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Populism is hard to contain in democracies because it is the sugar, salt, and fat of contemporary politics. I borrow from research on ultraprocessed foods to develop this metaphor. The modern food industry creates ultraprocessed foods by oversupplying naturally occurring macronutrients (sugar, salt, and fat) and recombining them to create new foods that are distortions of the real thing. These new pretend foods are both addictive and toxic. Likewise, I argue that authoritarian-populist leaders take natural tenets of democracy—for example, policies to help the voiceless (sugar), competition against opponents (salt), and reform agenda saturation (fat)—and supply them in combinations and quantities that end up distorting democracy. The result is a new regime that veers easily into authoritarianism (toxicity) while in the process generating hard-core followership (addictiveness). I also discuss the way authoritarian populists from both the left and the right have emulated each other since the 1980s, while introducing their own tweaks to their steals. In the end, despite important differences, both left and right-wing populism are far more similar to each other than they each care to recognize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains citizen support for executive aggrandizement? Previous work points to support for the president, showing that individuals who support the incumbent are more accepting of executive aggrandizement. Yet, the role of the president in shaping support for (and the meaning of) executive aggrandizement is unexplored. I argue that populist discourse increases support for executive aggrandizement by framing the president as the genuine representative of the people and by portraying institutional opposition as corrupt. Two studies support this argument: First, a multilevel analysis shows that a text-based measure of populist discourse is associated with increasing support for the president closing congress or the supreme court. The estimated effect of populist discourse is largest among presidential supporters. Second, a survey experiment conducted in Ecuador shows that populist and anti-elitist discourse increase support for a hypothetical executive closing the legislature. The findings indicate that populist discourse undermines public opinion as an executive accountability mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some elected leaders use legalistic strategies to undermine democracy from within? And under what conditions do they succeed in the use of these strategies? In this article, we argue that the abuse of law is at the center of the toolkit of emerging autocrats. Executives use an ample menu of legal tools and mechanisms (laws, constitutional amendments, executive decrees, administrative resolutions, and regulations by federal agencies) to gradually dismantle each of the components of liberal democracy. We show how the co-optation of the judiciary by the executive helps create an appearance of institutional normalcy that enhances regime legitimacy. In an era of democratic backsliding, executives capture or coerce judiciaries to neutralize opposition threats, carry out their policy agenda, secure and distribute benefits among allies, and dismantle various components that make up liberal democracies. To understand how executives have different levels of success in using multiple legal tools and mechanisms to undermine democracy, we compare three Latin American countries with disparate regime trajectories: Argentina, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Our paper situates judicial actors at the center of the legal toolkit of emerging autocrats by studying how (and in what ways) courts become illiberal tools for legal reform and implementation to dismantle liberal democracy gradually. We show how, in these cases, "legal narratives" are used to legitimize the slow undermining of democratic rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review examines Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Authoritarian Police in Democracy, Resisting Extortion, as well as Democracy and Security in Latin America to outline the latest scholarly developments on how the region has dealt with the challenges posed by violent, militarized state and non-state actors. Leveraging distinct cases and methods, these four recently published books discuss the political rationale behind the military and institutional responses that have shaped public security in Latin America over the last three decades. Beyond unpacking their contributions, common themes, tensions, and shortcomings, we argue that by focusing on the political dynamics behind state interventions, these volumes highlight the persistence of a democratic paradox : rather than curtailing militarism and violence, or facilitating their containment via reforms, electoral dynamics and partisan incentives—part and parcel of democratic politics—have enabled the endurance of state and non-state militarization and violence. Relatedly, as Eduardo Moncada's new title underscores, ordinary Latin American citizens have had to adopt civilian militarization as a bottom-up resistance strategy to navigate the uncertainty this worrying paradox presents. By examining work by scholars including Guillermo Trejo, Sandra Ley, Brian Fonseca, and Yanilda María González this review helps to delineate future research as well as policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico's public security has suffered a militarization process for at least two decades. Although there is consensus on this trend at the national level in the specialized literature, little research has been conducted on its subnational impact. To amend this gap, this article inquires the way in which militarization has permeated the structure and operation of subnational security forces beyond the local autocratic dynamics that reinforce militarization. Specifically, this article focuses on police reconfiguration regarding interaction with military in the six most violent states in Mexico: Jalisco, Nuevo León, Guanajuato, Sonora, Sinaloa, and Zacatecas. The qualitative analysis presented is based on 15 interviews and 18 focus groups with police offices and public security officials of these states. We argue that military presence on the streets and the arrival of the military-to-executive positions in public security institutions contributed to the adoption of military operating modes by the state police during Felipe Calderón (Dec. 2006–Nov. 2012) and Enrique Peña Nieto's presidential terms (Dec. 2012–Nov. 2018). Additionally, this article aims to explain how the military has permeated the state's public security institutions at different levels and dynamics (management, training, and operation) that promote the adoption of formal or informal military features that enable state police institutions to behave alike and resemble the army in their everyday activities. From a theoretical and methodological perspective, this article calls for the construction of a research agenda that focuses on the local and subnational processes of the militarization of public security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the armed forces in Latin America is characterized by their participation in multiple internal missions. These range from security functions to the provision of social, educational, and public services, among others; their role also involves providing emergency relief. However, some of the armed forces involved in this type of mission do not have specialized units or corps. This poses obvious problems not only from a technical and operational point of view, but also from the perspective of civil-military relations and the definition of the roles of armies. Some Latin American countries have looked to the Emergency Military Unit in Spain as an example to follow for the implementation of a civil defense model based on specialized military resources. The aim of this paper is therefore twofold. First, it seeks to explain that the militarization of emergencies does not involve expanding the use of force but that it can become a "wildcard" policy tool instead. Second, it intends to show how the apparent success of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit resulted from some—not always positive—lessons that can be replicated in the armed forces in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This proposal aims to analyze the militarization of US-Latin America foreign relations by discussing the role played by the U.S. Southern Command in the implementation of U.S. foreign policy for the region in the aftermath of the September 11th 2001 attacks. Since the last decades of Cold War, civilian and diplomatic agencies stationed in the region, notably the State Department and the USAID, suffered budgetary constraints that were aggravated at the beginning of the Global War on