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This chapter best condenses the central argument of this book by analysing the role of diamonds in the Sierra Leone civil conflict and in other African civil conflicts. Diamonds are described as being both the goal and the mode of exchange in the civil war, a state of affairs that was incited to a great degree by the former Liberian war lord and president, Charles Taylor, to ignite the war. It clarifies the terms ‘conflict diamonds,’ ‘blood diamonds’ and ‘illicit diamond trade.’ This chapter describes the loss of diamond revenue during the conflict. This section also elaborates on the material impact of these varying measures on the diamond trade, and highlights the complicity of Antwerp in the importation of illicit/smuggled/blood diamonds during the conflict. The Kimberley process certification scheme (KPCS) is introduced into the equation and the challenges associated with its effective implementation are also fleshed out. This chapter also reviews international and domestic efforts aimed at controlling these abuses, and argues in favour of reform of both Sierra Leone’s and the global diamond industry. This chapter then looks at some of the environmental challenges raised by diamond mining and concludes by strongly suggesting that the Botswana model of good governance and extractive governance should be looked to. Lastly, this chapter makes concrete suggestions about the specific tax regime that should be adopted in the EI. It also laments continued corruption and apathy within the global diamond industry and proposes some concrete measures that could yet be employed to combat these problems at an international level.

This chapter broaches the global struggle for Sierra Leone’s resources and describes the civil conflict as the result of geopolitics, clarifying that the principally interested foreign parties were international terrorist organizations, multinational corporations (MNCs) and private military corporations (PMCs). Effectively, complementing the narrative about the causality of the Sierra Leone civil conflict, which tended to focus on the internal political conflicts, economic strangulation and civil strife, with an international dimension. This chapter describes the Lebanese presence in the Sierra Leone diamond trade, and the Sierra Leone-Lebanese connection to Hezbollah and to al-Qaeda. It provides summary descriptions of al-Qaeda’s arms and diamonds trade with RUF during the war. It extrapolates on the connection between failed states and terror, centring this on the absence of the rule of law. This chapter furnishes the reader with significant instances of the presence of al-Qaeda operatives in Sierra Leone and of their contact with the RUF. Tracking the involvement of MNCs to the discovery of diamonds during the colonial era, this chapter details utilized intelligence networks to counter diamond smuggling. It then pivots to the appearance of Israeli MNCs that had ties to organized crime. Subsequently, it addresses the proliferation of PMCs after the end of the cold war. This chapter calls for more transparency in extractive contracts through the EITI and the RTAI Act, compliance with the KPCS and more stringent controls over the international arms trade.

In this chapter, we show that the process of constitution-making can cause civil conflict, i.e., constitution-making itself can derail the peaceful intent of a constitution. Further, we show that the causal relationship between constitutional changes and civil conflict is non-linear in meaningful ways. Last, we offer that algorithm accuracy matters for policy success.

We focus on the effect of foreign aid on civil conflict because this is a well-trodden path in the conflict literature. We find that net secondary income increases conflict risk only for a specific range for that variable. Our finding suggests that there should be greater theoretical scrutiny for why only a small range of values for net secondary income increases the risk of conflict. We believe a game-theoretic approach models the interaction between donors and recipients to identify such equilibrium switches. Moreover, the sort of aid reflected in the current account may matter more than a broader definition of aid. Last we suggest that neither military aid nor foreign direct investment appears to have a causal impact on civil conflict, with important implications for policy.

This chapter lays out how this book adds to the methodological literature investigating empirical causality. At the same time, it highlights why understanding the complex causes of civil conflict is a worthy endeavor.

Two feature films from the early years of this century—Lilya 4-Ever (2002) and In this World (2002)—address two of the core issues in forced mobility: sex trafficking and people smuggling. Although both films are fictions they were used widely in a number of political and social forums as part of discussions of the problems they engaged with. On a more positive note, two films from the last decade, and related to the civil conflict in Syria, are the subjects of analysis: one young woman’s account of her flight from ISIS-held territory, Escape from Syria: Rania’s Odyssey (2017), and a radical collaboration between filmmakers and refugees, On the Bride’s Side (2014) a work which combines activism and resistance to the coloniality of Europe’s border practices.

