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Victims portrayed in sexual abuse images may be resistant to participate in research because of embarrassment or shame due to the sensitive nature and potential permanency of images. No studies we are aware of explore reactions to participating in research after this type of crime. Telephone interviews were conducted with convenience samples of parents (n = 46) and adolescents who were victims of child sexual abuse (n = 11; some of whom were portrayed in sexual abuse images), and online surveys were completed by adult survivors depicted in abuse images (N = 133). The first lesson was that few agencies tracked this type of crime. This lack of tracking raises the question as to what types of data should be collected and tracked as part of an investigation. The second lesson was that few victims at the two participating agencies had been portrayed in sexual abuse images (4%-5%). The third lesson was that once possible cases were identified, we found relatively high percentages of consent to contact and interview completions. This implies that researchers and service providers should not be hesitant about conducting research after an investigation of child sexual abuse. The fourth lesson was that the vast majority of participants reported not being upset by the questions. We hope that the data presented here will encourage agencies to reconsider the types of data being tracked and will encourage researchers to conduct in-depth research with populations that are often difficult to reach to continue improving the professional response to child victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study collected information on arrests for child pornography (CP) production at two points (2000–2001 and 2006) from a national sample of more than 2,500 law enforcement agencies. In addition to providing descriptive data about an understudied crime, the authors examined whether trends in arrests suggested increasing CP production, shifts in victim populations, and challenges to law enforcement. Arrests for CP production more than doubled from an estimated 402 in 2000–2001 to an estimated 859 in 2006. Findings suggest the increase was related to increased law enforcement activity rather than to growth in the population of CP producers. Adolescent victims increased, but there was no increase in the proportion of arrest cases involving very young victims or violent images. Producers distributed images in 23% of arrest cases, a proportion that did not change over time. This suggests that much CP production may be primarily for private use. Proactive law enforcement operations increased, as did other features consistent with a robust law enforcement response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the variety of ways in which the Internet is used to facilitate the commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) and provides national incidence estimates for the number of arrests involving such technology-facilitated crimes in 2006. The National Juvenile Online Victimization Study is a nationally representative longitudinal study of more than 2,500 local, county, state, and federal law enforcement agencies across the United States. The current article utilizes Wave 2 data, which surveyed arrests in 2006 for Internet-related sex crimes against minors. Detailed data were collected via telephone interviews with investigators about 1,051I individual arrest cases. Findings show that an estimated 569 arrests for Internet-facilitated commercial sexual exploitation of children (IF-CSEC) occurred in the United States in 2006. Offenders in IF-CSEC cases fell into two main categories: (1) those who used the Internet to purchase or sell access to identified children for sexual purposes including child pornography (CP) production (36% of cases), and (2) those who used the Internet to purchase or sell CP images they possessed but did not produce (64% of cases). Offenders attempting to profit from child sexual exploitation were more likely than those who were purchasing to have (a) prior arrests for sexual and nonsexual offenses, (b) a history of violence, (c) produced CP, (d) joined forces with other offenders, and (e) involved female offenders. Although the number of arrests for IF-CSEC crimes is relatively small, the victims of these crimes are a high-risk subgroup of youth, and the offenders who try to profit from these crimes are particularly concerning from a child welfare perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes trends in child pornography (CP) possession cases that ended in arrest in 2000 and in 2006, using data from the National Juvenile Online Victimization Study, a two-wave longitudinal survey of a national sample of more than 2,500 U.S. law enforcement agencies. In 2006, there were an estimated 3,672 arrests for CP possession, compared with 1,713 arrests in 2000. Many characteristics of the offenders and the offense remained stable. In both 2006 and 2000, most offenders were White, non-Hispanic males and socioeconomically diverse. Few were known to have committed previous sex crimes. Most had CP that depicted preteen children and serious sexual abuse. In 2006, however, a higher proportion of offenders were aged 18 to 25 years, used peer-to-peer (p2p) networks, had images of children younger than 3 years, and had CP videos. P2p users had more extreme images (e.g., younger victims, sexual violence) and larger numbers of images than those who did not use p2p networks. Findings reflect heightened efforts in the criminal justice system to combat CP crimes. More cases originated with investigations of CP possession and involved proactive investigations aimed at detecting CP. The great majority of cases were successfully prosecuted, with more offenders sentenced to incarceration and serving longer sentences than in 2000. As in 2000, one in six cases that began with investigations of CP possession detected offenders who had molested children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two studies were conducted to identify the incidence (Study 1) and characteristics (Study 2) of juvenile prostitution cases known to law enforcement agencies in the United States. Study 1 revealed a national estimate of 1,450 arrests or detentions (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1,287-1,614) in cases involving juvenile prostitution during a 1-year period. In Study 2, exploratory data were collected from a subsample of 138 cases from police records in 2005. The