Terror. For instance, in Latin America, the Southcom has been adapted to perform the so called "military missions other than war," including non-military functions such as the provision of humanitarian assistance, law enforcement, and the management of security assistance programs aimed to dismantle drug trafficking networks. As we intend to argue, the overreliance on security and military means reflects the militarized character of U.S. influence in the region and has impacts on how the local coercive systems are organized and deployed by the domestic political elites. By analyzing the annual posture statements and the initiatives conducted in the field by the Southcom, between 2001 and 2021, we hope to clarify how the violence structures from abroad are connected to those from within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has uncovered prejudices, systemic inequities and critical feelings about governmental institutions around the globe. Since the start of the pandemic, the 12 nations that make up South America have had more than 67 million cases and 1.3 million fatalities. Public trust in and willingness to speak out about government responses to COVID-19 in each nation have differed vastly. Using spiral of silence, this study (n = 1248) explored support for governmental COVID-19 response and willingness to speak out about that response in four South American nations: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru. Results revealed Chileans are more likely to speak out on government response to COVID-19 than other South American participants. In addition, climate of opinion and support for government response positively predict willingness to speak. These results further our international and cross-cultural understanding of spiral of silence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Hallin and Mancini's (2004) seminal work, many scholars from around the world have proposed different models of media systems for countries and regions outside the Western world. Particular challenges have arisen when conceptualizing the systems in Latin America, where shifting liberal and polarized pluralist models have been proposed, and where media traits like clientelism and collusion remain in spite of political, economic and social changes. We contend that one obstacle to the characterization of the resilience of certain structures and practices in this region is the lack of a historical perspective to account for specific processes of media modernization. Drawing on the multiple modernization paradigm, as well as on post-colonial theories, system differentiation theories of the Global South, and theories of uneven regional development, we understand Latin American modernization processes as the appropriation, adaptation, or rejection of certain elements of Western institutions, ideals and values. In media systems, this might produce: (a) centralization of power, (b) a struggle between elites, (c) state-driven differentiation, and (d) regional or local subsystems. Our historical perspective aims to explain the prevalence of several media structures, and show how institutional legacies yield core media traits, in order to pave the way for further model inference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revolves around a case study of the Matapacos statue intervention that took place during the 2019/2020 Chilean social uprising.1 I examine how the introduction of a large statue of the riot dog Negro Matapacos into the urban space of the Chilean capital of Santiago disrupted the traditional monumental landscape by making visible a range of counter-hegemonic mnemonic narratives that converged and reinforced each other in a multidirectional dynamic. The statue intervention was part of a more extensive reconfiguration of the sensible in the urban space during the mobilisation, driven by the activists' immense aesthetic output, which in turn fed into the emergence of the collective political subject of the Chilean mass movement. Although the statue intervention evoked memories of violent events, it was characterised by a joyful and celebratory atmosphere, which demonstrates the mobilising role of nontraumatic mnemonic practices in the context of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Women's Dietary Diversity Score (WDDS) is an indicator of dietary diversity, a key component of diet quality in women of reproductive age (WRA). Limited information is available regarding its applicability in other population groups. Objective: To examine the ability of the Minimum Dietary Diversity for Women (MDD-W) of 5-food groups cutoff to predict micronutrient adequacy in men and women 15 to 65 years old from 8 Latin American countries. Methods: We used a 24-hour recall from 9216 participants in the Latin American Study on Nutrition and Health (ELANS) to determine Dietary Diversity Score (DDS) based on the consumption of 10 food groups. The Mean Probability of Adequacy (MPA) was associated with DDS for the overall sample, for men, WRA, and women of nonreproductive age (WNRA). Sensitivity and specificity analyses were performed to determine if the 5-food groups cutoff point for MDD can be used to correctly identify men, WRA, and WNRA with adequate micronutrient adequacy (MPA ≥ 0.70). Results: We found a mean DDS of 4.78 ± 1.33 and an MPA of 0.64 ± 0.16, with 59% of participants showing a diverse diet (DDS ≥ 5). The 5-food groups-cutoff point showed a better balance between sensitivity and specificity predicting an MPA ≥0.70 in men, WRA, and WNRA. MPA was significantly associated with DDS in WRA and for men and WNRA, as well. Conclusion: The 5-food group MDD, originally intended to be used in WRA, performed equally well in predicting MPA ≥0.70 in men, WRA, and WNRA, and can be used as a proxy of micronutrient adequacy in Latin American population. Plain language title: Assessment of the FAO Minimum Dietary Diversity Index to Estimate Micronutrients Intake in Urban Cities of 8 Latin America Countries Plain language summary: The Women's Dietary Diversity Score (WDDS) proposed by the Food and Agriculture Organization is an indicator that measures the variety of foods consumed by women of reproductive age (WRA), and it has been reported in several studies that the more diverse the diet, the greater the probability of meeting micronutrients requirements. This indicator has not been validated in other population, but few studies have been conducted in the Latin American region. So, we aimed to investigate whether the Minimum Dietary Diversity for Women (MDD-W) established for WRA could also predict sufficient micronutrient intake in men and women aged 15 to 65 years in the Latin American population. To accomplish this objective, we used data from the Latin American Study of Nutrition and Health (Estudio Latino Americano de Nutrición y Salud—ELANS) that collected dietary data from 24-h recalls from 9216 participants and analyzed the association between DDS and the Mean Probability of Adequacy (MPA). Additionally, we determined if the MDD cutoff point could correctly identify individuals with appropriate vitamin and mineral intake. We found that the overall mean DDS was 4.78 ± 1.33, the MPA was 0.64 ± 0.16, and approximately 59% of participants had a diverse diet. The MDD of 5-food groups cutoff point was demonstrated to be useful in predicting sufficient micronutrient intake for men, WRA, and women over 50 years. Respondents with a DDS ≥5 had higher micronutrient adequacy. These findings suggest that DDS can serve as a proxy for assessing micronutrient adequacy in urban populations beyond WRA. The effect of promoting diverse diets on micronutrient adequacy as part of intervention programs can be captured by the DDS in urban Latin American populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Micronutrient deficiencies in Latin America are a public health concern, nonetheless, lack of information still exists in many countries, so that the true magnitude of the problem remains uncertain. Objective: To summarise experiences that can inform the development of policies and programs to address micronutrient deficiencies throung supplementation in pregnant women and chlidren under five years of age in Latin American. Methods: Review of the most evidence on the effects of micronutrients supplementation, focusing on pregnant women and children under five years of age. Results: Certain population groups, as women of reproductive age and children under 2 years of age, are at increased risk for deficiency due to their high micronutrient requirements. This is compounded by the limited access to micronutrient-rich foods for many people living in vulnerable situations. Micronutrient supplementation is an effective intervention to prevent and treat deficiency and to mitigate its adverse effects on health, nutrition, and pregnancy outcomes in micronutrient-deficient populations. The potential benefits of supplementation