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Soviet Marxism is often characterized by the term ontologism. The latter could be defined as a totalizing assertion about material being as inherently dialectical, often coupled with an understanding of thought as mere reflection. This fundamental assertion is said to remain unchallenged among dogmatic party philosophers and critical Marxists alike. Far from an innocent misconception, Soviet ontologism is associated with some of the harshest historical events like the Lysenko affair, where the imposition of the dialectical optic onto the natural sciences resulted in an ideological blockade of research. Various sources of this peculiarity have been identified in Soviet Marxism, from the endorsement of dialectics of nature to the rejection of Cartesian metaphysics. However, a political account of Soviet ontologism is yet to be written. This article will address the question of ontologism as it has been theorized in relation to the philosophy of Evald Ilyenkov. Tracing the history of Russian ontologism from the nineteenth century, we will recover its nationalist dimension. Then, drawing on the philosophical controversies between Lenin and Bogdanov, which in turn will be linked to Ilyenkov's intervention, we will examine the various strands of ontological thinking in Soviet Marxism and identify Ilyenkov's position. Finally, we will ask what insights can the ontological thinking of Soviet Marxism provide in the context of contemporary philosophical turns towards ontology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research demonstrates that appropriation of aspects of American Indian cultures, pseudo-culture, and ethno-national identities is harmful to American Indians. Yet, when American Indians strive to eliminate this appropriation, they are often met with resistance from White Americans who are attached to the appropriation. Using a survey of 517 White Americans, we explored whether settler colonial collective memory was associated with this attachment. More specifically, we examined the associations between five ideologies that are part of this memory—glorification of U.S. colonialism, nationalism, militarism, masculine toughness, and White identity pride—and support for American Indian mascots and other types of appropriation. We found that these five ideologies are associated with each other, as well as with support for American Indian mascots and the other types of appropriation. In addition, we found that glorification of U.S. colonialism mediated between belief in each of the other four ideologies and support for appropriation. We situate our findings in the context of settler colonial collective memory and discuss how our findings can inform change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the encyclopedic Liber Floridus (Lambert de St Omer, c. 1121) and the Oxford Chanson de Roland (c. 1100) and how these coeval texts illustrate contemporary ideas about history, an emerging sense of nationalism, the Crusades, and the treatment of human emotions, especially anger and the complex effects it has on the psyche. I argue that in the Liber floridus' analysis there is a source for contemporary emotion theory, and that in the Oxford Chanson de Roland we see something of its practical application. To read the Liber floridus is to encounter doctrinally, politically, stylistically, and psychologically the cultural mind-set that produced the Chanson de Roland and its apocalyptic, divisive, crusading outlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Theories of intense national emotions have focused on affection for the home nation and antagonism for national others but overlooked antagonism for fellow nationals. The article introduces a comprehensive theory of intense national emotions. It first discusses the sources of the potential energy stored in national identities, pointing to a combination of two factors: the nation is at once potent due to its capacity to shield against existential threats and precarious due to its dependence on the reproduction of contested narratives. The article then explains that events that—through a construction process elaborated in the text—seem to threaten or promise to alter perceived core elements of the nation (i.e., "nation-disrupting events") evoke intense emotions. Next, the article explains why some periods of "hot" nationalism increase national division rather than unity. The conclusion proposes a promising direction for future research on intense national emotions as a mechanism of eventfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Horticultural Expos are second-tier expositions sanctioned by the Bureau International Des Expositions (BIE) and the latest event was held in Doha, Qatar from October 2023 to March 2024. Organized around the theme of “Green Desert, Better Environment,” Expo 2023 included pavilions from about 80 countries and organizations, and aimed to entice 3 million visitors to Qatar. Although Horticultural Expos are smaller and receive less attention than top-tier World’s Fairs, they are nonetheless important sites for host countries to engage in cultural diplomacy. Drawing from an event ethnography at the Expo in December 2023, this article shows how the Qatari hosts adapted nationalist scripts about the desert and local identity – to cement the state-led storyline that Qatar is committed to a sustainable and globally-engaged path to future development – in crafting its cultural diplomacy discourse for the event. Though cultural diplomacy works differently at second-tier global events, the case of Qatar’s Expo 2023 still has concrete effects that must be understood and evaluated on their own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is necessary for multi-ethnic countries to foster a strong consciousness of national community among their citizens. Currently, most research on national community consciousness consists of macro-theoretical discussion and a few empirical studies due to the absence of standardized assessment tools. Based on the micro perspective of individual consciousness in the context of Chinese culture, the Questionnaire on Chinese National Community Consciousness for College Students was developed with 2,254 college students as participants. The questionnaire consists of 31 questions covering six factors, namely values, political identity, social sentiment, individual emotion, behavioral performance, and cultural practice. The questionnaire has good consistency reliability, retest reliability, combination reliability, construct validity, discriminant validity and criterion validity, which makes it an effective measurement tool for the study of Chinese national community consciousness among contemporary college students, and it can also provide references and support for the study of national community consciousness in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic literature showed an increasing interest in studying the link between national identity and anti-immigrant sentiment. This work is based on ten countries from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) dataset for two different waves: 2003 and 2013. The paper aims to analyse the influence of the three facets of national identity (nationalism, political patriotism, and cultural