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Background: There are approximately 25.6 million individuals with limited English proficiency (LEP) in the USA, and this number is increasing. Objective: Investigate associations between LEP and access to care in adults. Design: Cross-sectional nationally representative survey. Participants: Adults with (n = 18,908) and without (n = 98,060) LEP aged ≥ 18 years identified from the 2014–2018 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey Main Measures: Associations between LEP and access to healthcare and preventive services were evaluated with multivariable logistic regression models, stratified by age group (18–64 and ≥ 65 years). The official government definition of LEP (answers "not at all/not well/well" to the question "How well do you speak English?") was used. Access to care included having a usual source of care (and if so, distance from usual source of care, difficulty contacting usual source of care, and provision of extended hours), visiting a medical provider in the past 12 months, having to forego or delay care, and having trouble paying for medical bills. Preventive services included blood pressure and cholesterol check, flu vaccination, and cancer screening. Key Results: Adults aged 18–64 years with LEP were significantly more likely to lack a usual source of care (adjusted odds ratios [aOR] = 2.48; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 2.27–2.70), not have visited a medical provider (aOR = 2.02; CI = 1.89–2.16), and to be overdue for receipt of preventive services, including blood pressure check (aOR = 2.00; CI = 1.79–2.23), cholesterol check (aOR = 1.22; CI = 1.03–1.44), and colorectal cancer screening (aOR = 1.58; CI = 1.37–1.83) than adults without LEP. Results were similar among adults aged ≥ 65 years. Conclusions: Adults with LEP had consistently worse access to care than adults without LEP. System-level interventions, such as expanding access to health insurance coverage, providing language services, improving provider training in cultural competence, and increasing diversity in the medical workforce may minimize barriers and improve equity in access to care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: High patient out-of-pocket (OOP) spending for medical care is associated with medical debt, distress about household finances, and forgoing medical care because of cost in the USA.Objective: To examine the national prevalence of medical financial hardship domains: (1) material conditions from increased OOP expenses (e.g., medical debt), (2) psychological responses (e.g., distress), and (3) coping behaviors (e.g., forgoing care); and factors associated with financial hardship.Design and Participants: We identified adults aged 18-64 years (N = 68,828) and ≥ 65 years (N = 24,614) from the 2015-2017 National Health Interview Survey. Multivariable analyses of nationally representative cross-sectional survey data were stratified by age group, 18-64 years and ≥ 65 years.Main Measures: Prevalence of material, psychological, and behavioral hardship and hardship intensity.Key Results: Approximately 137.1 million (95% CI 132.7-141.5) adults reported any medical financial hardship in the past year. Hardship is more common for material, psychological and behavioral domains in adults aged 18-64 years (28.9%, 46.9%, and 21.2%, respectively) than in adults aged ≥ 65 years (15.3%, 28.4%, and 12.7%, respectively; all p < .001). Lower educational attainment and more health conditions were strongly associated with hardship intensity in multivariable analyses in both age groups (p < .001). In the younger group, the uninsured were more likely to report multiple domains of hardship (52.8%), compared to those with some public (26.5%) or private insurance (23.2%) (p < .001). In the older group, individuals with Medicare only were more likely to report hardship in multiple domains (17.1%) compared to those with Medicare and public (12.1%) or Medicare and private coverage (10.1%) (p < .001).Conclusions: Medical financial hardship is common in the USA, especially in adults aged 18-64 years and those without health insurance coverage. With trends towards higher patient cost-sharing and increasing health care costs, risks of hardship may increase in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To assess the financial outcomes and associated social and economic effects on cancer survivors and their families.Methods: We assessed the responses of 1656 cancer survivors to a survey with both closed- and open-ended questions about cancer-related financial sacrifices they and their family experienced and evaluated differences in financial sacrifice by reported levels of cancer-related debt.Results: The most commonly reported financial sacrifices included cutbacks on household budgets, challenges with health care insurance and costs, career/self-advancement constraints, reduction/depletion of assets, and inability to pay bills. Survivors who incurred $10,000 or more in debt were significantly more likely to report social and economic impacts, including housing concerns and strained relationships.Conclusions: Our analysis demonstrates both the frequency with which cancer survivors and families must make financial sacrifices as a result of their cancer, and the variety of forms that this sacrifice can take, even for individuals who have health insurance. The many types of financial hardship create challenges that are unique to each survivor and family.Implications For Cancer Survivors: Interventions that allow for personalized assistance with the specific financial and social needs of cancer survivors and their families have the potential to address a critical aspect of the long-term wellbeing of this important population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Importance: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities.Objective: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities.Design and Participants: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities.Main Measures: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities.Key Results: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities.Conclusions: Incarceration can result in adverse socioeconomic and health consequences for individuals who have been incarcerated; these consequences extend to their children and may have impacts into later adulthood.To examine the association of family member incarceration (FMI) during childhood and smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, access to care, and functional status in later adulthood.Adults aged 18–64 and ≥ 65 with and without FMI during childhood from 42 states and Washington DC from the 2019–2022 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System.Having FMI history was defined as “living with anyone during childhood who served time or was sentenced to serve time in a prison, jail, or other correctional facility.” Study outcomes included 1) smoking and unhealthy drinking behaviors, 2) access to care (health insurance coverage, care affordability, having a usual source of care, and use of preventive services), and 3) functional status (e.g., having difficulty walking or climbing stairs).After adjusting for demographic characteristics and other adverse childhood experiences, compared to adults without FMI, adults aged 18–64 with FMI were more likely to report any history of smoking or unhealthy drinking (adjusted odds ratio (AOR): 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.11–1.28), any access to care problems (AOR: 1.26, 95% CI: 1.12–1.42), and any functional limitations (AOR: 1.18, 95% CI: 1.10–1.28); adults aged ≥ 65 with FMI reported higher likelihood of reporting any smoking or unhealthy drinking behaviors (AOR: 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05–1.43) and impaired functional status (AOR: 1.30, 95% CI: 1.10–1.54). Associations were attenuated after additional adjustment for socioeconomic measures, especially educational attainment, but remained statically significant for multiple outcomes.FMI during childhood was associated with adverse health-related outcomes for adults of all ages. Developing programs to improve access to education and economic opportunities for adults with FMI may help mitigate the disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]