programs, however, are realized only when they reach those who have the potential to benefit, that is, with inadequate intakes of micronutrients from dietary sources, and when the quality of design and delivery of the programs aresufficient to reach that population timely, regularly, and effectively to enable and motivate consumption. Conclusions: Several resources and experiences exist that can help favor the development of programs that can realize this biological and programmatic potential. There is need for continuous efforts to augment coverage and achieve results that can translate into economic benefits for individuals, families, and nations. Plain language title: Correcting Vitamin and Mineral Deficiencies in Pregnant Women and Children in Latin America Plain language summary: Previous articles in this supplement have highlighted the importance of micronutrient (vitamin and mineral) deficiencies in Latin America, their causes and effects in different population groups, and some alternatives for their prevention and control. At certain stages of life, particularly during the first 1000 days (from pregnancy to 2 years of age), high nutrient requirements predispose to nutritional deficiencies. This is exacerbated by the limited access to healthy foods for populations living in vulnerable situations. Dietary supplements are therefore an effective strategy for preventing and treating deficiencies and mitigating their adverse effects on the nutrition and health of the population. In this article, we review the most recent estimates on the prevalence of nutrient deficiencies, with a focus on pregnant women and children under 2 years of age; the types of supplements available, and the international recommendations for supplementation during this period of life. There is strong evidence for several benefits of short-term supplementation. In pregnant women, vitamin and mineral levels are improved and a healthy pregnancy is achieved. In children, vitamin and mineral levels are also improved, and some (such as iron and zinc) improve growth and development. In the long term, there are economic benefits for individuals, families, and nations. Several recommendations from studies and supplementation programs are also discussed. Although nutritional supplementation can be cost-effective, benefits will only be achieved if the types and formulations of supplements meet the assessed nutritional needs of the population and if a program is properly designed and implemented. Similarly, programs that include supplements need to be monitored and evaluated to ensure that supplements are taken regularly and for long enough to achieve these benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Latin American countries have shifted from traditional diets rich in micronutrients to a Westernized diet rich in high energy-dense foods and low in micronutrients. Objective: This study aimed to determine the prevalence of adequate micronutrient intakes in urban populations of 8 Latin American countries. Method: Micronutrient dietary intake data were collected from September 2014 to August 2015 from 9216 men and women aged 15.0 to 65.0 years living in urban populations of 8 Latin American countries. Dietary intake was collected using two 24-hour recalls on nonconsecutive days. Micronutrient adequacy of intake was calculated using the Estimated Average Requirement cut-off method. Results: In general terms, the prevalence of inadequate intake of thiamine, riboflavin, niacin, folate, cobalamin, iron, phosphorus, copper, and selenium ranged from 0.4% to 9.9%. In contrast, the prevalence of inadequacy of pyridoxine, zinc, vitamin C, and vitamin A ranged from 15.7% to 51.5%. The nutrients with a critical prevalence of inadequacy were magnesium (80.5%), calcium (85.7%), and vitamin D (98.2%). The highest prevalence of inadequate intakes was observed in the low educational level, participants with overweight/obesity, in men, and varies according to socioeconomic status. Conclusions: There is an urgent need to define direct regional actions and strategies in Latin America aimed at improving micronutrient adequacy, either through staple food fortification programs, agronomic biofortification, or food policies that facilitate economic access to micronutrient-rich foods. Plain language title: Description of the Vitamin and Mineral Consumption Status in Urban Cities of Latin America: Results of the Latin American Health and Nutrition Study. Plain language summary: Vitamins and minerals are essential for maintaining good health. However, traditional Latin American diets are changing to include foods that have a lot of sugar and fat but fewer vitamins and minerals. This study was designed to analyze the consumption of these nutrients in urban cities of 8 Latin American countries. We collected food consumption information from September 2014 to August 2015 from 9216 men and women between 15 and 65 years old using a method called 24-hour recall. To find out if participants were consuming the necessary daily amounts of vitamins and minerals, intakes were compared with the daily recommended amounts suggested by the Institutes of Medicine of the United States. We found that Latin American urban populations consume fewer vitamins and minerals than recommended. In some cases, few people do not consume the required amounts of vitamins and minerals, but in other cases, many do not. For example, few do not consume enough thiamine, riboflavin, niacin, folate, cobalamin, iron, phosphorus, copper, and selenium. However an intermediate number of people do not consume enough pyridoxine and zinc, a high number consume little vitamin C and vitamin A, and many people consume very little magnesium, calcium, and vitamin D. We found that the people who consume fewer vitamins and minerals are mostly males, overweight/obese, have lower education and varies according to their financial resources. A deficient intake of vitamins and minerals showed up in most age groups, from adolescence to adulthood. To improve vitamins and minerals intake, it is important that some foods that are frequently eaten are fortified or that the price of foods that are high in vitamins and minerals is lowered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The population in Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) has experienced a major demographic transition with increased numbers of older adults (OA). This change brings opportunities in the public health sector to implement health prevention interventions and delay the onset of geriatric syndromes. Micronutrients play an important role in the maintenance of biological function which contributes to longevity. Micronutrient deficiencies (MD) in OA increase the risk for onset of chronic comorbidities and geriatric syndromes. Aim: To review and summarize the existing data on micronutrient status in OA in the LAC region and discuss the gaps and challenges in public health approaches to address deficiencies. Methods: Literature review in Medline for records describing nutritional biomarkers in older adults (≥ 60y) from community dwelling and population-based studies in LAC. Results: Few countries (including Chile, Ecuador, Costa Rica, Brazil, and Mexico) have documented one or more nutritional deficiencies for OA in national health surveys, however across the entire region, evidence of micronutrient levels is scarce. Some surveys have documented a high prevalence and large heterogeneity in the prevalence of vitamin D followed by B12 deficiency, being the 2 MDs most studied due their effects on cognition, frailty, and bone mineral density in the OA population. Other MD including C, E, A, copper, zinc, iron, and selenium have also been reported. Conclusion: Information on the micronutrient status in OA from LAC is poorly documented. Research and capacity building initiatives in the region are crucial to develop tailored strategies that address the specific nutritional needs and challenges faced by the ageing population in Latin America. Plain language title: Micronutrients Deficiencies in Older Adults in Latin American Plain language summary: For the first time, there are more older adults (OA) than children worldwide. In the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region, OA represents 13.2% of the population, and it is projected to increase to 30% (220 millions) by 2030. This demographic shift represents an opportunity in the public health sector to implement health prevention strategies and public health policies to delay the onset of geriatric syndromes in the younger generation. Vitamins and minerals (micronutrients) are necessary in our body to maintain biological function. Deficiencies in older ages have been associated with the onset of geriatric syndromes (such as sarcopenia, frailty, cognitive impairment, and falls, among others). Therefore, it is relevant to understand the magnitude and distribution of micronutrient