from the archival fond of the Federation of Trade Unions of Yugoslavia kept in the Croatian State Archives and on the articles reporting on the football tour from relevant Yugoslav newspapers of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Neretva, directed by Veljko Bulajić is one of the biggest war spectacles produced in Yugoslavia following the famous partisan battle with Axis forces during World War II. The film serves as a useful site from which we can understand the conventions of the Yugoslav war film while its exceptional production and exhibition strategies and reception history signal a critical turning point in the cultural understanding of the war film as a meditator of history. By studying the film's production, exhibition, and reception, aesthetics, and historiographical significance, and drawing upon original archival documents preserved in the Jugoslovenska Kinoteka/Yugoslav Cinematheque in Belgrade, this paper aims to identify, assess, and expose the layered significance of the film The Battle of Neretva, and to further map out its position within (Yugoslav) film history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse fiscal policy in former Yugoslavian countries over the period 2001–2014. The contribution of the paper is threefold; first, we build a homogeneous database to describe the evolution of the main fiscal aggregates in each country using an identical analytical structure. Second, we analyse the composition of national tax revenues to determine whether common patterns are still present, or if they have evolved in different ways over time. Third, we pool data to analyse and compute the elasticity of budget imbalance, taxes and expenditure to the output gap. Our results show that tax revenue composition is still similar and that the economic cycle is very relevant in explaining the dynamics of both deficit and expenditure over Gross Domestic Product, but not revenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzes the activities of the Ford Philanthropic Foundation in Yugoslavia during the Cold War with a special emphasis on Ford's Education Programme through which a significant number of Yugoslavs had the opportunity to study and work in the United States. Using the Ford Foundation archives, this research reveals the foundation's intentions to expose influential individuals from Yugoslavia to Western ideology and culture with the goal of suppressing communist ideology at the beginning of the Cold War. With enormous financial resources and reputation among the Yugoslav population and leadership, the Ford Foundation during its ten years of intense activity in the country (1959–1969) was completely subordinated to the official foreign policy of Washington, which was based on support for an independent Yugoslavia within the communist bloc. Ford's operational activities reduced the stereotypes of Yugoslavs about the United States and greatly contributed to the cultural rapprochement of the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956. It was this body, established in 1951, that organised the registration and transport of some 200,000 Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. This paper examines this international migration organisation in the 1950s based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents. It focuses on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will elaborate the impact of social, political and economic processes on the formation and development of the pharmaceutical profession in Croatia until the end of the Second World War. Political axes and dominant economic theories shaped a complex history of interactions between the pharmaceutical profession and state structures, dramatically polarizing the profession into interest groups. The paper will focus on the conflicts which arose from disagreements between owners and employees regarding professional interests, social issues and political ideologies, that became evident with the 1914 employees' strike in Zagreb and ended with the nationalization of all Yugoslav pharmacies after the Second World War. The main argument is that the conflict between the owners and the employees created powerful dynamics of change in the pharmaceutical profession. It induced the establishment of various class bodies and official gazettes; influenced the debates around new pharmaceutical legislation; awakened the need to establish instruments of social protection and social insurance; problematized the concession system, and ultimately led to the conversion of private pharmacies into state-owned ones. These complex processes were embedded in the quest for the unique identity of the pharmaceutical profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relations between architecture, urbanism and structural anthropology, and makes a contribution to the interpretation of how the architects of former Yugoslavia translated structuralism into architectural theory and practice as a means of reading and shaping Yugoslav culture in the context of radical socio-political change. In striving for freedom of opinion, expression, communication and action, and autonomy of scientific and cultural practices, the Yugoslav society through its avant-garde cultural role initiated a shift of focus in urban culture towards semiotics, historicity, dialectics, creativity, criticism and a revival of the humanistic values of traditional culture. From this viewpoint, the paper examines the interests in theory and practice of the most influential Yugoslav architects in the context of structuralism: Mutnjaković, Neidhardt, Grabrijan, Bogdanović and Delalle. Their theoretical approaches effected a change of functionalist principles and values and advocated the return of values of the old city centre and vernacular architecture, specifically its vitality, symbolism, historical