patriotism) and other socioeconomic traits on attitudes towards immigrants (ATI). Untried methods in social science based on the fuzzy-hybrid analysis (FHA) and the fuzzy clustering are used first to analyse citizens according to their levels of openness towards immigrants, nationalism, cultural patriotism, and political patriotism. Then, the ordered probit model is applied to thoroughly examine the intricate relationships connecting the three facets of national identity and individual sociodemographic characteristics with ATI. The results show that the national identity and cultural patriotism constructs negatively influence ATI, while political patriotism positively influences ATI. In addition, country, political orientation, age, religion, economic situation, gender, place of birth, principal status, and education are crucial factors that explain ATI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Zimbabwe, like in most African countries, sexuality is strongly tied with national identities. Previous studies show that queer sexualities are associated with Western values. While this narrative is contested, it has, nevertheless, been promoted by the mainstream media. However, this article focuses on social media, Twitter to be specific, to examine how users discuss sexuality and national identities. The focus is on social media platforms as they enable users to bypass traditional gatekeepers and use reason and emotions to argue about different issues. The article uses the case studies of a Zimbabwean school teacher, Neal Hovelmeier, and a South African gay celebrity, Somizi Mhlongo, who became subjects of Twitter discussions in Zimbabwe because of their homosexual orientation. The article established that Twitter reflects a wide range of reactions and formulations of queerness within what is imagined to be normative identities in Zimbabwe. It further noted that queer struggles are tied to contemporary political and social struggles and Twitter users frame their responses in ways that show these intersections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exercise of public power by substate entities poses a challenge for international law. Although such entities lack international legal personality, their actions can have international significance and, because they are state organs, must always adhere to the international obligations assumed by the state. In Spain, the autonomous communities exercise broad powers, which, in the case of Catalonia (via the Generalitat), include education, healthcare, prisons and police. Research shows that the Generalitat has exercised – and, to some extent, continues to exercise – some of its powers in disregard of certain constitutional and legal obligations. This action by public authorities in disregard of the law can have international consequences, and various international organizations have expressed positions on it through their bodies. This paper examines these positions on the Generalitat's actions in connection with the secession process and other related policies, including both those that have been critical of this behaviour and those that have expressed direct or indirect support for it. The practice of the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the UN Human Rights Council through its Special Rapporteur on minority issues is analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does Tencent—a leading Chinese Internet enterprise—frame news to regulate popular nationalism? To address this problem, we applied the automated sentiment analysis program to more than 500,000 news comments on the Tencent news website during the 2012 Diaoyu (Senkaku) Islands incident. The results show that audiences' online nationalism is significantly influenced by Tencent news, user engagement, and emotions. First, contrary to using stimulative nationalist narratives in the early stages of the incident, the platform shifts to restrictive nationalist narratives to prevent online nationalism from endangering social governance; second, restrictive news can decrease popular nationalism compared with stimulative news; third, users' love, anger, and disgust emotion can increase their support for China, while the happiness emotion has the opposite effect. Online nationalism, as imaginary engagement, arises from the collusion among platforms, the government, and audiences, contributing to maintaining the government's legitimacy. The computational approach promises to shed light on nationalism research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When will members of a diaspora lend to the government in their country of origin? Diasporans make important contributions to developing countries by sending remittances and investment home. However, little is known about when and why diaspora communities are willing to invest in the governments of their country of origin. Diasporans may invest at home because of their affinity with their country of origin, whether in the form of national pride, stake in economic development, or political support. This paper investigates whether these different affinity-based motivations explain the interest of diaspora members in purchasing home country government bonds. We use a survey experiment fielded to members of the Pakistani diaspora living in the United States to investigate diaspora members' willingness to invest in home government bonds. We randomly manipulate the framing of the bond to measure heterogeneity in willingness to buy the home country government bond. We find that national pride and a stake in economic development are the strongest drivers for an individual's choice to invest in a home country bond. We corroborate these findings with follow-up interviews that reveal the resonance of appeals to national identity and developmental support. The findings have implications for the design and marketing of diaspora bonds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought —a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century—has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the successful containment of COVID-19 in Wuhan in late March 2020, China had implemented a nationwide highly stringent and restrictive zero-COVID policy to manage the pandemic until the sudden swift away from it in early December 2022. How did the Chinese Communist Party discursively construct it as a 'normal' and legitimate policy? Using interpretivism and poststructuralist political theory, this paper examines how Chinese political elites constructed a discourse of danger for the COVID pandemic, with the dominant discursive narratives full of xenophobic and nationalist languages. The discourse framed 'foreigners' as 'threats' to Chinese people's health, advocated that China should rely on home-made vaccines and medicines and, more importantly, argued that the Chinese Communist rule demonstrates 'institutional superiority' over Western governance. This xenophobic and nationalist discourse has lingered on after the dismantling of the zero-COVID policy. There are grounds for us to concern whether China is seeking self-reliance rather than integrating itself with the world. A Chinese decoupling from the world—a nationalist self-reliance policy similar with that in the Mao era—is not unthinkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis examines