deficiencies in OA in the LAC region. This will help to inform decision-makers to further implement early actions to maintain good nutrition and health status in the population. In this narrative review, we highlight that few countries in the LAC region documented one or more nutritional deficiencies for OA in their national health surveys. Across the entire region, evidence of micronutrient levels in OA is scarce. Vitamin D and vitamin B12 are the 2 most reported micronutrients in the OA population. Research and capacity-building in the region are crucial to develop tailored strategies to address specific nutritional needs and challenges faced by the aging population in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The internationalization of universities has become increasingly important in recent decades. A dominant internationalization model, influenced by principles of new public management, has emerged. Latin American universities have undergone significant changes as a result of this trend. This paper takes inspiration from the sociology of translation to examine how leading Latin American institutions are addressing these challenges at both organizational and cultural levels. The findings indicate that cultural transformation is prevalent, strongly influenced by the Latin American tradition of extension. However, at the organizational level, imitation is more relevant, as evidenced by the adoption of new public management principles to devise strategies, plans, and programs that prioritize professionalization and the widespread use of indicators. This development gives rise to a distinct cultural internationalization model for Latin American universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The return on investments from public-sector hybrid maize breeding depends heavily on the capacities of locally owned, small- and medium-sized seed enterprises (maize SMEs) to build market share for new products. In Mexico, between 2011 and 2020, dozens of maize SMEs obtained new genetic material through a hybrid maize breeding program funded by the Mexican government and led by the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT). To examine the maize SMEs' ability to expand sales of new seed products, we tracked sales for 16 maize SMEs between 2014 and 2022. Our analysis captured variation in capacity by grouping the SMEs by seed sales volumes: emerging group (EG), small-sized group (SG), and medium-sized group (MG). The results showed the capacity of the MGs to launch and scale new seed products and remove older products from the market. The EGs and SGs expanded sales of new products, but also maintained production of older products, including open-pollinated varieties. However, during the observation period we detected little growth in total sales volumes across the three groups. The findings suggest that future efforts to promote local maize SMEs will benefit from a balanced approach between technology transfer and seed system development. We recommend that future seed systems investments consider: (1) support for innovation in seed-product marketing, (2) coordinated public-sector purchases that prioritize new products, and (3) innovation in product design for niche market development. These lessons may also serve future efforts to design regional-level programs in support of smallholder rainfed hybrid maize production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from 14 Latin American countries over the period 2000–2019, this study examines the influence of education and financial development on energy poverty reduction. Evidence from different estimation approaches, such as dynamic ordinary least squares (DOLS), fully modified ordinary least squares (FMOLS), and canonical correlation regression (CCR), showed that education substantially decreases energy poverty reduction in Latin America. The results also indicated that the nexus between financial development and energy poverty reduction is positively and significantly associated. Conversely, the linkage between education, financial development, and energy poverty reduction considerably varies among Latin American countries. We suggest that policies stimulating financial development and education will be pivotal in addressing energy poverty reduction in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic prompted projections of economic contraction and a resulting decline in immigrant remittances, which are fundamental to many migrant household survival strategies. However, in the first year of the pandemic, remittances from the United States to Mexico and other Latin American countries remained surprisingly stable. Using novel survey and interview data, we investigate this apparent divergence, and the dynamic familial networks that sustained remittances during the first year of Covid-19. We identify patterns masked by the overall macro trend of resilient remittance flows, including heterogeneity across remitters' responses to the pandemic and household-level strain of remitting during this period. Specifically, we find evidence of an intensified expanded remittance pool, wherein remittance responsibility spread across household and extended family members—especially US citizens, authorized immigrants, and those who were more financially stable—in response to job loss and income instability within remitting households. During a period of extreme hardship, the continued need for remittances among nonmigrant family members contributed to the purposive intensification of these expanded pools. Our study of immigrant remittances during Covid-19 demonstrates the utility of examining complexity, change, and oftentimes strain at the micro-household level that undergirds apparent stability at a macro-level of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shorter sleep duration can negatively impact children's daytime functioning and health. Latino children living near urban areas in the Mainland U.S. and Island Puerto Rico (PR) can be exposed to urban poverty and sociocultural stressors that challenge optimal sleep outcomes. Interventions to improve urban Latino children's sleep health should consider families' cultural background and environmental context to enhance acceptability and feasibility. This work describes our stepwise, multimethod approach to adapting a culturally and contextually tailored "School Intervention to Enhance Latino Students' Time Asleep (SIESTA)" for sixth- to eighth-grade Latino children residing in Greater Providence and San Juan and findings from a pilot randomized control trial (RCT) demonstrating SIESTA's efficacy. Results indicated high acceptability and greater improvement of sleep duration and behaviors in SIESTA versus control participants. The SIESTA shows potential to improve sleep outcomes in urban Latino middle schoolers. Results will inform a large-scale RCT to evaluate SIESTA's effectiveness and barriers to implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American neostructuralism emerged within the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean by 1990. As such, it was aimed at reviewing original Latin American structuralism and updating those contributions to the new phase of global capitalism. Notwithstanding this institutional point of view, this article argues that neostructuralism did not represent an update to Latin American structuralism but rather a differentiation from its critical and original contributions, which relies mainly on the displacement of the center-periphery concept. In the framework of the neoliberal offensive, this change toward capitalism was the result of the greater influence of theories and approaches generated in the center to problematize Latin America's development, as well as of the requirement to depoliticize the discussion of development. JEL Classification : B2, B5, O1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American nation branding has been conceived as an economic development strategy by governments within the region, justified by the commercial and political dependency of their countries on the Global North. This study takes that perspective one step forward, proposing that the economic and political dependency of Latin American countries is embedded in the representations and stereotypes that exist about the region within different forms of global news and entertainment media. Through in-depth interviews with 25 nation branding professionals with extensive experience working on behalf of Latin American governments, this study suggests that existing stereotypes (such as being an "exotic" and/or "dangerous" region of the world) were constantly conceived as an aid and/or a constrain in their work. Theoretically, this study draws from the concept of "promotional regime of visibility." The goal is to theorize on the existing global power relations between Latin American nations and their counterparts in the Global North to