continuity, environmental values and diverse urban forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archival materials for the Different New Music Festival, which was held in the mid-1980s under the auspices of the Students' Cultural Centre (SKC) in Belgrade, reveal the multi-layered interplay of culture, politics, and ideologies of socialist and non-aligned Yugoslavia. A young generation of composers in Belgrade, who served on the Music Editorial Team of the SKC, organised three annual editions of the Different New Music Festival (1984–1986), seeking to revitalise the pluralist musical landscape of the 1960s. In a world divided into two military and political blocs—a period during which arts from the East were practically inaccessible in the West and vice versa—the SKC Festival became a hotspot for cultural exchange of local and international musical experimentalism, bringing together artists from both Blocs. Scrutinising the Festival's programme conception, this paper examines the Different New Music Festival as a significant factor in the transnational neo-avant-garde network, whereby Yugoslav composers participated in shaping European experimental and minimalist music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we perform an empirical analysis on the determinants of tax morale in former Yugoslavian countries, including both individuals' attributes and contextual variables. We use survey data from the 2008 European Values Study as well as fiscal and economic macro-data. Our results reveal that the outcomes for individual-level variables are in line with the previous scientific literature. Moreover, the results on contextual variables and the interactions associated with tax burden and economic freedom provide new insights concerning tax morale in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goli Otok (Barren Island) was a site of the master political prison and forced labor camp of the socialist Yugoslavia between 1949 and 1956. The imprisoned, accused of siding with Stalin in the Tito-Stalin political rift, were sent to undergo 'self-managed re-education' through 'socially beneficial labor' in the island's limestone quarries. The inmates were forced to build their own prison out of that very limestone - the first known human dwellings on the previously uninhabited island. They were also often forced to break, crumble and to carry massive stone loads from one place to another and back, with no constructive or productive purpose. However, the labor camp authorities also operated a lucrative business, oriented towards country-wide distribution, and sometimes towards international export of the island's limestone. The quarried stone of the island therefore travelled more widely than its excavators, whose movements were limited to their island-prison. Set at the intersection of labor history and environmental history and drawing on the archival materials of the Yugoslav State Security Service, oral history interviews with the former prisoners, and their published and unpublished written memoirs, this paper examines the interrelations of the prison-island, its stone material, and the prisoners' laboring bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The keeping or discard of objects is not always within people's power range. War and the escape from war are instances when people are violently separated from their possessions due to massive destruction. At the same time, few objects might be saved or regained in later stages of life. This paper is about objects that people who fled the war in Yugoslavia in the 1990s as children were able to preserve. In my analysis, I point out how the biographies of people and things are entangled, joining and parting at various points in time. As people's and things' biographies do not inevitably align with each other, the conditions that facilitated such a keeping or recovery are reconstructed. The article concludes that agency does not always reside with humans but is distributed between people, things and the material and social infrastructures that both are embedded in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the factors affecting police officer willingness to adhere to a code of silence among the police in Croatia and Serbia. The paper explores the factors predicting police codes of silence in two countries formed after the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s that pursued separate development paths. A police integrity questionnaire recorded the views of 1,007 police officers in Croatia and 1,843 police officers in Serbia. Multivariate modelling was used to analyse the predictors of officers' perceptions of whether they would report the violation in different scenarios. Decades since the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the results indicate that many of the factors predicting the code of silence remain similar across police officers in the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers investigates the structural components that determine conditional convergence and the reciprocal relationship between these components and income in the (former) Yugoslav countries. Applying an ARDL model, we found that, in the long run, capital stock growth and R&D expenditures are positively dependent on GDP per capita growth, but R&D negatively depends on employment growth. R&D has an impact on GDP per capita growth in the long run, but not in the short run. Applying the OLS model, we estimated the significance of R&D and tertiary education outcomes on output growth and found it to be significant and positive. We found that convergence is a bidirectional process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst scholars have examined the long-term political, social, and cultural dynamics with regards to Yugoslavia's collapse, the military has largely