an archaeology of statal narratives as they relate to the multilingual linguistic milieu of the Philippines since independence at mid-20th century. Critical transformations to statal narratives linked to language over the last century have been shaped by interacting, sometimes competing discourses, deriving from a paradoxical mix of influences: on one hand, contemporary narratives of language have been shaped by modernist discourses focused on the unification of the nation through language, but more recently, these discourses have shifted to focus also on the possibilities of figuring certain local and regional languages in pragmatic terms that index an increasing orientation to preoccupations inherent in discourses of late modernity. In late modern contexts, discourses of multilingualism and multiculturalism in the Philippines have been intertwined with ideological orientations that promote regional peace, cooperation, and economic growth in part informed by the country's involvement in ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), where the recognition and maintenance of the multilingual and multicultural character of participating nations are framed as key mandates. By examining the emergence and transformation of discourses from modern to late modern ones at the level of the statal narrative, this analysis sheds light on emergent forms of nationalist narratives focused on both the instrumental value of global languages such as English, but also the valuation and figuration of certain local and regional languages in new ways and the contentious processes in history though which these discourses have taken hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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China's discursive combination of nationalism and international engagement with its maritime neighbours seems self-defeating. To explain why this narrative strategy has been deemed apt, previous studies have predominantly followed a realist approach and contended that China's international engagement is pure statecraft to help its national rejuvenation efforts. As the merits of Confucianism increasingly affect contemporary Chinese socialism, this paper interprets the internarrativity of left Confucian ethics, Chinese nationalism and international engagement in East China Sea geopolitics. It argues that China tends to identify itself as a contributor to common material interest in the international community. With the notion of graded love, the contribution to the people of the world does not undermine the self-interests. China's national defence is often allegedly conducted alongside the defence of the existing order enabling its contribution. China does not aim to challenge the order per se, but it challenges the US and its allies' collective interpretations of it. This situation leads to antagonistic peace when the US-led alliance is unstable. However, if the US's geopolitical alliance is strong enough to withstand the solipsistic interpretation of the order, the Chinese dream of national rejuvenation can be better realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delineates how actors invoke nationalizing accounts—accounts that turn local conditions, actions, and actors into national ones—in everyday talk. Taking the case of Japanese university scientists depicting their commercialization trajectories after the adoption of a set of policies that originated from the U.S., the article delineates how scientists stipulate what they do is Japanese. I outline the discursive practices through which they posit that the cause of others' actions, or of they themselves, derives from some kind of ethno-national distinctiveness. Interviews show how such nationalizing accounts were made through the inevitable gaps between local practices and formal global structures. Scientific and commercialization practices in Japan that deviated from the original form were explained not only through the institutional differences between the U.S. and Japan, but also through lay categories of "culture," ethno-psychology, and readily available tropes about Japanese history. In such nationalizing accounts, what the Japanese scientists did under these new, and explicitly global policies, was argued to be fundamentally Japanese because they were rooted in and caused by the ethno-national character. As new institutional theory suggests, a decoupling between formal rules and local contingencies is a hallmark of any institution. The article further shows that such decoupling could then be used as a resource for everyday nationalism. At least in some cases, the global adoption and the localization of a global form may create an opportunity to enact the nation, contributing to a discourse that posits that an imagined community is distinct and special, precisely as the world becomes more globalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the rapid development of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines and the widely recognized health and economic benefits of vaccination, there exist stark differences in vaccination rates across country income groups. While more than 70% of the population is fully vaccinated in high-income countries, vaccination rates in low-income countries are only around 30%. The paper reviews the factors behind global COVID-19 vaccine inequity and the health, social, and economic costs triggered by this inequity. The main contributors to vaccine inequity include vaccine nationalism, intellectual property rights, constraints in manufacturing capacity, poor resilience of healthcare systems, and vaccine hesitancy. Vaccine inequity has high costs, including preventable deaths and cases of illnesses in low-income countries, slow economic recovery, and large learning losses among children. Increasing vaccination rates in low-income countries is in the self-interest of higher-income countries as it may prevent the emergence of new variants and continuous disruptions to global supply chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature showed that the link between right-wing attitudes and ethnocentric attitudes gets stronger under existential threats, but the role exerted by an impersonal threat – as COVID-19 – on right-wing attitudes is still unclear. This study aimed to highlight the role of anxiety exerted by the impersonal COVID-19 threat on the relationship between right-wing attitudes and ethnocentric attitudes, as nationalism and anti-immigrants' sentiments. As part of an international project to evaluate the impact of COVID-19, this study administered an online survey to a representative sample (n 1038). The anxiety generated by an impersonal threat as COVID-19 – thus not exerted by any outgroup – can moderate the relationship among personal Right-Wing Authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and ethnocentric attitudes. This is the first study demonstrating that existential threat is effective also when exerted by an impersonal agent (as COVID-19) rather than by an outgroup. Second, these findings disclose useful implications for preventive psychological interventions and for social policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism, a multifaceted force, intricately shapes identities and histories across the globe. Iran, with its rich historical