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Looking at our knowledge of the risks associated with nanotechnology, one wonders to what degree should its products and applications be regulated? Do we need any governing body to regulate nanotechnology research and development? Do individuals have a right to know to make informed decisions through labelling mechanism? The question of regulation and responsibility in the interaction between science, technology and society is one of the most pressing issues. Risks and regulations regarding nanoscience and nanotechnology are mostly debated amongst policy-makers and not amongst the nanoscientists, who actually produce the new science. Thus, the paper makes an attempt to contribute significantly to an increased body of knowledge regarding how scientists think and talk about science. Little has been documented about perceptions of nanotechnology regulation and responsibility in developing countries. Given the importance of perceptions in the genetically-modified foods debate, the way nanotechnology is perceived holds serious repercussions for the framing of its ethical, legal and social implications. Through a field-survey that records the opinions of leading Indian nanoscientists, the paper examines scientists' perceptions about nanotech-regulation. Such discussion is imperative to address technological risks and uncertainties. The paper further explores whether scientists have different views on what responsibility amounts to and under what conditions one is responsible. Though the study has considered Indian nanoscientists due to access issues, the research questions raised and addressed in this study are universal in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water scarcity is one of the most critical issues facing agriculture today. To understand how people manage the risk of water scarcity and growing pressures of increased climate variability, exploring perceptions of risk and how these perceptions feed into response behaviour and willingness to adapt is critical. This paper revisits existing frameworks that conceptualise perceptions of environmental risk and decision-making, and uses empirical evidence from an in-depth study conducted in Rajasthan, India, to emphasise how individual and collective memories, and experience of past extreme events shape current definitions and future expectations of climatic risks. In doing so, we demonstrate the value of recognising the role of local perceptions of water scarcity (and how they vary between and within households) in constructing social vulnerability. This expanded understanding of risk perception is critical for incentivising individual adaptation and strengthening local adaptation pathways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High densities of people living around protected areas (PAs) in South Asia require management strategies to balance conservation goals and livelihood needs. Based on a survey of 777 households around five PAs in India and Nepal, this paper provides a comparative perspective of Indian and Nepali households' views of protected area benefits and costs, their attitude toward conservation in general, and attitude toward protected area staff. Results indicate mixed responses towards tourism, varying from very favorable in Nepal to less favorable in India. The majority (81%) held positive attitudes towards the existence and importance of PAs but had negative perceptions of PA staff (69%). Most residents perceived benefits from access to fuel wood, fodder and other PA resources including benefits from tourism, while crop and livestock losses from wildlife were the main costs. Households overall positive attitudes towards the PAs and conservation despite high losses from living around PAs suggests that local residents may support conservation if their livelihood needs are met. Comparisons of household attitudes and perceptions suggest that locally based strategies rather than top-down approaches are likely to be more effective. Extending PA benefits to smaller landholders, households that are highly resource-dependent or experiencing higher income losses from human-wildlife conflicts, and less educated residents are particularly important to balance costs and losses from living around protected areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explore caregivers' perceptions of childhood injuries in the rural and urban areas of India, with a focus on causes, consequences, prevention, and treatment. We conducted eight focus group discussions with fifty female caregivers in rural and urban areas of Ujjain in Central India and used thematic content analysis. The caregivers identified how children injured themselves through falls, road traffic injuries, metallic nails and tool injuries, ingestions of foreign objects and poisons, burns, drowning, and suffocation. The reported consequences of injuries ranged from pain, infections, scar formation, phobia, stigma, and emotional stress to complications like physical disability, loss of eyesight, head injury, paralysis, and even death. Many caregivers blamed children and their mischievousness for the injuries and failed to realise/acknowledge the role of better supervision and environmental modifications in injury prevention. Caregivers used several first aid methods to respond to injuries. These included applying pressure to stop bleeding during fall and road traffic injuries, inducing vomiting by giving the poison victims saltwater to drink, and tobacco leaves to chew. In addition, some caregivers resorted to using coconut oil and toothpaste on burnt skin and giving back blows for choking. Caregivers in communities had experiences of different types of child injuries. Further education on need for better supervision, relevant environmental modification and appropriate first aid treatment of various injuries is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]