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The focus of the chapter is on how rapid and brutal political changes during and after 2011 in Egypt facilitated the process of disengagement from the Brotherhood. I do argue that these changes allowed exiting individuals to resist and challenge the power relations institutionalized by the Brotherhood through securing alternative paths of thought and action that served new interests, ideas, and values. Furthermore, they also gave meaning to this disassociation by constructing a credible and effective counter-discourse challenging the ambivalent and dissonant discourse of the Brotherhood. This counter-discourse was contextually substantiated with a lack of ideology, and an absence of galvanizing leadership in the revolutionary process. Judging by their representations of political changes, of their group, and of themselves, members of the Brotherhood could thus take up their individual disassociation as part of general concerns with issues supporting this step such as human rights, accountability, and organizational reform.

This chapter develops an understanding of disengagement as both process and discourse, by comparing past and present cases of individual disassociations from the Muslim Brotherhood. It finds recurrent patterns of affective and ideological aspects (and sometimes stages) of the disengagement process. These mutually reinforcing features of disengagement combine with a patterning in discourse, wherein certain themes are mentioned repeatedly, frequently, and resonantly. Still, the different levels of political disengagement as a stage in this process, and the variable access to opportunities and resources to articulate and materialize an effective and coherent discourse of disengagement have made this past–present intersection incomplete. The chapter incorporates elements of context into the analysis of written autobiographies by, and verbal interviews conducted with, exiting members now living in Egypt, the UK, Turkey, and Qatar. It connects linguistic features of these texts with elements of social and political change before and after the 2011 ‘Revolution.’ It finds that processes and discourses of disengagement cases are not always linear, directional, cumulative, or irreversible.

Given the lack of critical attention paid to the 1973 War, this chapter sets out the approach most fitting to analyse such a significant event at the discursive level. Benefitting from unique access to untapped sources and dozens of exclusive interviews, the chapter explains how critical discourse analysis (CDA) is innovatively employed as a solid theoretical and analytical framework for unpacking the mediation between texts and socio-politics on the war. The approach discovers and even bears witness to relevant ideological constructions and power relations which set the war discourse into a number of biased frames. Seeking to understand how these frames were patterned into dominant macro-themes by late President Anwar Sadat and his successor Hosni Mubarak, the chapter explains the rigorous methodology of discovering frames’ repetition, regularity and resonance over 40 years of official and semi-official narrativisation of the war.

The chapter unpacks internal state, society and media dynamics that led to fixing the 1973 War discourse as an absolute, personified/personalised and religionised victory. These dynamics, which fed into the carefully woven formal and semi-formal narrative of the war, include the authoritarianism within the regime and media, used to subdue opposition emanating from ‘subaltern thought’ keeping counter discourses on the war. Within this context-rich scale, the chapter also analyses another phenomenon standing behind the predominant hegemonic discourse on war—the so-called Islamic revival of the 1970s. This ‘islamisation’ was related to Sadat’s distancing from Nasser and his leftist opponents whose voices were mostly dismissed as ‘anti-Islamic’. More significantly, he filled the resultant void with the ‘October legitimacy’. Un-textual as it is, this was part of the broader socio-political intricacies related to any biased perceptions on the war.

The chapter examines the socio-politics which lie behind the textual patterns identified during the rule of Mubarak such as political dynamics and the inner workings of the regime. These socio-politics include change and continuities with the previous regime of Sadat such as ‘authoritarianism’ both in the political and media systems. Seeking further ‘narrative fidelity’ of the war discourse, the author explains the role of other ‘ideological state apparatuses’ which include more formalised, object-based and nationally evocative instruments such as the Cairo-based ‘Panorama’ museum and school textbooks.

The chapter takes the 18 days leading to the resignation of Mubarak in February 2011 to assess the validity of the book’s findings on the war discourse. If socio-politics change, does the war discourse depending on it change in correlation? Answers are drawn through conducting a number of interviews with leading figures in the Mubarak regime and the army. The author also details the collapse of the war discourse which once proved solid, coherent, resonant and well-integrated. The period following the resignation of Mubarak is taken as a test of the validity of the findings of the war discourse. With the change in socio-politics, stable 40 years under Mubarak and Sadat, the war discourse also radically metamorphosed into new shapes. These shapes ironically acted against the interests of the Mubarak regime, so as to make a claim for the ‘October War legitimacy’ is now dead. Nevertheless, with President Abdel-Fatah al-Sissi, a former army commander, currently in power, that legitimacy is now in a state of revival.

A considerably large class of multi-agent systems (MASs) employed in real-time environments requires the possibility to express time-critical properties. In this paper, we develop a system of temporal logic RTCTL\(^{cc}\), an extension of CTL modalities and interval bound until modalities with conditional commitment and their fulfillment modalities. This logic allows us to formally model the interaction among autonomous agents using conditional commitments and to combine qualitative temporal aspects together with real-time constraints (time instants or intervals) in order to permit reasoning about qualitative and quantitative requirements and their specifications. We point out that useful properties of MASs, which are required to express temporal constraints as a fundamental part of functional requirements can be expressed in RTCTL\(^{cc}\). We also argue that time-critical properties expressed in executable action languages in other contributed approaches can be expressed in RTCTL\(^{cc}\).

In this paper, we present the application of keystroke dynamics for continuous user authentication in desktop platform. We show the differences between static and continuous systems based on keystroke dynamics in terms of creating the template and authentication phase. The key factor in the continuous authentication system is monitoring the genuineness of the user during the whole session, and not only at log-in. Moreover, we propose a general approach for continuous authentication based on keystroke dynamics. In our experiments, we use the email application as a case study to present the effectiveness and efficiency of our proposed approach. Our main conclusion is that using keystroke dynamics can serve as a feasible and acceptable measure for continuous user authentication. The investigations have shown that it is feasible to authenticate users based on keystroke dynamics for continuous authentication systems.