counteract these stereotypes, defined by limited and ambivalent representations of these countries' social, cultural, and political realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on petrostates tends to blackbox the state. We argue, in contrast, that not all petro-states are configured equally. They thus respond to external crises differently. Despite sharing similar background conditions, the petro-state of Venezuela responded to the external oil shock of 2014–2015 by turning more authoritarian and predatory, whereas the petro-state of Ecuador tried to become more democratic and developmental. To explain this difference, we focus on three within-state institutional differences between these cases: the cohesion of hardliners, the reach of the coercive military and paramilitary apparatus, and the viability of the public and private sectors. In short, even petro-states operating under similar regimes (in this case, left-populist, semi-authoritarian) can exhibit different institutional make-ups, and these institutional differences help explain responses to similar external shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Special-Issue Editors introduce the Strategic Management Conference in Latin America (SMLA) and three exemplary articles that emerged from it. The articles feature research on important Macromarketing topics, including sound and sustainable housing policies, farmers' adaptation to climate change, and crisis management and adaptation. Macromarketing has a rich, if perhaps under-reported, tradition of research on the interactions among markets, marketing and society in Latin America. This special issue is intended to provide a forum for such research and to inspire further participation in the Macromarketing discourse among Latin American scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces a conversation between the authors about their long-standing (Urban) and more recent (Gómez Muñoz, Zárate Pinto) engagement in and with RECE. The conversation revolves around the role and potential of reconceptualist thought in contexts of early childhood realities in the Global South, most prominently in Latin America, where two of the authors are based, while one has extensive work connections to the region. Given RECE's roots in US-American and English language worlds, what other approaches exist in Latin America contexts and beyond that enable us to challenge the dominant narratives of early childhood education, its narrow disciplinary base, its policies and practices? Drawing on work with marginalised communities, the conversation turns to necessities of advocacy and transdisciplinarity, and to possibilities of epistemic and new activist alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Audience studies highlight the relevance of studying citizens' participation in the media convergence environment. This study evaluates audience participation in the three foremost local radio newscasts in Aguascalientes, Mexico, where radio remains present in everyday life and public issues trigger audience's interest to express themselves through this medium. The methodology was designed based on Carpentier's Analytical Tool for Critical Analysis of Media Processes and UNESCO's Media Development Indicators (MDI). It consisted of an analysis of modalities of audience participation and interviews with audience members, production teams, activists, and politicians. Findings show that audiences prefer to listen to other citizens on air, but participation is scarce and mainly limited to messages on the radio newscasts' social networks sites. Audiences' rights and the role of radio as a platform for democratic conversation among citizens and government need to be promoted and regulated, because commercial interests prevail. Despite technological innovations, the design of newscasts remains unidirectional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aimed to apply a network analysis model to provide an exploratory empirical conceptualization of dynamic networks of posttraumatic growth (PTG) symptoms in 7,434 people who experienced the death of a loved one from COVID-19 in 16 Latin American countries. The Post-Traumatic Growth Inventory: Short Form of Eight Items was used. A non-regularized network with partial correlation coefficients was estimated through the ggmModSelect algorithm. The network architecture was analyzed for each country through its local properties and global properties. The results indicated that the networks differed significantly between countries. The core dimensions in the networks were relating to others, personal strength, and life value and opportunities, which were more related dimensions that reinforce the emergence of PTG in all countries. The findings may be useful to motivate researchers and mental health professionals to consider the importance of the individual dimensions of PTG in groups of people who experienced the death of a loved one from COVID-19 in 16 Latin American countries, as well as their interrelationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines interactions between full-time members and web traffic across 137 Mexican online media platforms, as cataloged by Sembramedia in May 2023, focusing on the number of technological platforms and the type of interactivity involved. We used descriptive analyses and a structural equation model to test our hypotheses. Findings highlight the crucial role of human-to-content interactivity in shaping online media design and significantly influencing user content consumption patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous valuable research has examined the effect individual-level social and psychological factors have on suicidality. However, scholarship has yet to investigate the role civil society participation plays in suicide rates cross-nationally. Thus, this study examines the effect civil society participation has on suicide rates in 156 countries from varying levels of development from 2000 – 2019 from Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, and North America. When including standard controls and controlling for potential endogeneity, the findings indicate that civil society participation, both political and non-political, has a negative and statistically significant effect on suicide rates. The results suggest that both political and non-political forms of civil society participation may produce positive social and psychological benefits that are associated with lower suicide rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The way in which international actors formulate proposals for reforming or establishing public social policies not only varies between different organisations but is also dependent on the policy field in question. This article compares the positions of two international organisations (IOs), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), on the two related social policy fields of health and long-term care in Latin America. We apply qualitative document analysis to reports and strategy articles published by ECLAC and PAHO between 2000 and 2015. The analysis finds that despite some similar proposals by both organisations, there are also clear differences between their positions depending on the policy areas. While both organisations see the need to establish healthcare and long-term care as a human right, they have different ideas on targeted and universal approaches. Moreover, with long-term care as a new and emerging policy field, there is still much more variation in how the IOs address the topic, while proposals on healthcare are shaped by previous debates at international and regional levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While literature on memory and dictatorship in Latin America is extensive and narratives departing from the memories of children are evolving, the (gendered) intergenerational processes at the core of the experience of military terror, from the specific location of the diaspora, have so far been marginal in both research and in public debates. What is the language through which collective experiences of violence and political persecution are told to the next generation in diaspora contexts? What does it mean to articulate narratives from the dictatorship in Chile with memories emerging from the diaspora located in Sweden? This understanding is a vital point of departure in our study of young female adults whose parents came to Sweden after the Pinochet military takeover, a group that we here refer to as the daughters of the Chilean diaspora in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of a new distinctive stage in the human life cycle, known as "Emerging Adulthood (EA)," is a subject of great discussion and research. The emergence of this stage is attributed to sociodemographic transformations in recent decades, resulting in the prolongation of the acquisition of adult roles, especially in