Armed conflicts and criminality in Africa are driven by forces of demand and supply. Most African states have been scenes of endemic civil wars (Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast), as well as ethnic and religious crises (Benin, Nigeria, Mali) which have all led to the use of SALWs. The use of SALWs has both economic and social consequences on the development and social well-being of countries. This chapter used economics tools, demand and supply to analyze the economic dimensions of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) proliferations and their implications for regional conflicts and security in Africa. The key determinants of SALWs identified in the chapter are lethality, portability, concealability, low price and durability. The sources of weapons supply from the case studies are local-made weapons, importation, arms brokers, conflict-to-conflict, arming of militias by governments, misuse by government forces, diversion and theft from state armoury (Greene and Kirkham 2009). On the other hand, the demand for SALWs is categorized into, direct demand for personal and community protection as well as hunting and self-esteem; on the other hand, the intermediate demand is motivated by level of conflicts, boom in illegal mining and bunkering among others. Collectively the demand for SALWs is determine by economic factors such as price of weapons, individual incomes and motivations for the use of the weapons. On the supply side, the study identified income (profit from the sale of weapons) is the primary determinant for manufacturing or smuggling of SALWs. Two major sources of supply of SALWs have been identified, including civil conflict, legal and licence manufacturing and illegal through theft and leakages in manufacturing stocks and government armouries. In both cases, the weapons end at the hand of end users. The chapter identified the economic and social consequences of the use of SALWs in Africa and makes some recommendations.

A large literature has emerged to explore the relationship between foreign aid and emigration from aid-recipient countries. Scholars suggest that aid affects international migration from these countries through its impacts on economic growth, civil conflict, and political institutions. This chapter builds on this literature with specific attention to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The authors review the relevant literatures on aid, development, and international migration, discuss key characteristics of the MENA region, describe the volume and composition of aid to MENA countries, and reflect on how aid is affecting migration patterns. They also offer some preliminary statistical analysis, finding a negative correlation between aid and emigration from the MENA region. After presenting preliminary results, a research agenda is offered for economic development specialists interested in further investigating aid and migration in the MENA context.

Media coverage of contemporary civil wars conveys the public health consequences of violence, but also veils the reasons for and extended consequence of brutality. Because of civil wars and the violence they engender, public health systems degrade, access to basic needs such as food and clean water declines, and people are forced from their homes and into refugee camps where infectious diseases easily spread. These consequences of civil war significantly affect the lives of noncombatant populations, degrading their health and reducing their lifespans at both individual and population levels. Yet, the most direct and often brutal consequence of civil conflict for civilian populations comes in the form of directly targeting noncombatant populations with atrocious violence. This chapter discusses the unintuitive yet “rational” thinking and acts of combatants, and their resultant effects.

This chapter examines the relationships between climate change and the international debate over the relocation of millions of migrants from the Middle East and Africa. It describes how prolonged drought has affected the agricultural economics and ways of life of residents in sub-Saharan Africa and how refugees from climate change and civil strife have become intermingled on their way to seek asylum in Europe. The influence of climate change on the two primary drivers of displacement in Africa and the Middle East, poverty and civil conflict, is examined in detail. The increasing numbers of migrants arriving in Europe through dangerous transits in Greece, Italy, and the Mediterranean have led to debates over who should be admitted and who should be turned away, the obligations of host nations, and the social and economic consequences of having new residents. The current legal status of displaced populations as climate refugees will be reviewed, along with efforts of host nations to accommodate to the needs of newly arrived migrants.

This chapter focuses on the political economy (actual competition over resources, on an individual and group level). It investigates the economic resources available to African states against the need. It is argued that for various reasons, the resources and opportunity to pursue and meet needs are not available for many Africans. With the scarcity of resources, competition is thus a natural progression, and it is fierce. Where cooperation fails, violence becomes an option, hence the high levels of civil conflict. This competition allows for ethnic manipulations, as discussed in Chap. 3. The damages caused by competition for resources further exacerbate the problems of governance addressed in Chap. 4.