tapestry, exemplifies the complex interplay of nationalism, where diverse elements unite to forge a unique national identity. However, while various approaches to studying Iranian nationalism shed light on facets of this identity, each singularly fails to encapsulate its entirety. Through a systematic review, this article aims to amalgamate the factors influencing Iranian national identity, critically evaluating the strengths and limitations of each perspective and highlighting gaps in current research. The paper presents a categorization of existing scholarship into five distinct viewpoints. Beginning with the primordial underpinnings, it underscores their significance while noting their limitations in accounting for the influence of Orientalist narratives. The article subsequently delves into the effects of Western Orientalism on Iranian nationalism, highlighting the oft-neglected impact of global trends like industrialization. It further elucidates the instrumental role of leadership in crafting traditions and national identity. Finally, the study introduces a fresh perspective by emphasizing the centrality of the quest for self-determination in shaping Iranian identity. This analysis not only unveils the layered nuances of Iranian national identity but also proposes a robust framework, accentuating the imperative for sustained research in this continually evolving domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While national parochialism is commonplace, individual differences explain more variance in it than cross-national differences. Global consciousness (GC), a multi-dimensional concept that includes identification with all humanity, cosmopolitan orientation, and global orientation, transcends national parochialism. Across six societies (N = 11,163), most notably the USA and China, individuals high in GC were more generous allocating funds to the other in a dictator game, cooperated more in a one-shot prisoner's dilemma, and differentiated less between the ingroup and outgroup on these actions. They gave more to the world and kept less for the self in a multi-level public goods dilemma. GC profiles showed 80% test–retest stability over 8 months. Implications of GC for cultural evolution in the face of trans-border problems are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we delve into the dynamics of the Irish-language public sphere, with a primary emphasis on the media landscape. In our analysis, we contend that the prevailing public sphere in Ireland predominantly functions in the English language, thereby subordinating the Irish-language public sphere. By scrutinising the challenges inherent in conceptualising an Irish-language public sphere vis-à-vis Irish speakers, we underscore the absence of a cohesive public of Irish speakers. Consequently, the Irish-language public sphere finds itself grappling with inherent fragility. The waning usage and proficiency in the Irish language exhibit a symbiotic relationship with the frailty of the Irish-language public sphere, consequently limiting the input of the Irish-language public sphere into the political sphere. In the predicted increase in employment opportunities for Irish speakers, there exists the potential for improvement in Irish-language fluency and usage, fostering a more consolidated Irish-language public sphere that could manifest more prominently. Our examination is grounded in the history of Irish broadcasting and theories of nations and nationalism. Central to our inquiry are the contrary forces of ratings (commercial motive) and revival (nationalist motive). Given the limited and dispersed number of the Irish speakers, we underscore the pivotal role of media in sustaining an Irish-language public sphere. As we navigate these dimensions, our study unravels the interplay between language, media, and societal frameworks that shape the contours of the Irish-language public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper pursues a case study of the global dialectics of homophobia and homonationalism in Trinidad and Tobago to show that understanding Global Southern homophobias as responses to Western neoimperialism may be helpful, but also incomplete. On the one hand, patterns and politics of homophobia in postcolonial TT may be seen as a sort of state-sponsored oppositional response to Western cultural imperialism, in particular the development of heteronationalist imperatives in TT's postcolonial legal code and political discourse that simultaneously increased the scope of heterosexuality while intensifying the criminalization of homosexuality. However, early postcolonial heteronationalist developments represent more an attempt to emulate Global Northern nationalisms than a reaction to them. Yet over time, with dissolution of the postcolonial nationalist project in the era of neoliberal globalization, Trinbagonian homophobia was upregulated in response to Western imperialism, but this unfolded beyond the immediate jurisdiction of the state within transnationally-entangled religious communities—Hindu, Muslim, and Christian—adopting "conservative" positions enabling them to establish superficial solidarity. Meanwhile, the state is increasingly fractured between a Judiciary that condemns homophobia as unconstitutional and a "homophobic" Parliament. Employing the concept of lawfare, the case study examined here concerns the trajectory of a pioneering 2018 decriminalization case against the Government of Trinidad and Tobago and the politics it represents and activated at international and national levels, as well as the debate and dissension it ironically catalyzed within the local queer community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fleeing increased state-sponsored homo- and transphobia in their countries of origin, post-Soviet LGBTQ persons often seek political asylum in the West, including the United States. Drawing on in-depth interviews, this ethnographic research analyzes asylum-seekers' perceptions of the United States and the life they expect to be able to live after migration. I propose to view these perceptions and expectations as a discursive infrastructure of post-Soviet queer migration which influences and facilitates asylum-seekers' mobility. I consider post-Soviet queer migration not just as movements of individual asylum-seekers fleeing homo- and transphobia, but as a part of broader social processes. I argue that US homonationalist discourses continue to attract LGBTQ migrants to the U.S. despite increased asylum deterrence and immigrant precarity. I also discuss the role of specifically post-Soviet discursive legacies in asylum-seekers' imaginings of the United States. Their expectations of the United States, as an entity that would protect their rights and freedoms and promise a livable queer life, reflect a re-configuration of the "Imaginary West" which was initially a Soviet discursive production of an idealized version of the Western society. For contemporary post-Soviet LGBTQ asylum-seekers, it has a homonationalist flavor. In that sense, I suggest that homonationalist discourses that construct the U.S. as a welcoming place for LGBTQ asylum-seekers – however inaccurate and unrealistic – need to be considered as an important part of migration infrastructures. Additionally, I analyze post-Soviet asylum-seekers' own "everyday" homonationalist rhetoric suggesting that it is nevertheless a motivational, if ambivalent concept as it enables them to discursively claim belonging in the U.S. despite extreme immigrant precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article historicizes social and state practices that Jasbir Puar dubbed "homonationalism." It argues against simplistic applications of the term to the relations between "western" and "eastern" European countries. Instead, it appeals for a more profound contextualisation of every national case. Using 20th-century Poland as a case study, it demonstrates that both homophobia and homonationalism had antecedents and that both can be used as political strategies by nationalist actors that have not previously deployed them. It also seeks to decentre the narrative about homonationalism by averting attention from the state and focusing it on lived queer experiences in Poland. The term grassroots homonationalism is an attempt to bring such analytical attention to the agency of queer subjects and their communities. It aims to conceptualise their attitudes toward nationalist discourses and state practices (both homophobic and homonationalist) and expose ways in which non-normative sexualities and their history have been politically instrumentalised. It helps to analyse attitudes that some queers in Poland have adopted when facing the issue that Puar described as a "collusion of nationalism and queer subjects". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Soziale Passagen is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rebb Binyamin (pseudonym of Yehoshua Radler-Feldman; 1880–1957) was a leading figure in movements that called for the establishment of a joint Jewish-Arab political framework in Palestine and that sharply criticized the Zionist cooperation with the British colonial authorities. In the early 1920s, he began exploring the writings of Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948) as the basis for his critical approach toward the hegemonic Zionist discourse. In his writings Rebb Binyamin emphasized Gandhi's refusal to reconcile himself to the British colonial "divide and rule" policies by creating divisions between Hindus and Muslims, the Indian anticolonial struggle that he led, and the way this struggle inspired the development of anticolonial movements in the Middle East. These aspects of Gandhi's political repertoire were considered by Rebb Binyamin as a framework for the critical discussion of the ways in which the British colonial authorities perceived the Zionist movement as their representative and pointed to the fact that the Zionist-colonial partnership was an obstacle to the crystallization of Jewish-Arab cooperation. This article focuses on the ways in which Rebb Binyamin's reading of Gandhi served as the basis for his critique of hegemonic Zionist discourse and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyze emotional assimilation (host country identification) within Germany's two largest immigrant communities—ethnic Germans from the former Soviet Union and those German citizens with an ethnic Turkish migration background. Specifically, we investigate the strength of emotional assimilation among these two communities and the differences that might exist between them. To what degree have these two large immigrant communities cultivated a sense of host country identification or German national identity? What factors shape emotional assimilation in these two communities? We find that ethnic German citizens with a background from the former Soviet Union have a stronger German identity than do citizens with a Turkish background. Nevertheless, the difference between these two groups is substantively small, perhaps because the transformation of immigration rules, citizenship laws, integration policies, and social norms in Germany over the last two decades has led to a greater identification with Germany and its emerging multicultural society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patriotism—as an ambivalent attitude towards the nation—has less exclusionary characteristics than nationalism and regional identification, because it does not require comparisons and hierarchies. What is less clear, however, is how to explain the positive evaluation of patriotism in the wider population. The article analyses the positive relationship of patriotism with nationalism and regional identification in 29 national and 421 regional contexts. The paper clearly shows that different factors explain the positive evaluation of patriotism and the mind-set of patriotism itself. While a nationalist attitude and regional identification at the individual level are strongly associated with a positive evaluation of patriotism and patriotism itself, institutionalised forms of regional autonomy are shown to be insignificant for the evaluation of patriotism and ambivalent for patriotism itself at the context level. The article concludes by discussing these results in the context of a Janus-faced nature of regional identification that can contribute to an inclusive society as much as to a nationalist-chauvinist attitude and which has so far been overlooked in regional science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White Christian nationalism is a political ideology and cultural framework that views the USA as an explicitly and exceptionally Christian nation. It is a recent example of centuries of efforts to link a single religious faith to nation building, in this case to maintain a White supremacist and patriarchal society. Although White Christian nationalism has been investigated extensively in other disciplines such as political science, history, sociology, and religion, this article delineates its consequences for youth as well as solutions to interrupt its societal proliferation to promote more positive youth outcomes. Drawing on scholarship across the social sciences, we first define White Christian nationalism in the USA as master narrative, political force, and social movement. We then discuss how these forces affect youth through four types of activity settings. Finally, we propose interventions across activity settings of youth development to interrupt the effects of this ideology. We call on scholars to understand White Christian nationalism as a powerful ideology affecting youth as well as society at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of populist leaders and nationalist parties has provoked a spate of commentary warning about the dangers posed by nationalism. Yet analysts often deploy the term as a catch-all for everything opposed to liberalism and fail to distinguish between different forms of nationalism. Differentiating expansionist authoritarian nationalism from national populism can help us clarify the serious threats facing the liberal international order as well as the lessons that populist expressions of democratic discontent might hold for strengthening liberal democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kotowaza were created by gaining experience and through recurring events over the years of existence of the Japanese people. The purpose of this study is to conduct a qualitative analysis of Japanese kotowaza in cognitive-linguistic discourse to divide idioms into categories and groups with