high-income countries. The relevance of the theory of EA in middle- and low-income countries is less clear. The main objective was to analyze the studies conducted to date on the theory of EA in Latin America. Results showed that most of the publications are quantitative and revealed that Brazil, Chile, Argentina and Mexico are the countries that most publications. The most studied topics are identity and developmental transition. Pending challenges include involving more Latin American countries, increasing collaborations, establishing connections with public policies, and incorporating a critical perspective in the conceptualization of the theory of EA in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Depression is prevalent among aging people living with HIV (PLWH) worldwide. We sought to identify depression risk factors among a group of middle-aged and older PLWH in Lima, Peru. Materials and Methods: We assessed risk factors for depression among PLWH over age 40 receiving care in an HIV clinic in Lima, Peru. The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) was administered. We performed descriptive statistics and logistic regression analyses. Results: Mean age was 51.7 ± 7.7 years with 15.3% females. One-quarter of participants had depression with higher frequency in females. Risk factors that significantly increased the risk of depression included female sex (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] = 2.19 [95%CI 1.07-4.49]), currently smoking (aPR = 2.25 [95%CI 1.15-4.43]), and prior opportunistic infection (aPR = 2.24 [95%CI 1.05-4.76]). Discussion: Our study demonstrates that PLWH who are female, current smokers, or had an opportunistic infection have higher risk of depression. Identifying PLWH at-risk for depression is key to early mental health interventions. Plain Language Summary: Factors affecting depression in older people with HIV in Peru Introduction: Depression is common in older people living with HIV (PLWH) worldwide. We identified depression risk factors among a group of middle-aged and older PLWH in Lima, Peru. Materials and Methods: We assessed risk factors for depression among PLWH over age 40 receiving care in an HIV clinic in Lima, Peru. The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) was administered. Results: Mean age was 51.7 ± 7.7 years with 15.3% females. One-quarter of participants had depression with higher frequency in females. Risk factors that significantly increased the risk of depression included female sex (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] = 2.19 [95%CI 1.07-4.49]), currently smoking (aPR = 2.25 [95%CI 1.15-4.43]), and prior opportunistic infection (aPR = 2.24 [95%CI 1.05-4.76]). Discussion: Our study demonstrates that PLWH who are female, current smokers, or had an opportunistic infection have higher risk of depression. Identifying PLWH at-risk for depression is key to early treatment or interventions that can improve mental health in PLWH in Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children (MIS-C) associated with coronavirus disease 2019 varies widely in its presentation and severity, with low mortality in high-income countries. In this study in 16 Latin American countries, we sought to characterize patients with MIS-C in the pediatric intensive care unit (PICU) compared with those hospitalized on the general wards and analyze the factors associated with severity, outcomes, and treatment received. Study Design: An observational ambispective cohort study was conducted including children 1 month to 18 years old in 84 hospitals from the REKAMLATINA network from January 2020 to June 2022. Results: A total of 1239 children with MIS-C were included. The median age was 6.5 years (IQR 2.5-10.1). Eighty-four percent (1043/1239) were previously healthy. Forty-eight percent (590/1239) were admitted to the PICU. These patients had more myocardial dysfunction (20% vs 4%; P < 0.01) with no difference in the frequency of coronary abnormalities (P = 0.77) when compared to general ward subjects. Of the children in the PICU, 83.4% (494/589) required vasoactive drugs, and 43.4% (256/589) invasive mechanical ventilation, due to respiratory failure and pneumonia (57% vs 32%; P = 0.01). On multivariate analysis, the factors associated with the need for PICU transfer were age over 6 years (aOR 1.76 95% CI 1.25-2.49), shock (aOR 7.06 95% CI 5.14-9.80), seizures (aOR 2.44 95% CI 1.14-5.36), thrombocytopenia (aOR 2.43 95% CI 1.77-3.34), elevated C-reactive protein (aOR 1.89 95% CI 1.29-2.79), and chest x-ray abnormalities (aOR 2.29 95% CI 1.67-3.13). The overall mortality was 4.8%. Conclusions: Children with MIS-C who have the highest risk of being admitted to a PICU in Latin American countries are those over age six, with shock, seizures, a more robust inflammatory response, and chest x-ray abnormalities. The mortality rate is five times greater when compared with high-income countries, despite a high proportion of patients receiving adequate treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminological research published in Latin America has received limited attention in global debates. Inspired by the Southern criminology project, in this article I aim to fill this gap by describing the main features of articles published in Latin America and exploring to what extent these publications reflect the core elements posited by Southern criminologists. To this end, I propose a novel operationalization of Southern criminology coding topics and theoretical frameworks using a dataset I compiled with articles published in 2020 in Latin America (N = 230). The results show that most of the articles are non-empirical and almost half of them are Southern articles. Also, the findings suggest that when articles adopt a Southern theoretical framework, almost all of them are non-empirical. I conclude by discussing the results within the larger context of Latin American academia, arguing for the need to expand empirical approaches to achieve the goals of Southern criminology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party discipline is an area that has received considerable attention in the party cohesion literature. While existing comparative research has predominantly focused on the institutional environment that impacts party discipline, we know less about its relationship with party-related variables. In this article, we explore the effect of party ideology on legislators' perceptions of party discipline in Latin America. The difficulties for parliamentary groups to act cohesively in Latin America make party discipline and its study a major task. We argue that party ideology shapes the perceptions of legislators vis-à-vis their relative autonomy and the resulting ability of the party to be cohesive. To perform the analysis, we have constructed a database containing the responses of 1272 parliamentarians from 71 political parties in 17 countries across the 2011–2022 legislatures. In addition to party-related variables, we have included individual- and system-level variables. The results suggest that Latin American parliamentarians belonging to left-wing parties tend to conform to party discipline more frequently than those of the right wing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between access to early childhood education and care (ECEC) services and family arrangements in the distribution of work in four Latin American countries. We find that households in which all children aged 0 to 5 receive ECEC services exhibit smaller gender gaps in unpaid work, mainly due to a decrease in the amount of time women devote to care work. Women in these households devote more time to paid work, such that the gender gap in total work does not differ between households based on use of ECEC services. However, use of ECEC services for children aged 0 to 5 is associated with reduced hours of unpaid work among women and an increase in women's hours of paid work. These findings confirm the importance of increasing access to early childhood care and education services to reduce gender gaps in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note explores variation in how political parties and presidents in Latin America responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey-Latin America (CHES-LA), we argue that preferences regarding the trade-off between virus containment and maintaining an open economy were shaped by the ideological positions of presidents and parties, particularly for more programmatic ones. This is largely consistent with findings in other world regions. Yet, beyond ideological orientation, populism, also had an important – though heterogeneous – effect on response preferences, with non-populists, particularly highly programmatic ones, more consistently supporting virus containment. In addition, both incumbents and more populist presidents and parties favoured further concentration of executive power to address