escaped similar scrutiny. This paper explores the League of Communists of Yugoslavia's attempt to solve the nationalist problems of Yugoslavia through the ideology of self-management, and how the failure to do so affected the strategy of Total National Defence. The republics were able to construct their own armed forces due to Total National Defence's devolution of powers and self-management making changes to the policy extremely difficult for the federal government and Yugoslav People's Army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Peace Index (GPI) measures how 'peaceful' countries are, while the World Happiness Report (WHR) index measures how 'happy' their citizens are. But when compared side by side, the two sets of findings conspicuously do not match – apparently indicating that people who live in peace do not always live in happiness. To grapple with this interesting dissonance, let us assume that happiness is the ultimate goal in life – as proposed by the Benthamite philosophy – and that peace is therefore an instrumental good, much like health, freedom and autonomy. Once this is taken on principle, it follows that peacebuilding's overall goal should be to make sure conflict-affected communities are happy. This paper investigates what the results of peacebuilding would look like if they were measured using the GPI and WHR at the same time. Using the former Yugoslavia countries as a case study, it asks whether these countries' post-conflict experiences of peacebuilding can help explain their WHR and GPI results. The intention is to start a meaningful debate on what peacebuilding's overall objective should be – and to examine whether the measurement of happiness could be a useful starting point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU political conditionality for candidate countries brings an unprecedented focus on transforming standards and practices of civil society engagement in policymaking and introduces a number of mechanisms for supporting reforms in this area. However, there is still not enough evidence on the effects of various conditionality mechanisms for various patterns of civil society policy engagement in countries on the path to EU accession. Drawing on theoretical approaches from Europeanization and interest group research, the paper seeks to analyse how various EU mechanisms influence the involvement, access and prominence of civil society organizations in national policymaking processes in the pre-accession phase. Based on the analysis of the cases of Serbia and Montenegro as the only two Western Balkans candidate countries which have started EU accession negotiations, it is argued that a clearer and more consistent application of EU conditionality can lead to more advanced civil society policy engagement, but its effectiveness depends on the genuine commitment of government bodies to proactive transparency and fundamental freedoms. It is also argued that purely formal government compliance with EU requirements can remain only a window dressing exercise and a source of legitimizing authorities' decision-making processes without empowering effects on domestic civil society actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout 1990, an attempt at federal transition in Yugoslavia was intended to keep up with global and regional transformations based on the establishment of liberal democracies and the geographical expansion of US influence and neoliberalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Paradoxically, republican and interrepublican developments in Yugoslavia, which deepened the country's crisis and halted the transition process, were adapted in a more effective way to the new international order, marked by the US pretension of global unipolar hegemony. Drawing on Robert Cox's method of historical structures, this paper argues that the failure of Yugoslav transition was a consequence of decreasing consistency between federal reformist efforts and the emerging post-Cold War world order and discusses the pertinence of approaching Yugoslav dissolution through the neo-Gramscian approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uncovers British newsreel media's largely unknown role in propagating Yugoslavia as a country that defied the Cold War binary. My archival research of the British Information Research Department (IRD), the first anti-communist propaganda agency, shows how the IRD and British newsreel companies' cooperation helped establish Yugoslavia's Cold War myth as 'a pleasurable' albeit socialist country. From 1946, numerous newsreel films established representational tropes that became synonymous with Yugoslavia's role in the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. This is also a story of how the British state reshaped and appropriated British newsreel media and photojournalism from their politically subversive role in the 1930s to the post-war British state's greatest asset in the Cold War. This article expands our usual understanding of newsreel media as tools of propaganda by insisting on the history of their unruliness and subversion; the British state appropriated newsreel media within the debates over the future of the liberal world-system. If we want to understand mid-twentieth century politics, this article argues that we need to pay closer attention to the role of non-fiction media such as newsreels in undermining and supporting official governmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sport in socialist Yugoslavia was very popular. However, there is limited research to trace the representation of athletes in its sport governing bodies. Therefore, the aim of the paper was to address this research gap by analyzing the historical developments of sport and to locate athletes within relevant political landmarks of sport, political processes, institutional arrangements, and sport governing bodies. The results of the study highlight key actors, institutional arrangements, and processes that shaped the self-managerial governance model and nominal role of athletes. The conclusion is that the structures of sport governing bodies and institutional arrangements were inseparable from the Communist Party of Yugoslavia's development path and agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