Since the US-led intervention in Iraq in 2003, the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel and the 2010–2011 uprisings, political orders in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have undergone dramatic transformations and the already delicate regional equilibrium has been profoundly shaken. Adding to a gradual process of disengagement on behalf of the US, regional powers have sought to fill the political vacuum left in countries experiencing a transition that deviated towards widespread insecurity and civil conflict, such as Syria, Libya and Yemen. Among them, the chapter analyses Saudi Arabia’s renewed role in the MENA region and shows how this has played out with reference to fighting terrorism. In doing so, the chapter argues that, despite a more decisive stance at the regional level, the Kingdom simultaneously operates in a space defined by nationalism, religion and sectarianism. As such, the capacity and prospect of Saudi Arabia’s regional policy is undermined by overlapping and at times competing visions of what makes a region.

It is argued that civil war and protests are mutually exclusive processes. However, the prevalence of protests and their proximity with or simultaneity to armed conflict contradicts this idea. Conflict and confrontation involve different types of interactions between the state and its opponents, which can involve protests, mass mobilization, clashes, and even armed conflict. Thus, we can understand conflict as existing in a continuum. Analyzing protests and protestors as related to armed conflict may serve to widen our understanding of conflict. This chapter presents the case for linking protest with a wider understanding of conflict, considering its links with other categories of contestation such as armed conflict. We can thus envision different types of contestation as being related. If we consider this possibility, we can then analyze processes of escalation and de-escalation between different expresions of contestation. This chapter reflects on the similarities and differences between different categories used to understand contestation, focusing on the categories of protests, civil conflict, and civil war. I claim that while a distinction between protests and armed violence is often made on the basis of the degree of violence involved in these processes, this in itself does not mean that these forms of conflict are disconnected. Through focusing on the nature of their political claims, we can understand these processes of contestation as related to each other. Thus, we can analyze how mass mobilization escalates into armed conflicts, and we also observe cases of post agreement scenarios where mass mobilization follows the signature of peace agreements (a de-escalation process). Evidence from the case ofSouth Africa is presented to illustrate this.

US and foreign military medical providers have provided exceptional and varied humanitarian assistance and disaster relief for almost a century. Unique complexities and capacities of military medical resources are described in both natural disaster response and civil conflict environments. Civil-military roles and relationships are reviewed in the context of contemporary engagements.

The concluding chapter takes a step back from the post-1945 case to re-examine the relationship between great power negotiations and hierarchical competition. The weight of the book’s argument suggests that the development of informal hierarchy worked to contain hierarchical competition within subordinate states, in turn reducing the chances of interstate conflict. I evaluate this claim at a systemic level, showing that hierarchical competition led to increased interstate conflict in the pre-1945 state system, and increased civil conflict in the post-1945 state system. In closing, I explore three potential revisions to the current system of hierarchy, posed in turn by Russia, China, and “non-state” actors like the Islamic State.

In this chapter, Beevers examines the rise of environmental security in the larger international security discourse and highlights how the perceptions of security threats changed in the 1990s, giving rise to a focus on natural resources and armed conflict. Beevers reviews the scholarship linking natural resources to armed conflict including the idea that civil conflicts in the post-Cold War era were triggered by the looting of the so-called conflict resources or the consequence of the “resource curse.” The chapter reviews how these interpretations influenced how peacebuilders came to understand the ways in which natural resources can help build peace and shaped interventions to reform resource governance after armed conflicts end.

Over the past 20 years or so, many people, particularly children, have fallen victim to structural adjustments in certain developing countries (Cornia et al. in Adjustment with a human face. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1987; Cagatay et al. in World Dev 23:238–253, 1995). In addition to the ‘adjustments’ imposed by international organisations, some countries have also descended into economic crisis and violent civil conflict.

The construction of Zimbabwean immigrant communities in Britain should not be solely analysed as a post-colonial contemporary phenomenon. Britain’s efforts to assist Black African students coupled with political instability were contributory factors which also led to the rise of a multiracial Zimbabwean immigrant community that peaked in the 1970s. The chapter explores the extent to which homeland influences of racial discrimination and the activities of the National Movement were significant factors in the construction of community relations. Focussing on diaspora political activism and integration patterns, the chapter draws comparisons with the post-independence Zimbabwean community in Britain. Although Zimbabwe’s independence ushered in a new beginning, the chapter also examines how civil conflict in Matabeleland, decline of the economy, rise in corruption and threats posed by the Apartheid South African government deterred a significant number from returning back home in 1980.