the pandemic. These findings provide evidence of the importance of understanding how ideology, populism and programmatic linkages interact in Latin America's party systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper explores the violence stemming from food riots in Latin American countries that have been triggered by recurring food crises in the twenty-first century, particularly impacting impoverished rural populations. The marginalized sectors of emerging countries, whose demands for basic rights such as the right to food go unaddressed by the State, may resort to protests that can escalate into confrontations. The recurrent food crises exacerbate the struggle to meet the basic needs of those who are unable to subsist regularly. This research focuses on a region that has received less scholarly attention compared to Africa and Asia, and examines indicators such as land grabbing, climate change, demographic pressures, political polarization, as independent variables to elucidate the association with food riot occurrences. The collected data and statistical analysis confirm the hypotheses, although further studies are required to enhance the performance of certain indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how populism in power influenced news media in Ecuador during leftist president Rafael Correa's presidency (2007–2017). Correa's administration triggered a bold media reform in Ecuador challenging traditional media and promising media democratization, but his government received sharp denunciations from press freedom and media organizations which considered Ecuador as a "not free" country, especially after the passing of a Communication Law in 2013 that regulated media extensively. Through content analysis of news and opinion pieces published in 2005, 2006, 2015, 2016, and 2018 by Ecuador's main legacy newspapers, El Comercio and El Universo, different legal and political contexts are examined. The main observations suggest an increase in polarization and improvements in journalistic professionalism, two results consistent and divergent to mainstream academic approaches and public discussions about populism. This contradictory situation may be explained by the emergence of a new political parallelism, absent before Correa came to power, which combines consistent stances based on the rejection of Correa's leadership, with an improvement in professional practices, especially when Correa was in power. These results, and novel approach adopting a detailed content analysis to explore the relationship between populism and journalism in a Latin American media system, may contribute to a better understanding of the influence of populism on news media. This study calls for more comparative and longitudinal analyses in different media systems and populist experiences, focused on the connection of professional practices and political positioning, with or without populist actors in power. Plain language summary: This article investigates how populism in power influenced journalism in Ecuador during leftist president Rafael Correa's incumbency (2007–2017) in a pioneering study using content analysis to observe what happened in the country after years of a populist presidency. One of the most complex cases of the so-called Latin American Pink Tide, also represented by the governments of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Cristina Fernandez in Argentina, or Evo Morales in Bolivia, Correa's Ecuador revolutionized the media system, amidst Correa's attacks to the "corrupt press," promises of media democratization and sharp denunciations from most press freedom and media organizations. Through analysis of news and opinion pieces, this article presents findings of how polarization and professionalization performed in Ecuador's main legacy newspapers, El Universo and El Comercio, before, during, and after Correa's era. The main observations suggest an increase in polarization and improvements in professionalization, two results consistent and divergent to mainstream academic discussions. This contradictory situation may be explained by the emergence of a new political parallelism, which combines consistent stances based on the rejection of Correa's leadership, with an improvement in professional practices, especially when Correa was in power. These results, and novel approach toward the relations between populism and news media, may contribute to a better understanding of the influence of populism on news media and to call for more comparative and longitudinal analyses in different media systems and populist experiences, focused on the connection of professional practices and political positioning, with or without influential populist actors in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) is a multifactorial autoimmune disease that may affect the oral mucosa. The variable spectrum of oral lesions observed in SLE can pose challenges in diagnosis, particularly when the lesions occur in isolation. The aim of this study was to describe the oral lesions occurring in patients with SLE from Latin America. Methods: This collaborative record-based study involving 11 oral and maxillofacial pathology and medicine services across Venezuela, Argentina, Chile, Brazil, and Mexico describes the clinicopathological profile of SLE-related oral lesions. Results: Seventy patients with SLE and oral lesions were included in the study. The majority were females (75.7%; female/male ratio: 3.1:1) and white (62.1%), with a mean age of 38.4 years (range: 11–77 years). The most common site of oral lesions was the hard/soft palate (32.0%). Clinically, oral lesions predominantly presented as ulcers (26.6%), erosions (26.6%), and white lesions (23.4%). Isolated oral lesions occurred in 65.2% of individuals, while cutaneous manifestations occurred in 80.3%. The main clinical diagnostic hypothesis in 71.4% of cases was an immune-mediated disease. Oral biopsies followed by histopathological analysis were performed in 50 cases. Conclusion: Oral lesions of SLE exhibit a variety of clinical and histopathological features. A key point in diagnosis is that unusual oral changes without an obvious local cause may indicate a possible systemic condition presenting with oral lesions. A multidisciplinary approach, which includes regular oral examination, is warranted to identify oral lesions and provide treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudes toward intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) are being increasingly recognized as a central issue for comprehensively understanding this complex phenomenon. While IPVAW remains widespread in Latin America, knowledge about it and research on attitudes toward IPVAW are limited. This systematic review synthesized quantitative peer-reviewed studies that address attitudes toward IPVAW in Latin America. The review was conducted between April 2020 and July 2022 in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses recommendations using the Web of Science, Scopus, and PsycINFO databases. In total, 52 of the 149 eligible articles were selected based on the inclusion criteria. Four sets of attitudes toward IPVAW were identified: legitimacy, acceptability, attitudes toward the intervention, and perceived severity. Attitude correlates were the most common research topic in more than half of the studies but were generally focused on a single country. Among the few multi-country studies, the sample of Latin American countries was small. The remaining studies were divided into three research themes: attitude as a predictor, interventions for attitude change, and scale validation. Our study aims to motivate future research on the identified knowledge gaps and may be useful for the implementation of appropriate prevention policies and intervention programs to counter IPVAW on a regional scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently the socioeconomic gradient of obesity it is not well understood in the urban population in Latin American. This study reviewed the literature assessing associations between pre-obesity, obesity, and socioeconomic position (SEP) in adults living in urban areas in Latin American countries. PubMed and SciELO databases were used. Data extraction was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. We extracted data on the association between SEP (e.g., education, income), pre-obesity (body mass index [BMI] ≥ 25 and < 30 kg/m2) and obesity (BMI ≥ 30 kg/m2). Relative differences between low and high SEP groups were assessed and defined a priori as significant at p < 0.05. Thirty-one studies met our inclusion criteria and most were conducted in Brazil and Mexico (22 and 3 studies, respectively). One study presented nonsignificant associations. Forty-seven percent of associations between education or income and pre-obesity were negative. Regarding obesity, 80 percent were negative and 20 percent positive. Most negative