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This article examines the writings on loyalty and betrayal of sociologist Erving Goffman and political scientist Morton Grodzins. Both thinkers made unique contributions to the understanding of those topics while simultaneously offering critical appraisals of early Cold War America. Examining these writings in historical and intellectual context, and reading them against each other, reveals important elements of this work that are worthy of a fresh appreciation. Within this analysis, the article reflects on social criticism during treacherous times, from open resistance to subtle intellectual legerdemain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John P Peters is considered one of the founders of modern clinical chemistry. In more than 200 research articles, he brought clinical biochemistry to the bedside, advancing the use of laboratory medicine in diagnosis and disease management. His two-volume landmark textbook Quantitative Clinical Chemistry, coauthored with Donald Dexter van Slyke (1883–1971) and released in 1931–1932, defined clinical chemistry as a distinct professional discipline within medicine. A three-volume revision was begun in 1937. Peters took on the task of revising Volumes I and II but never finished Volume II. His outspoken public advocacy for social reform, world peace, and universal health care made him a target in the era of McCarthyism. Three times between 1949 and 1953 he was brought before the Loyalty Review Board with charges of being a communist and a sympathetic supporter of subversive organizations. According to his family, the turmoil of the McCarthyism persecution shortened his life and prevented him from completing the one thing he wanted to do in his professional life, finish the revision of his landmark clinical chemistry textbook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1950 and 1954, Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy’s anticommunist crusade created a schism in the journalistic interpretive community with publishers and editors being forced by the public nature of their work to choose sides. When he called New York Post Editor James A. Wechsler before his committee in 1953 to answer for his newspaper’s editorial policy, McCarthy brought that schism into clear focus. Wechsler’s determination to obtain the release of the hearing transcript as evidence of McCarthy’s true aims led to his capitulation with McCarthy’s demands that he name names. In the aftermath of his appearance, Wechsler asked his journalistic colleagues to determine whether or not a congressional inquiry into editorial policy constituted a threat to press freedom. In a time clouded by the madness of McCarthyism and despite the clarity of Wechsler’s argument that intimidation of any journalist represents a threat to all, the brightest editors of the time were unable to agree even with that fundamental assertion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the controversy surrounding Canadian diplomat and prominent authority on Japan Herbert Norman. The investigation of Norman by Canada's Department of External Affairs from 1950 to 1952 because his name came up during the U.S. congressional hearings on communism in the U.S. are discussed. The issue of whether Norman was a security risk, Soviet agent, or just a victim of a political witch hunt called McCarthyism is also discussed. An overview of Norman's diplomatic career is presented in the discussion. The impact of this public controversy on Canada-U.S. relations is discussed.

This article argues that the decline of the public housing program in the early 1950s has an overlooked political dimension—the role of the Red Scare/McCarthyism. Public housing advocates had used social democratic reform to secure the program. After the 1949 Housing Act, public housing foes were able to sequester the expansion of public housing legislation by turning to the local level. Many municipal policy battles attempted to limit the acceptance of federal public housing by means of Red Scare tactics. This is illustrated by the Los Angeles public housing war, one of the most vicious Red Scares of the domestic cold war. The Red Scare was used to cancel the ten-thousand-unit public housing contract with the Federal government and to reverse city policy by toppling the pro-public-housing mayoral regime, Public housing's local defeats were circulated back to the national level, resulting in the demise of the program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fred Lee's history of radical economics in America between 1945 and 1970 (RRPE 36, 2) fails to address why the powerful New Deal movement disintegrated so quickly after the war. This article argues that the Soviet Union's decision to retreat into isolationism split and effectively destroyed the American Left. Progressive but noncommunist economists including Harry White and Lauchlin Currie were isolated and easy targets for McCarthyites. The Bretton Woods institutions they had designed were effectively consigned into the hands of American imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the process by which I became a radical, my early political activism, my struggle in the army daring McCarthyism, and the long fight for a political economy program at the University of California, Riverside. The point of the article is to convey to readers as clearly as possible information on the ways that people become radicals, the radical fight against McCarthyism, and the building of a political economy program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Peter and Olson's seminal contribution to the marketing of ideas literature, this article explores the marketing of theory. It is argued that marketing discourse should be viewed as an ordering attempt, not as an order. From this perspective it becomes important that we explore how marketing theory comes to be ordered in the way it presently is, and the manner in which certain ideas develop or face extinction, in order to better understand what can or cannot be said in marketing theory. In response, this article argues that a much needed turn in the paradigm debate should be toward the exploration of the institutionalization of marketing theory. It examines the social, economic and institutional logic underpinning theory production in marketing and demonstrates the influence of McCarthyism and the Cold War climate on marketing theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article uncovers and reconstructs the emergence of radical economics in postwar America, starting with the impact of McCarthyism on economics and the teaching of Marxism through the emergence of the Union for Radical Political Economics (URPE) in 1968. In addition, the issue of the historical identity of radical economists is addressed in the article through its narrative that reenacts its development from McCarthyism to the emergence of URPE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the impact of increased operational deployments on soldiers' peacekeeping attitudes, morale, and retention based on the data gathered from a survey on the 10th U.S. Mountain Division (Light) from February 26 to March 2, 1995. In terms of peacekeeping attitudes, most soldiers accepted and understood the basic norms of peacekeeping. Most of them consider it as an appropriate military mission though a sizeable number believes that the mission is appropriate for military police. Many soldiers reported, lower morale as the deployment increased.. Other factors other than number of deployments also contributed to low morale like living conditions, food quality, mail service, or leadership quality.

The article analyses the attitude of the U.S. Military towards the new missions coming up after the cold war through a cross-service survey of officers enrolled in command and staff colleges. Though they still extend wholehearted support for traditional Cold War missions, all service branches do support old and new missions alike. Combat officers prefered traditional missions which involved action, while noncombatant officers liked humanitarian assistance, antiterrorism and anti drug missions. The officers also showed interest in civilian attitudes to the new missions. They, irrespective of their branches, believe that the president supports new military missions more than Congress does, and that Congress supports these missions more than the public does.

Assesses the hypothesis that in large and diverse polities there will be a tendency for factions to be set against factions. Focus on the era of the McCarthy Red Scare; Protecting civil liberties of unpopular political minorities; Structural and institutional solutions; Socio-political pluralism; Repression associated with traditionalistic political cultures; Repression flows from the cultural roots of states.

Since 1969, Italy has suffered through the worst of terrorist violence in the Western world. The extreme left and the extreme right have been involved in this violence, which remains a fundamentally mysterious phenomenon. Economic, political, and psychological theories, as well as theories of conspiracy, all fail to provide an adequate account of Italian terrorism. The author contends that Italy's culture of violence ‐ that is, the long‐standing intellectual tradition that seeks to make violence "photogenic" ‐has played a critical and generally ignored role in the Italian terrorism of our time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]