This paper focuses on the possibilities contained in the marriage of a social-constructionist notion of identity and historiographical biographical research. The author shows that the non-essentialist understanding of identity can easily be effectively applied to archival materials produced during a period of radical social change – specifically the period immediately following the Second World War, when the Yugoslav Communist Party emerged victorious and began implementing its programme, an important (or rather crucial) part of which was the expropriation of the property of the bourgeoisie. It is on the biographies of these Slovenian industrialists that this paper focuses, showing the effects that the revolutionary political and economic programme had on their (social) identities. Two of the most important phenomena were the radical change in the terms of respectability and the economic value of the industrialists, and the ‘institutionalization of identity reversal’. Finally, the article attempts to understand the place and role of individual agency during the time of the Communist revolution, concluding that industrialists were left very little space for action by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents the results of cement-based mortars characterizations that were taken from rendered layers of military bunkers in the Rupnik Line. The Rupnik Line was conceived as a part of the fortified defence system protecting the Rapallo Border between the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, established in 1920. The bunkers were built between 1938 and 1941, and the renders of various compositions were applied as a camouflage layer that merged the bunkers with the environment. Results of petrographic examination and microstructural and chemical analysis of the samples confirmed that locally available crushed dolomite or limestone sands were used as an aggregate in the mortars. As binders, pure Portland cement or a mixture of cement and ground granulated blast furnace slag were used. The selection of the aggregate and binder type in a particular mortar was based on the colour of the artificial stone produced. All samples with the dolomite aggregate show the presence of alkali-aggregate reactions, dedolomitization of the grains and secondary calcite formation in the cement binder, along with the Mg-Al, Mg-Si and Mg-Al-Si phase formations. In mortar compositions with a high Portland cement content, the presence of delayed ettringite formation was also confirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main issue this paper aims to tackle is whether incitement to hatred, independently of direct incitement to violence should amount to the actus reus of persecution as a crime against humanity. Before determining whether hate speech can be treated as an international crime, this article assesses theories and current international legal standards in the field of freedom of expression in order to identify the space for such a drastic intrusion into this freedom. The most significant justification for an international criminalisation of hate speech in certain contexts is that it enables large-scale discrimination and threatens basic human rights, including the right to life, of the targeted out-group. Current international criminalisation, as interpreted by the jurisprudence of the Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals, still shows an overly narrow approach, excluding much of the hate propaganda that plays a vital role in the enabling of mass crimes. This article concludes that systematic incitement to hatred should be treated as a form of persecution, regardless of a call to violence, when the inciter has knowledge of the fact that his words might contribute to the commission of grave crimes or large-scale discrimination against the targeted out-group and the denial of human rights of its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how the ideas that initiated the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 were embedded in the foreign policy of Yugoslavia after the end of World War II. From the very beginning (1945), the political actors of Yugoslavia had directed foreign policy towards bilateral cooperation, first of all with the Soviet Union, and with other democratic countries. All foreign policy issues were solved in the context of belonging to the socialist political camp, on the wings of the World War II victory and national liberation from the occupiers and the capitalist way of organizing society. Such a socialist foreign political course lasted only until the end of 1947. However, the article considers that there had been an October Revolution sentiment in Yugoslavia long before the adoption of the socialist organization of society after 1945. For this reason, apart from the international importance of the idea of the October Revolution, attention is directed towards analysis of the continuity of the idea of the revolution in Yugoslavia (1919–1945), and then towards the foreign policy practice of Yugoslavia observed through the analysis of primary political sources (1945–1947). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the situation in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, during the 1990s. An ecosystemic paradigm was used in its conceptualization and operationalization at multisystem levels of context. Description is based on research performed on 50 "normal" families under chronic stress and persistent crises, as well as on the authors' personal and professional experience, both as participants and observers faced with everyday, new stressful life events. The families have modified their system functioning on cohesion dimension (enmeshment) and on flexibility dimension (chaos), activating and mobilizing families' strengths, resources, and resilience to survive and to adapt to persistent/chronic stressful life in the context of global crisis of the society. A dramatic social transformation-greatly modified social structure, different dominant social actors, a new "logic" of functioning, and new social problems and contradictions-leave its stamp on everyday life. At the same time, families have confirmed their strengths and resilience in the past difficult times as a basis for our hope and optimism for the progress in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper draws on a particular conceptual framework for the interpretation of the current European Union (EU) crisis. Famously, the EU has been classified as an organization existing in between or beyond the modern state and international organizations. The constitutionally undefined political aim of the EU contributes mostly to its vague classification. Nevertheless, the escalation of the Eurozone crisis has revealed the inherent relation between the politically unfinished design of the EU and the inability of its actors to confront the major social and economic challenges of today. This paper argues that this systemic failure of the EU replicates another historical example, the Yugoslav federation. Beyond substantial differences between the two, there is an important similarity. They both have, embedded in their very nature, the character of an unfinished political construction. Furthermore, both the EU and Yugoslavia followed the same path from an emancipative process of federalism to an existential crisis, both moving from legitimate to very questionable polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence agencies in former Yugoslavia served as the regime's political police, which carried out domestic security roles in an internally divided country that was caught at the crossroads of a geopolitical cleavage between great powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war that has been raging in Ukraine since 24 February has claimed thousands of lives. The attacks by Russian forces on residential and public buildings have caused material damage on a scale not seen since the Second World War, in violation of existing international conventions. Military operations have also targeted Ukrainian cultural heritage. The conflict in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which was to some extent similar, also resulted in the destruction of a large amount of immovable heritage. This article outlines promising approaches to solving the key problems of post-war heritage restoration in Ukraine, taking into account the relevant experiences of the Balkan countries. The Balkan case can provide scientific added value derived from the synthesis of the Balkan and Ukrainian experiences to increase the effectiveness of reconstruction assistance from international institutions. Practical recommendations for the establishment of an efficient post-war heritage management system are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the term "memory abuse" as an analytical framework to understanding politically constructed mnemonic tensions in the years preceding Yugoslavia's violent dissolution. Here, "memory abuse" represents an intersection between the literatures of memory and conflict studies and refers to the intentional manipulation of memory beyond an intangible threshold, past which violence inevitably results. Drawing on the typologies of collective and cultural memory by Aleida and Jan Assmann, I argue that the political mobilisation of both distant and recent memories in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the late 1980s to a significant degree contributed to the outbreak of war in the early 1990s, and contemporary political actors have perpetuated an abuse of memory that has limited reconciliatory outcomes in the region since the end of conflict. In reformulating the memories of, inter alia, the 1389 Battle of Kosovo and the atrocities of the Second World War to fit nationalist narratives, political actors across Yugoslavia's republics sought to profit from forced divisions that ultimately brought about the country's end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on a study related to professionalization of business enterprise management in Yugoslavia. Of a total of 245 participants who returned usable questionnaires, 138 are employed in manufacturing, 67 in other productive sectors, and 40 in public services, governmental bodies, and political and social organizations. Hence, more than half of the respondents are employed in manufacturing. Of the 245 respondents, 60 are directors of enterprises: 42 in manufacturing and 18 in other productive sectors. The respondents who were employed in productive sectors but who were not enterprise directors had the following positions: higher- and medium-level managers, staff specialists, supervisors, office workers, blue-collar workers and others. Virtually an equal number of directors believe that the directorial function is conceived as a special function and as a socio-political function. About half of the non-directors believe that the directorial position is conceived as a socio-political function, and about one-fourth think that the directorial position is considered a special profession in Yugoslavia.