specific sociocultural features. The paper focuses in detail on the semantic features of 20 kotowaza that use animal symbols as an idiomatic metaphor. In this paper, 10 proverbs with the central animal visualization, neko, were analyzed. Visionary metaphors are developed based on the comparison of cat's body parts and behavior with human qualities or characteristics of objects and phenomena. The analysis of the remaining 10 kotowaza showed that the meaning of imagery could originate from Chinese tradition and then change under the influence of Japanese style. Hence, it follows that the meanings of some kotowaza, or the animals they use, can be interpreted differently depending on context. However, the key meanings of proverbs are engrained in the national consciousness of native speakers. It was also observed that kotowaza used oxymoron. It is possible to gain a correct understanding of what kotowaza means through analyzing literal and idiomatic relations in the proverb. Each proverb has an animal symbol, the meaning of which is engrained and originates from the cultural and historical development of the Japanese nation. The practical application of the study lies in the fact that these findings can be used for further study of the special aspects of manifestation of sociocultural heritage at the linguistic level within the phraseology of the Japanese language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction gives a survey of recent developments in cultural nationalism and world literature studies. I argue that these trends have come to tackle the issues of cross-cultural transfers in antithetical directions: While the former highlighted the transnational patterns of national self-fashioning, the latter wanted to reclaim the individual and the particular from all-absorbing globalist commodification. Then I summarize the findings of the articles collected in this issue as reminders that Goethe's take on world literature as a tool for a dialogic national self-formation has not fully lost its validity even in our post-national present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks at the German reception of the concept of Weltliteratur in the 1830–40s. I argue that this period witnessed a growing suspicion toward the free trade model that underlay Goethe's initial idea. Informed by the rise of the German customs union and Friedrich List's advocacy of protectionist trade policies, a range of authors and critics (from Georg Gervinus to Georg Herwegh to Karl Gutzkow) made a case for restricting the free flow of literary wares in the belief that unrestrained exchange would only serve the already too dominant national literatures, such as the English and the French, and hinder the development of more backward ones, such as the German, and their national markets. I also suggest that this protectionist current formed the background against which in the Communist manifesto Marx set his own approach to world literature as the offspring of the irreversible interconnectedness of national economies and cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Transylvanian bishop János Kriza published Vadrózsák [Wild roses], his collection of Székely folklore in 1863, he was soon to be hailed as "the Hungarian Percy." The ballads seemed to provide a solid foundation for literary nation-building and their significance was confirmed by rival claims of Romanian cultural nationalism, leading to the so-called "Wild rose controversy" or Heidenrösleinkrawall. However, before he became a ballad collector, Kriza published a number of remarkable translations, including songs from Ukraine and Lithuania, Scottish songs by Robert Burns, as well as William Wordsworth's poem on Highland ballad singing, "The Solitary Reaper." Recent studies have started to reveal the extent to which balladeering had been, from the eighteenth century onwards, an international affair. This paper looks at Kriza's work and its Scottish connections through the lens of comparative literature and media theory. It takes its starting point from the "untranslatable" auditory qualities of folk songs and ballads, arguing that these played a crucial role in nineteenth-century thinking about the nation. The configuration of sound, nation, and translation is traced from Herder's Volkslieder through Kriza's work and its reception to the Acta Comparationis Litterarum Universarum, edited by Kriza's fellow-Transylvanians Hugo von Meltzl and Sámuel Brassai. The problem of the multi-medial nature of songs and ballads is central to all these projects: while Herder struggled to record the "voices of the people" in translation, Meltzl proposed the use of the phonogram to preserve their living sounds. Between the two, Kriza's work invited critics to re-think questions of authenticity and oral transmission, leading to the re-valorisation of poetic form and the study of folklore in a comparative framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delineates the discursive trajectory of Chinese children's literature and explicates its specific storytelling strategies to integrate nation and narration, tradition and modernity, nationalism and internationalism. At the intersection of nation building, storytelling and comparative literature, it is argued that Chinese children's literature, developed from a comparative perspective and as an alternative vision of Paul Hazard's "universal republic of childhood," not only manifests paradoxical literary features, given the asymmetry of global literary distribution and power relations, but also converges with and enriches world children's literature in China's ongoing process of raising its cultural soft power. The paradox inherent in globalising Chinese children's literature leads to the reconceptualisation of translation and cross-cultural readability of genres as essential to a richer construct of national images on the world literary map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the years, some scholars have not only written against the concept of immigrant integration but have called for its rejection and abandonment. Critics argue that the concept is normative, objectifies others, mirrors outmoded imaginary of society, orients towards methodological nationalism, and a narrow emphasis on immigrants in the forces defining integration progression. Nonetheless, the concept continues to receive academic and policy attention. Against the backdrop of this polarized view, this paper raises an important question relating to the benefit or otherwise of writing against the concept of integration in the field of integration studies. Specifically, the paper asks: Is it appropriate to write against and reject the concept of integration? The paper responds to this question from a provocative conceptual perspective. Here, the paper argues that when the concept is purged of its inherent criticisms and rather reconceptualize as a wicked concept, it still offers a unique analytical spectrum with which scholars can approach several substantive critical questions regarding immigrants' integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identity is the cognition of citizens regarding to which political community they belong, and the tendency to accept the political, cultural and ethnic values of the state. Previous studies have found that