cases are broadly categorized into three main types: (a) third-party exploiters, (b) solo prostitution, and (c) conventional child sexual abuse (CSA) with payment. Cases were classified into three initial categories based on police orientation toward the juvenile: (a) juveniles as victims (53%), (b) juveniles as delinquents (31%), and (c) juvenile as both victims and delinquents (16%). When examining the status of the juveniles by case type, the authors found that all the juveniles in CSA with payment cases were treated as victims, 66% in third-party exploiters cases, and 11% in solo cases. Findings indicate law enforcement responses to juvenile prostitution are influential in determining whether such youth are viewed as victims of commercial sexual exploitation or as delinquents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Law enforcement officials and the public are said to hold the stereotype that it is difficult to prosecute cases involving nonforcible sex crimes with willing adolescent victims. The authors examine prosecution outcomes in nonforcible internet-related sex crimes with adolescent victims and extra- familial adult defendants. Data are from a national sample of law enforcement officers and prosecutors (N = 77). Most (91%) of the defendants are convicted, usually via a guilty plea (77 %). Results show that even when victim cooperation is lacking or victims willingly engage in sexual activity, defendants are convicted. A small group of defendants are not convicted, and certain conditions appear to contribute to this, including victims' untruthfulness, defendants giving victims illegal drugs or alcohol, and lack of a confession from the defendant. Mast defendants, however, are sentenced to incarceration and required to register as sex offenders. The findings show promise for holding defendants accountable for this type of crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the extent and effectiveness of proactive investigations in which investigators pose as minors on the Internet to catch potential sex offenders. It utilizes a subsample of cases from the National Juvenile Online Victimization Survey, which concerned persons arrested for Internet sex crimes against minors in the year beginning July 1, 2000. Results suggest proactive investigations represented a significant proportion (25%) of all arrests for Internet sex crimes against minors. Such investigations were being conducted at all levels of law enforcement. The online personas assumed by investigators paralleled the ages and genders of real youth victimized in sex crimes that started as online encounters. These proactive investigations accessed an offender group that appeared somewhat less deviant in terms of adult sexual behavior and arrest history but equally deviant as other online offenders in terms of possession of child pornography. Prosecution of these cases produced high rates of guilty pleas and low rates of dismissed or dropped cases. The entrapment, fantasy or role-playing, and factual impossibility defenses were used but not successfully. Findings suggest that the Internet sometimes allows law enforcement to interdict before a youth is victimized, gather solid evidence of offenses, and find and track some offenders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the dynamics of cases involving family and acquaintance sexual offenders who used the Internet to commit sex crimes against minors. Although the stereotype of Internet crimes involves unknown adults meeting juvenile victims online, Internet use can also play a role in sexual crimes against minors by family members and acquaintances. Data were collected from a national sample of law enforcement agencies about arrests for Internet-related sex crimes against minors. Family and acquaintance offenders were nearly as numerous as offenders who used the lnternet to meet victims online. They used the Internet in various ways to further their crimes including as a tool to seduce or groom, store or disseminate sexual images of victims, arrange meetings and communicate, reward victims, or advertise or sell victims. Prevention messages and investigation approaches should be revised to incorporate awareness of such cases and their dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This national survey of youth, ages 10 to 17, and their caretakers has several implications for the current debate about young people and Internet pornography. Twenty five percent of youth had unwanted exposure to sexual pictures on the Internet in the past year, challenging the prevalent assumption that the problem is primarily about young people motivated to actively seek out pornography. Most youth had no negative reactions to their unwanted exposure, but one quarter said they were very or extremely upset, suggesting a priority need for more research on and interventions directed toward such negative effects. The use of filtering and blocking software was associated with a modest reduction in unwanted exposure, suggesting that it may help but is far from foolproof. Various forms of parental supervision were not associated with any reduction in exposure. The authors urge that social scientific research be undertaken to inform this highly contentious public policy controversy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study that investigated the reporting of crimes against juveniles to the police. Methodology; Factors affecting police reporting of crimes against juveniles; Analysis of the police reporting process.

Most crimes with child victims are not reported to police, nor do child victims access other professional victim services, despite evidence that these yield positive outcomes. This article develops a conceptual framework about the barriers to such access: (a) the reluctance to define the crime episodes or their consequences as serious, criminal, harmful, or warranting intervention; (b) the extra authorities, including parents and schools, who mediate between victims and police or services; (c) developmental issues, such as concerns about autonomy; (d) attitudinal and emotional obstacles; and (e) time and expense factors. This article suggests the need for initiatives to stimulate reporting and help seeking, such as more publicity about the seriousness of juvenile victimization, more justice-system involvement with schools, more child and family friendly police services, and an emphasis on attractive outcomes such as justice and empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]