The paper discusses the intellectual legacy of praxis philosophy which, with its new reading of Marx, spread its range beyond the narrow parameters established in the fourth chapter of the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). The paper addresses the question of the state and the perspective of democracy through the categories and concepts of praxis philosophy and concludes that understanding democracy in terms of praxis—as a free and creative activity in everyday life—and not as a prefabricated institutional design, leads to the negation of the present thesis on the crisis of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is 20 years since the violent disintegration of Yugoslavia and the more peaceful, but still problematic, break-up of the Soviet Union. The on-going question of the status of Kosovo, continuing international involvement in Bosnia, the dormant conflicts in Transdniestria and Nagorno-Karabakh, recurrent violence in the North Caucasus, and the 2008 war between Russia and Georgia show that issues surrounding the break-up of both states remain pertinent today. This paper considers, firstly, whether norms surrounding self-determination and secession have been developed in response to events in former Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union. Secondly, it examines what ideas of the nation have emerged: for example, does the civic/ethnic distinction apply or is it too simplistic or value-laden, and what norms if any of citizenship are developing? Thirdly, the paper considers whether regional integration is helping to overcome tensions around national boundaries and membership, or whether it is instead creating competition between outside actors (particularly the EU and Russia) to gain influence over the countries ‘in between’, at the same time as exacerbating internal tensions in countries such as Ukraine and Serbia over their foreign policy orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper was to understand more about the continued learning process of those who have experienced negative life experiences. This paper focuses on the various issues of learning and living through war, specifically encounters from the war in former Yugoslavia. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to understand lessons learned by those who experienced the Yugoslavian War. This conflict took place approximately from 1991-1997. The sample consisted of 21 adults, previously known by the researcher. Each person speaks English well enough to have this interview, and they are comfortable speaking on these topics. They were asked to answer four main questions: (1) Describe your situation during the war. (2) What impact did this have? (3) What was helpful for you at this time? (4) What did you learn from this experience? Most of the sample was on the periphery of this conflict rather than some extreme difficulty such as personal injury, detention camps, or hand to hand battles. Findings indicated there is a creative chaos that takes place during this time, this creative chaos is an atmosphere evident by three positive and three negative aspects of learning. The three negative aspects are confusion, loss, and difficulty. The three positive are creativity, new information, and change. This comes together to form a creative learning chaos where significant lessons of life were learned and relearned for these participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written in 1981, immediately after the death of Yugoslavia's leader Josip Broz Tito, Slobodan Snajder's play Hrvatski Faust (The Croatian Faust) - dealing with the historical event of a production of Goethe's Faust in Nazi Croatia in 1942 - heralded a new age of drama in Yugoslavia, which aimed to challenge and re-examine the darker side of Yugoslav communism. Thematically the play focuses on the relationship between theatre and power and the ways in which the same work of art can be used for different political ends. The analysis of Snajder's play in this paper is therefore contextualised on two levels: historically and sociopolitically as a play that deals with the role of art and literature in a particular repressive context, and in terms of metatheatre as a kind of fiction that can empower the reader to 'co-create meaning'. Snajder's play, which went on to become a modern classic - receiving a couple of significant German productions in the late 1980s and early 1990s - was also a milestone in a long-lasting trend of metatheatre being used as a political tool in disintegrating Yugoslavia. This paper forms a retrospective consideration of the play's impact at the time of its original 1982 production, and at the same time coincides with the 200th anniversary of the publication of Goethe's play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in Croatian and Yugoslav cinema (and Eastern European cinema in general) traditionally organize the subject according to a great master narrative. That narrative explains the history of Croatian/Yugoslav/Eastern European cinema as a long and liberating voyage from Soviet-style dogmatism of the post-war era up to a complete emancipation in the heroic era of the 1960s modernism. Most of the scholars who studied the history of Yugoslav cinema (Skrabalo, Volk, Goulding, etc.) narrate film history according to this narrative. The intention of this text is to question that narrative, and offer a possible alternative methodological approach. Our starting point is Croatian cinema, in which the late 1950s and early 1960s were not just a transition period toward the full liberation of the modernist movement. On the contrary, for Croatian cinema that period was almost a 'golden era' in which Croatian cinema produced most of its masterpieces, including four to five evergreen classics, two Academy Award nominees, and a certain number of mature and challenging genre works. All of these films perfectly fit into a stylistic and ideological model of 'classic narrative style'. This