national identity is heterogeneous at the subnational levels. Why do people hold different degrees of nationalism and patriotism in the subnational units? In this paper, we offer a political economic explanation of national identity, which links the state capacity with political attitudes. We employ a nationalism-patriotism framework to decompose the concept of national identity, then use the supervised learning approach to measure nationalism and patriotism based on a massive number of Weibo posts dating from 2011 to 2017. Automated text analysis shows that the state capacity plays an important role preventing the national identity from being weakened by globalization and the diversity of social information. Specifically, with the progress of China's globalization, multiculturalism and various information have crossed the national boundaries, which undermines China's national identity. In order to maintain this identity, the Chinese government utilizes its redistribution capacity to reinforce both nationalism and patriotism, and also its information capacity to strengthen nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we investigate the links between medical practice and expertise, on the one hand, and nationalist discourses, on the other, in the 2011 Egyptian uprising and the years that followed, which witnessed a consolidation of authoritarianism. We ask how it is that doctors, whose social capital in part rests on their being seen as "apolitical," played a significant role in countering consecutive regimes' acts of violence and denial. We trace the trajectory of the doctors' mobilization in the 2011 uprising and beyond and demonstrate how the doctors drew on their professional expertise and nationalist sentiment in their struggles against a hypernationalistic military state. Borrowing the ideas of immanence and transcendence from religious studies and philosophy, we argue that the doctors put forth an immanent vision of the nation as a force that is manifested in the lives of its citizens, in contrast with the State's transcendent vision of nationalism, in which the nation resides outside of and beyond citizens' lives. Relying on interviews and media analysis, we show how medicine has served as a site of awakening, conversion narratives, and building of bridges in a polarized society where the doctors were able to rely on their "neutral" expertise to present themselves as reliable witnesses, narrators, and actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does political realism have anything to contribute to the debates about migration in normative political theory? Anything well-established 'moralist' theories do not already acknowledge, that is? Addressing Jaggar's (Aristotelian Soc Suppl Vol. XCIV, pp. 87–113, 2020) and Finlayson's (Aristotelian Soc Suppl Vol. XCIV, pp. 115–139, 2020) critical intercessions into contemporary discourse about migration I argue that a political realist approach to the theory of migration faces what I call the 'surplus challenge': realists supposedly have no normative surplus over (liberal) cosmopolitan and nationalist moralist approaches. This nothing-more-to-add narrative is a common argument against the possibility and integrity of political realism (as seen in, inter alia, Leader-Maynard and Worsnip in Ethics 128(4), pp. 756–787, 2018). I show how it misconstrues the realist agenda. Finlayson, on the other hand, paints the realist intervention as primarily about paying closer attention to colonialism's long legacy. A properly radical intrusion, however, addresses the unchecked and unwarranted, overbearing normative power of moral principles. I will conclude that for the realist, shaking up the discipline will not come as easy as pointing at some overly historicised facts. However, and despite this, the realist intervention rightly problematises contemporary philosophy of migration for its moral normativism. A radical realist approach to issues of migration, which unmasks the unjustified 'microphysics' political power hiding behind normative veneers, is a properly cataclysmic intrusion and the right way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, South Korea has witnessed substantial demographic shifts, and especially so as a result of a rapid increase in the number of marriage migrants to the country. Focusing on the ethnographic interview accounts of Filipina migrants in Korea, the authors investigate how the performative quality of accented speech in English both enables and constrains migrant women as they attempt to navigate and negotiate power dynamics within families, social relationships, and workplaces, as well as fashion a locally contextualized sense of identity. The following research questions guide this inquiry: How do perceptions of English language and accent performance enable and constrain the social mobility and integration of Filipina marriage migrants in South Korean society? What is the relationship between English accent and racialization in contemporary Korean society as demonstrated in Filipina migrant experiences? Within the Korean context, marriage migrants from Southeast Asian countries are frequently marginalized as cultural and linguistic minorities. However, Filipina migrants' familiarity with English adds much complexity and nuance to their circumstances and experiences. Through a broadly Bourdieuian-inspired theoretical approach, the authors examine the variegated roles the English language plays in the lives of Filipina migrants and the ways in which Filipina migrants, in turn, grapple with the nuanced racialized implications of their language skills within the larger context of social mobility and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of Biafra separatism in Nigeria is largely a reaction to a perceived ethno-national superordinacy as well as the compromised state-building capacity of the Nigerian ruling groups. The tendency to attribute the upswing in ethnic nationalism, separatist agitations and the ascendancy of sectarian cleavages in Nigeria to the widening of the democratic space since 1999 is flawed. Whilst every part of Nigeria is bedevilled with one security challenge or another, the most visible existential threats to lives and livelihoods in Nigeria's South-East are coordinated attacks on state facilities by unknown gunmen and the brutal military response of the Nigerian state to the neo-Biafra separatist uprisings. Although the reinvention of Biafra separatism has received substantial scholarly attention, available studies have neglected how the persistence of state repression has lubricated the wheels of the neo-Biafra separatist movement in Nigeria. This study argues that the repressive disposition of the Nigerian state towards Biafra separatism is at the base of the current mutation of the Indigenous People of Biafra's strategy from the non-violent option to the armed movement. This article relies mainly on the analysis of secondary data on Biafra separatism and state repression in Nigeria. Drawing from the basic assumptions of the theory of state repression, this study concludes that the wanton deployment of the kinetic approach involving harassment, proscription, arrests, extraordinary rendition, torture and mass killing of pro-Biafra agitators tends to stimulate insecurity in the