Feminist criminology needs to renovate concepts based explicitly on the experiences of mainly white women in the global North. It also needs to globalize its research agendas and enhance its conceptual horizons, to include the distinctively different gendered patterns of crime and violence that occur across the global South and North, and not only during peacetime but also war and conflict. The chapter takes two issues—violence against women during war and civil conflict and innovative approaches to preventing violence from the global South—to illustrate how feminist criminology can contribute to Southern criminology’s project of democratizing knowledge transfer between the global North and South.

Lucy Caldwell’s debut novel Where They Were Missed (2006) is set in Belfast and Donegal during the Troubles in the 1980s and 1990s. It portrays the childhood and adolescence of Saoirse, the daughter of a ‘mixed marriage’—her father is an RUC officer and her mother is a Catholic from Donegal. Their marriage begins to crumble due to her sister Daisy’s sudden death amidst the stifling sectarian atmosphere, and Saoirse is left to fend for herself. Similarly, Caldwell’s third novel, All the Beggars Riding (2013) also addresses a childhood shaped by the Troubles, a broken marriage, and the loss of a family member. It is set in the contemporary moment, but the protagonist Lara, now forty, also describes flashbacks to her youth in London when she learns of her father’s death in an accident. He was a plastic surgeon who travelled back and forth between London and his hometown of Belfast to tend to wounded Troubles victims. However, as it turns out, he has an entire second family based there. This chapter explores the ways in which loss and domestic conflict intersect with the civil conflict of the Troubles in Caldwell’s novels.

Language has been attributed a causal role with regards to social discord, and language policies that govern media of instruction in schools in multilingual communities such as Sri Lanka have undoubtedly contributed to the disruption and distortion of social relations and structures in otherwise stable ethnically, culturally, and religiously diverse communities. However, abundant historical and contemporary examples suggest that language policy is not usually the sole basis for social disharmony, nor can language policy alone be an adequate response to the need to ameliorate tensions or to repair social fractures following discord or conflict. In Sri Lanka, where postcolonial changes to language policy are commonly argued to be the catalyst for a civil conflict lasting 30 years, hopes are pinned on recent language policy changes which promote language learning to achieve trilingualism (Sinhala, Tamil and English) throughout the country. This chapter considers the potential of the Trilingual Language Policy to achieve political goals of reconciliation and coexistence in the post-war Sri Lankan context given the larger geo-political circumstances, arguing that the promotion of language learning aligns with socioeconomic aspirations of Sri Lankans although trilingualism is a necessary yet, in itself, insufficient prerequisite for the achievement of social harmony.

Espinosa-Romero analyzes the role of the Salamanca Archive as a privileged space of Spain’s historical memory. It was established in 1937 by insurgents and played a crucial role in the repressive structure during the Spanish Civil War and long post-war period. Without forgetting its origins, the Franco regime gave to this archive a new strategic role in the regime’s propaganda machine during the 1960s, providing the material with which to update its foundational values and impose a new narrative of the civil conflict between Spaniards. After Franco’s death, this archive kept this cultural role until 1982 when it was ceased to be a vehicle for the generation of the official and public memory of the war.

Exploring the dynamics of diaspora relations between the Shona and the Ndebele exposes how both the Nationalist Movement and the post-colonial government failed to implement nation-building initiatives needed to unite the Black African community that had been polarised along ethnic lines. Black Zimbabweans had migrated as products of unresolved ethnic conflicts that had been developed and nurtured throughout the phases of Zimbabwe’s history. Although pre-colonial arrival of the Ndebele started the development of Shona–Ndebele tensions which the British consolidated through its divide-and-rule agenda, it was memories of the civil conflict which became a major deterrent to uniting Black Zimbabwean immigrants. In the absence of shared historic socio-economic or cultural commonalities, ethnic particularism and separatism continued to dominate relations within the Black diaspora community in Britain.

As the euphoria of independence in 1980 and the hope of prosperity subsided, it is undeniable that the Shona-dominated new government of Robert Mugabe faced insurmountable challenges in its attempts to build a united nation that had been ravaged by racial injustices and communal tensions. The third chapter examines how the roots of ethnic and racial relations which were to characterise the post-colonial Zimbabwean communities both in Zimbabwe and in the diaspora could not be divorced from how the new government communicated its nation-building polices to its citizens. Key themes discussed are the Lancaster House Constitution and its race legacy, the impact of the civil conflict (Gukurahundi), marginalisation of minorities and absence of a post-independence agenda on national identity.