paper revisits some of these films (Branko Bauer's Don't Turn Around, Son (1956) and Three Annas (1959), Branko Belan's Concert (1954), Nikola Tanhofer's H-8 (1958), Franci Stiglic's Ninth Circle (1960), Fadil Hadzic's Alphabet of Fear (1961)). By examining these Croatian films (and some other films from the Yugoslav 1950s, including Zika Mitrovic's Captain Leshi (1960)), this paper offers an alternative approach for understanding pre-modernist Yugoslav cinema. The paper argues that the master narrative which explains the Yugoslav 1950s in general is a story of a gradual achieving of the (mainly Western) technologies and know-how within the political framework of communist society. It demonstrates how this process worked in the field of industry, media, everyday life and the entertainment industry. It further examines the Yugoslav film industry of the 1950s as part of that process. For the Yugoslav cinema of the 1950s, the technological model which had to be domesticated was a model of American and Western European classic narrative style. Most of the films that we discuss in the paper consciously use Western cinema classic as a model. By using motives, dramaturgy and type of characters of American/Western European cinema in their classic works, Yugoslav directors had to deal with the implicit ideological content of the Western classic narrative style cinema. Within the new frame of the communist society, that ideological content mutates in an often unexpected way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines transnational relations between the Yugoslav successor states from the point of view of popular music, and demonstrates how transnational musical figures (such as Djordje Balašević, Momčilo Bajagić-Bajaga and Ceca Ražnatović) are interpreted as symbolic reference points in national ethnopolitical discourse in the process of identity construction. Another symbolic function is served by Serbian turbofolk artists, who in Croatia serve as a cultural resource to distance oneself from a musical genre associated by many urban Croats with the ruralization (and Herzegovinization) of Croatian city space. In addition, value judgements associated with both Serbian and Croatian newly composed folk music provide an insight into the transnational negotiation of conflicting identities in the ex-Yugoslav context. Ultimately the paper shows how the ethnonational boundaries established by nationalizing ideologies created separate cultural spaces which themselves have been transnationalized after Yugoslavia's disintegration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The previous part of this paper showed how sexual violence was perpetrated in ancient warfare. To follow here is an examination of modern evidence from China, Vietnam and former Yugoslavia, investigating influences that have pertained over centuries. A considerable amount of literature treats this subject, both with regards to specific cases and general theories. The aim here is to follow up questions posed in the previous paper. When, how and against whom is sexual violence perpetrated? Are there patterns or is it executed at random? What are the motives? Records of the conflicts were researched and existing theories applied to assist the interpretation of data. The results showed that violence often follows a pattern and that individual and common motives are intertwined. Comparing ancient and modern warfare, this paper demonstrates how certain cultural factors of military life shape the execution and perception of sexual violence during war, historically and cross-culturally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years since the first reports of mass rapes in the Yugoslavian wars of secession and the genocidal massacres in Rwanda, feminist activists and scholars, human rights organizations, journalists, and social scientists have dedicated unprecedented efforts to document, explain, and seek solutions for the phenomenon of wartime rape. While contributors to this literature agree on much, there is no consensus on causal factors. This paper provides a brief overview of the literature on wartime rape in historical and ethnographical societies and a critical analysis of the four leading explanations for its root causes: the feminist theory, the cultural pathology theory, the strategic rape theory, and the biosocial theory. The paper concludes that the biosocial theory is the only one capable of bringing all the phenomena associated with wartime rape into a single explanatory context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing a comparative perspective, this paper offers a critical evaluation of the post-conflict tourism policies of the former Yugoslav republics bordering on the eastern Adriatic. Policies for destination rejuvenation and national re-imaging are evaluated. The role of coastal areas within national policy is examined. Two aspects are emphasised: variations in ability to diversify and upgrade coastal destinations; and the capacity to diversify, at a national level, away from coastal dominance. The extent to which tourism imagery articulates national identity is assessed. This analysis is set within the context of the region's trajectory away from a period of bitter conflict and from the heritage of a state socialist past. The paper concludes that the challenges, tensions and conflicts of sustainability reveal both similarities and contrasts for each of the three 'countries' under review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of the Fascist regime and the creation of the FPRY did not end the pre-existing ethnic strains between the Slovenian–Croatian and Italian populations, nor did it temper the geopolitical ambitions of Yugoslavia and Italy over the Adriatic coast. Furthermore, the political choices of Belgrade and Rome caused, especially up to 