South-East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of neo-nationalism has been an important political phenomenon since the 21st century. Neo-nationalism is not a single form of nationalism. It is not only a generalization of a specific type of nationalism at present, but also a description of a series of new nationalism phenomena. From the point of what it may include, it has at least four forms: far-right nationalism, evangelical nationalism, separatist nationalism, and (the third world) religious nationalism. Compared with traditional nationalism, neo-nationalism has undergone major changes in terms of guiding ideology or values behind, epochal character, propulsion mechanism, function, propagation mode, influence, and field of occurrence. At the same time, neo-nationalism is also a kind of high-intensity identity politics with a sort of quasi-fundamentalist characteristics. It discards the core value principles of traditional nationalism and the basic etiquette of polite society. Some dangerous and even crazy essential factors of nationalism have been developed to extremes in the new era. This means that its destructiveness to specific countries and societies is far greater than that caused by the reactive identity politics of minorities. From the perspective of trends in development, while the neo-nationalism shows the general characteristics of co-advance and retreat in the general trend, its four specific forms also show certain differences in the development direction. With the further setback of the globalization process, neo-nationalism will have a significant impact on the security of relevant countries, regions and even the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary debate occurred during 1969 and 1970 as Soviet society stepped into the holistic transition to conservatism. In the debate process, liberals in the journal Novyi Mir interpreted Soviet patriotism based on cultural pluralism and censured Russian nationalists of the journal Molodaia Gvardiia for deviating from Lenin's ideas on the nationality question and obscuring the demarcation between patriotism and Russian chauvinism. Conversely, nationalists in Molodaia Gvardiia emphasized their validity in reviving the Russian tradition to defend the national culture from Western cultural penetration and responded that Western cosmopolitanism was the innate character behind the words of Novyi Mir. The contention gradually stirred up so much public attention that Soviet authorities decided to quiet down the contestation. Eventually, the editorial boards of Novyi Mir and Molodaia Gvardiia were reshuffled, although the Soviet authorities sheltered Molodaia Gvardiia to some degree. The result of the debate was affected by a combination of synthesized factors: the background of rising Russian nationalism, the ideological rhetoric of the debate, and the influences of the opinions of international media and officials toward either side. Whatever individual preferences the authorities had, the principles of the Era of Stagnation (Zastoi) were the guidelines in dealing with the debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Russia a neoimperial or postimperial state? In this paper, I compare two interpretations proposed by political commentators Marcel Van Herpen and Dmitri Trenin. Van Herpen holds that the Russian empire is literally being rebuilt, whereas Trenin believes that Russia is just ceasing to be an empire. I argue that, contrary to popular belief, the current war against Ukraine cannot be interpreted as an attempt to restore the Russian empire. This is because being an empire requires a universalistic ideology that can be accepted by other nations. Meanwhile, the ideological foundation of the current war is an obviously nationalistic conception of the "Russian world." Polish historians Andrzej Nowak and Włodzimierz Marciniak brilliantly argued that it was Russian nationalism that had previously led to the collapse of both Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. Under this interpretation the current war in Ukraine can be seen not as the rebirth but rather as the dramatic end of Russian imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2002 'glonacal' paper described higher education as a multi-scalar sector where individual and institutional agents have open possibilities and causation flows from any of the interacting local, national and global scales. None have permanent primacy: global activity is growing; the nation-state is crucial in policy, regulation and funding; and like the other scales, the local scale in higher education and knowledge is continually being remade and newly invented. The glonacal paper has been widely used in higher education studies, though single-scale nation-bound methods still have a strong hold. Drawing on insights from human geography and selected empirical studies, the present paper builds on the glonacal paper in a larger theorization of space and scale. It describes how material elements, imagination and social practices interact in making space, which is the sphere of social relations; it discusses multiplicity in higher education space and sameness/different tensions; and it takes further the investigation of one kind of constructed space in higher education, its heterogenous scales (national, local, regional, global etc.). The paper reviews the intersections between scales, especially between national and global, the ever-changing ordering of scales, and how agents in higher education mix and match scales. It also critiques ideas of fixed scalar primacy such as methodological nationalism and methodological globalism—influential in studies of higher education but radically limiting of what can be imagined and practised. Ideas matter. The single-scale visions and scale-driven universals must be cleared away to bring a fuller geography of higher education to life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant communities in Chile face barriers to their integration, in the form of discrimination and social exclusion. Psychology of liberation claims that, when minority groups experience oppressing conditions, community engagement can be a path toward integration. Nevertheless, community participation has been mainly studied in North America and Europe. Through a concurrent nested mixed-method design, this study explores the relation between community engagement and perception of integration of Peruvian immigrants in Santiago de Chile. One hundred and ten Peruvians (age range 19 to 52 years), engaged in migrant organizations (MOs), completed a self-report questionnaire that aims to identify the predictors of integration based on psychosocial perspective (education), acculturation (national identity and ethnic identity), and liberation psychology literature (perceived institutional sensitivity, knowledge of the Chilean culture and laws). Additionally, 18 Peruvian leaders (ages 31 to 56 years) were interviewed in order to explore intergroup relations and organizational strategies that their MOs use to enhance integration. An interesting and novel finding points to the role of a Latin-American identity that appears to have potential negative consequences in maintaining the status quo for the social exclusion that Peruvians currently face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]