Chapter 7 examines the state of conflict resolution on the African Continent. It begins by summarizing the major models of conflict resolution that have been used to help terminate civil wars and undertake post-conflict peacebuilding on the continent. The chapter argues that while there has been some successes in the termination of civil wars, the post-conflict peacebuilding projects in the continent’s war-affected states has not addressed the underlying causes of the civil conflict and set these societies on the pathway to durable peace‚ and human centered democracy and development. The chapter places the blame for this shortcoming at the doorstep of the hegemonic liberal peacebuilding model that has been imposed by the suzerains of the global system led by the United States on post-conflict African states. Alternatively‚ the chapter suggests that the precondition for addressing the conflict that underpins the continent’s various civil wars is the democratic reconstitution of the state.

This chapter provides an overview of the Chixoy Dam hydroelectric project and its effects on the Maya-Achi population from Rio Negro, as well as a brief description of the regional and human history. Information presented in this section was drawn from a variety of sources, including publications from NGO’s, journalists, and academics, as well as evidence from ethnographic research carried out in the region during the winter of 2009. A more in-depth look into the specific consequences of this project on individuals as well as the Rio Negro community as a whole will be explored at length in the following analysis and discussion chapters.

Rudolph Rummel and I are both products of Northwestern University’s Ph.D. program—although I graduated 18 years later. Thanks to him, I already knew something about factor analysis, having read his dissertation. I was equally familiar with arguments about peace among democratic states, because my major was in international relations with a minor in jurisprudence (i.e. international law) and another in comparative studies. The democratic peace argument filtered much later into comparative studies of civil conflict in democratic societies and made much sense to me in theory, the way it became a major focus in Rudy’s work on mass death and genocide.

This chapter addresses the representation of trauma in recent Algerian documentary cinema generated by the so-called civil war or ‘black decade’ that Algeria experienced in the 1990s. In the aftermath of a conflict that claimed between 100,000 and 200,000 victims, the state pushed through amnesty laws and attempted to mobilise a process of national forgetting. However, the same period also saw a rise in Algerian documentary film-making which has sought to listen to the stories of those traumatised by the conflict. Taking as case studies the films Algerie la vie quand meme (Sahraoui 1998), Alienations (Bensmail 2004) and Lettre a ma soeur (Djahnine 2008), this analysis will address the means whereby the themes of loss, depression and trauma are represented. Theoretical support will be provided by readings of recent studies that are outside the core corpus of trauma studies but in fact present illuminating ways of addressing trauma as it relates to issues of representation and depression, for example Ranjana Khanna’s Algeria Cuts (2008) and Anne Cvetkovich’s Depression: A Public Feeling (2012). The aim of this chapter is to increase our understanding of the filmic representation of trauma in a post-conflict society and more generally of a culture (Algeria) that is often under-represented in Western research on film and media.

Peacebuilding-as-statebuilding was informed by the institutionalist approach: the belief that external experts can help to provide the institutional scaffolding which would form the preconditions for successful peacebuilding. This approach of external institution-building was developed in Bosnia first, then expanded to Kosovo and East Timor and, to all intents and purposes, reached its highpoint with the discussions over governance reform in Iraq in 2003, where many policymakers turned to the Bosnia and Herzegovina experience for lessons in peacebuilding. The key lesson advocated at this point by international officials was the prioritisation of the ‘rule of law’ rather than the focus on political processes and elections. It was held that while regular elections merely reinforced the dominance of political elites hostile to reform, internationally imposed legal changes could galvanise the peacebuilding process. This approach was captured well in the work of Roland Paris who reflected the impasse of peacebuilding in advocating ‘Insitutionalization before Liberalization’. For Paris, holding elections would be problematic if the institutional framework of democracy, markets and the rule of law were not in place beforehand (see, Paris, At war’s end: Building peace after civil conflict, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

Political Science has a rich heritage of trying to understand how time-invariant geo-physical and geo-political features impact the calculus of peace and war, within and among societies. The growing body of climate change evidence has encouraged the re-examination of such questions yielding a variety of hypotheses which attempt to explain how weather variations can trigger societal and civil conflict. We develop an agent-based, predictive analytic model for subnational conflict onset. We model the preferences and influence of citizens in geophysical space and capture the emergence of groups and the diffusion of support and opposition across society using cooperative game theory. We then model the interaction of groups and the government utilizing non-cooperative game theory to ascertain conflict onset. Such a method empowers us to ascertain the duration and magnitude of environmental shocks which would most prominently lead to conflict within societies with specific demographic and wealth characteristics.