1948, growing differences from an ideological standpoint and influenced the sporting field. The aim of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the sporting–diplomatic relationship between Italy and Yugoslavia, paying special attention to the ‘Trieste case’. Unsurprisingly, before 1948, there were no bilateral sporting exchanges; however, the two countries were particularly committed to demonstrate, including in the sporting field, that Trieste belonged to them. Belgrade could take advantage of the presence of a strong communist Italian minority, who created a sport association for the Free Territory of Trieste whose clubs played in the Yugoslavian championships. In a similar way, the Italian Olympic Committee constantly used sport to affirm the ‘Italianness’ of Trieste. After the Tito–Stalin split, the ‘sporting fight’ to ‘occupy’ Trieste lost intensity as Belgrade began to show more interest in reopening the (sporting) relationships with the West. By looking at the evolution of the bilateral relations between Italy and Yugoslavia, it will be argued that the timing of this sporting rapprochement was strongly connected with the political diplomacy between Belgrade and Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article deals with conflicts in contemporary Yugoslav society. The reader who studies the methodologically rather heterogeneous and detailed papers on conflicts in Yugoslav society ought to have in mind the basic frame of reference that explains the whole. The author is referring to the fact that Yugoslav was constituted as the result of a revolutionary movement. Although that happened in 1940s, the manner of her origin still essentially determined the character of her existence. The dominant problem that extends throughout this entire period is how to institutionalize the revolutionary movement in such a way that it does not lose its authentic character. With regard to the historical experience of revolutionary societies this question is perhaps absurd, and the aspirations expressed in a positive response appear, perhaps, utopian. The institutionalization of revolutionary movements has usually ended in terror or in the creation of all-powerful systems that liquidated the very carriers of the revolutionary movements. The aspirations to institutionalize and conserve the authentic revolutionary movement are manifested in the constant effort to avoid terror and counterrevolution, or as Yugoslav activists usually say since 1948, to avoid Stalinism and petty bourgeois elements. Yugoslav social practice oscillates between these boundary conditions: in certain phases of the development cycle it approaches very closely liberal, and in other phases Stalinist, social characteristics.

Key to the success of peacebuilding and social reconstruction in the former Yugoslavia are the attitudes of these young people. Our goal in this paper is to explore young people's attitudes about the prospects of reconciliation vis-a-vis those with whom their nations were formerly at war. In particular, we examine three sets of factors. First, we contend that the level of contact among people engendered by the segregated educational systems affects the attitudes of the young about the possibility of reconciliation. We suggest that those who are able to interact more frequently with fellow students from other ethnic groups will be more likely to believe in the possibility of reconciliation. Second, we contend that attitudes of young people about which ethnic groups were responsible for the violence in the former Yugoslavia and the efforts of the international community to bring truth and justice will strongly influence attitudes. Finally, we examine other factors such as education and the influence of gender on reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of totalising gender-power relations that have led to and shaped the wars of the 1990s in Yugoslavia and the emerging ethno-national states on the 'periphery' of Europe. I argue that the same type of gender-power relations continue to dominate the region, notably Serbia, and to perpetuate gender inequalities and gender-based violence (GBV) in its many everyday and structural forms, causing profound levels of human insecurity. This analysis aims to set in motion a debate around how to tackle these continuing gender inequalities and GBV in post-war societies. In so doing, I propose a shift from focusing on the hierarchy of victimisation that has characterised much of the feminist analyses, activism, and scholarly work in relation to these (and other) conflicts, to a relational understanding of the gendered processes of victimisation in war and peace, that is – of both women and men. Such an approach holds a potential to undermine the power systems that engender these varied types of victimisation by ultimately reshaping the notions of masculinity and femininity, which are central to the gender-power systems that generate gender-unjust peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants who came to Vienna as guest workers from the former Yugoslavia and Turkey during the 1960s still form the majority of the local immigrant population. Business activities of Turks and former Yugoslavs cover a multitude of diverse sectors; what was once a niche economy has now become an important part of Viennese business life. This paper combines official statistics for Vienna as a whole, survey material and expert interviews, to analyse business ventures run by migrant entrepreneurs on two commercial streets in Vienna. Our research shows significant local variation in the migrant economies of the two groups in the study areas, highlighting the importance of the local context as an additional determinant shaping the diversity of business activities of certain immigrant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]