associations were found in women while in men they varied depending on the indicator used. Pre-obesity and obesity by SEP did not follow the same pattern, revealing a reversal of the obesity social gradient by SEP, especially for women in Latin America, highlighting the need for articulated policies that target structural and agentic interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do female public servants receive a stronger negative public reaction from being involved in corruption than their male counterparts? While there are good theoretical reasons to suggest they do, the empirical evidence on this question to date, which primarily focuses on elected officials, remains inconclusive. To shed new light on this matter, we investigate a larger but hitherto understudied group: street-level bureaucrats. Using a conjoint experiment conducted in Paraguay, one of the most corrupt countries in Latin America, we evaluate public preferences for corrupt versus non-corrupt bureaucrats. Contrary to existing theories of gender and corruption, our results suggest there is no significant difference in how citizens react to male and female corrupt bureaucrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Home environments suffered a range of stressors during COVID-19 pandemic. This study examines the impact of these stressors on children's well-being by households' conditions. Participants included main caregivers (N = 615) with a child under the age of 3 in a developing Latin-American country. We use multivariate analysis to explore associations between these shocks, the childrearing environment, and children's well-being. We find that households with lower education and recipients of government assistance were more exposed to negative shocks linked to COVID-19. However, the most educated households were more likely to face an increased burden of childcare. Exposure to negative shocks was associated with a deterioration in the emotional well-being of adults, a higher prevalence of intra-family violence, and behavioral changes in children. Households that reported more time spent caring for children, as well as difficulties in combining care and work, showed higher levels of parental depression and worse indicators of parenting quality. We observe a drop in the frequency of parental involvement in didactic and socializing activities with their children, and a poorer mental health status for the main caregiver (mostly mothers). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the categories of variegated social formations and structural historical heterogeneity, which have been developed from Latin American Marxism as a theoretical attempt that aims to account for the complexity of the debates around historical time. For this, the work of René Zavaleta Mercado (Bolivia) and Aníbal Quijano (Peru) is analyzed, revealing their connections and divergences. It is concluded that there are important meeting points, but also disagreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Culture influences responses to psychological measurements in ways unrelated to target constructs, thus biasing test scores and potentially contributing to under- and over-diagnosis of mental health problems in populations for which measures have not yet been normed. We conducted a systematic review of publications addressing response style among Latinx population groups in North and South America. In a final corpus of 24 studies, Latinx/Latin American populations were generally found to exhibit higher levels of extreme response style (n = 17), acquiescent response style (n = 10), and socially desirable responding (n = 5). The few publications (n = 3) that investigated midpoint responding reported no differences. Seven publications (29%) attempted to adjust scores to mitigate response style bias, using both scale design and statistical techniques. Findings suggest that researchers and clinicians should directly assess culturally patterned response style as a construct, rather than inferring style indirectly using other measures. For clinicians, knowledge of response style represents another facet of case conceptualization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) causes kidney compromise in up to 40% of patients, contributing significantly to morbidity. Lupus nephritis (LN), an early onset manifestation in most patients, is histologically classified into six types, with types III, IV, and V requiring treatment with induction therapies, usually glucocorticoids with mycophenolate mofetil (MMF) or intravenous cyclophosphamide (IVC). However, up to 60% of patients fail to achieve complete remission, and 27%–66% have subsequent flares. There is scarce literature on the superiority of IVC or MMF in the Latin population. Methodology: A retrospective cohort study of 72 LN patients at a high-complexity hospital in Chile between 2016 and 2021 was conducted. Demographics, urine studies, creatinine levels, complement levels, antibody profiles, biopsy results, and response to treatment were analysed. Results: The median age of the cohort was 29 years, with women representing 90% of patients. At diagnosis, 87.5% of the patients presented with proteinuria, 55% had haematuria, and 49% had acute kidney injury. The most common LN type was type IV. For induction therapy, half of the patients were treated with IVC, and the other half with MMF. The response to treatment did not differ significantly between the two. Discussion: This is one of the few studies to focus on the Latin American population, specifically Chile. These results are consistent with the current understanding of LN treatment. Despite its limitations, this study provides valuable insights into the treatment effectiveness of IVC and MMF in this population. Conclusion: This study did not find significant differences in the clinical response to IVC or MMF at 6 months. Future prospective studies are required to determine the optimal induction therapy for LN, especially in Latin populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: Relatively few obese children and adolescents receive specialist treatment. Our aim was to assess associations between risk of receiving an obesity diagnosis in secondary/tertiary health services by socio-economic position and immigrant background in order ultimately to improve equity in health services. Methods: The study population comprised Norwegian-born children aged 2–18 years between 2008 and 2018 (N =1,414,623), identified via the Medical Birth Registry. Cox regressions were used to calculate hazard ratios (HR) of an obesity diagnosis from secondary/tertiary health services (Norwegian Patient Registry) by parental education and household income and by immigrant background. Results: Higher parental education and household income were associated with a lower hazard of obesity diagnosis regardless of Norwegian versus immigrant background. Compared to having a Norwegian background, having a Latin American (HR=4.12; 95% confidence interval (CI) 3.18–5.34), African (HR=1.54; 95% CI 1.34–1.76) and Asian (HR=1.60; 95% CI 1.48–1.74) background was associated with higher hazard of obesity diagnosis. Adjusted for parental education and household income, corresponding HRs were 3.28 (95% CI 2.95–3.65) for Latin America, 0.95 (95% CI 0.90–1.01) for Africa and 1.08 (95% CI 1.04–1.11) for Asia. Within Asia, those with a background from Pakistan, Turkey, Iraq and Iran had higher hazards than those with a Norwegian background, while those with a background from Vietnam had lower hazards, even after adjusting for parental education and household income. Conclusions: To ensure more equitable treatment, more knowledge is warranted about health-service access and referral patterns, and underlying population prevalence rates, for obese children and adolescents with different immigrant backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a fluid approach to the study of agency in relation to algorithms, one that promotes crossing the boundaries of established analytical positions and breaking away from dualistic forms to frame its study. Building on various intellectual traditions, we develop three sensibilities for implementing such an approach: (a) working with tensions as an alternative to thinking about algorithmic power and human agency as an either/or binary; (b) examining mediations to reverse the tendency to treat algorithms as an ahistorical and universal force; and (c) exploring transversalities to navigate the spaces that emerge between various temporalities and levels of analysis. To make our case, we examine a crucial tension in the study of agency and algorithms, namely how scholars have either attributed power to algorithms or agency to users of algorithmic systems. The conclusion situates our argument for fluidity within larger historical debates in the study of technological power and human agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]