In this contribution, we examine whether current governance mechanisms for sustaining the fisheries resources are better now than they were prior to the civil conflict of the 1990s in Sierra Leone, and if they are not, what policy instruments could contribute to improving governance. The establishment of co-managed systems during the post-conflict period as a conduit for introducing territorial user rights and marine protected areas constitutes an important step towards stewardship and stakeholder involvement in decision-making. However, the process has been criticized on the basis that it was rushed, thereby jeopardizing program implementation at the local level. Using the governability concept and fish chain as analytical tools, an assessment of the transition period from top down to co-management is undertaken to understand the overall quality of governance. There is evidence that the reforms are essential in promoting participatory governance and attaining multiple co-benefits in conservation and development. Yet, the institutional capacity at the local level is inadequate for effective compliance and monitoring. As a result, there is a need to strengthen the governing capacity and build linkages between fisheries and other economic planning activities where capacity is concentrated. Such efforts and transitional changes are relevant for achieving collective action especially in fragile states that are experiencing the increasing impacts of global environmental and economic changes.

Consumers have several avenues of recourse to resolve dissatisfactions with the products or services provided by businesses. This study indicates that consumers are unfamiliar with the availability, practices, and procedures of the Small Claims Courts.

This chapter documents the applicability of the parasite-stress theory of values to the frequencies of occurrences of the major types of within-nation intergroup conflict across contemporary countries: civil wars, non-state wars (intrastate wars in which warring groups do not include the government of the state), and coups and revolutions. Collectivist values of people promote interdependence with, and loyalty toward, in-group members (ethnocentrism) and goals, and antagonism toward out-group members (xenophobia) and goals. Host–parasite antagonistic coevolutionary races produce variation among regions in the specificity of immune defenses and of parasites. According to the parasite-stress theory, the collectivist values of ethnocentrism and xenophobia are defenses against novel infectious diseases harbored in out-groups and to which local people are not adapted. From this, we proposed that high parasite stresses and associated collectivist values, then, promote all the major types of within-region civil conflict. As predicted, based on this, the frequency of civil wars, non-state wars, and coups and revolutions are associated positively with parasite stress and collectivism across countries of the world; peacefulness shows the predicted negative relationships with parasite stress and collectivism. These findings indicate that occurrences of civil conflicts would be reduced by reducing parasite stress and associated collectivist values. The parasite-stress theory of values provides a general causal model of intergroup conflict. The American Civil War is revisited in light of this general model. We provide evidence, too, that the parasite-stress theory of values applies to coalitional conflict characteristic of team sports.

The overall goal of our book is to create a synthesis or unity, based on the parasite-stress theory of values/sociality, of many topics that traditionally have been viewed and studied as distinct. The book presents the utility of the parasite-stress theory for unification of areas of research and knowledge ranging from parasitology, immunology, moral systems, civil conflict, governmental systems, family life, sexual behavior, dispersal patterns, personality, economics, violence, religious commitment, biodiversity, and so on. The book supports the claim of the scientific revolution that the realm of explanation is small—diverse and seemingly unconnected parts of nature can be unified by a few shared and basic causes. We hypothesize that emancipation of people from infectious diseases not only will reduce mortality and morbidity and increase liberalism and associated egalitarianism, but also will increase the frequency of scientifically encompassing ideas. We address the societal benefits and costs of emancipating people from infectious diseases. Costs are increased autoimmune disease associated with evolutionarily novel low levels of infectious, commensal and mutualistic organisms encountered by children during their development and the exhaustion of nonrenewable energy for the future coinciding with technological and economic productivity. We respond to a range of criticisms of the parasite-stress theory of values or its claimed empirical support. We conclude that the criticisms to date do not falsify the theory, moderate its application to any of the topics it purports to explain, or question the empirical support of the theory. Numerous future research directions and associated hypotheses are presented.