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The Welsh Labour government occupies a unique position in UK territorial politics, favouring neither the status quo nor independence for Wales while advocating a new settlement for the whole state. This article provides a detailed examination of its policy, focusing on its position on the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Drawing from a range of documentary sources, we analyse the Welsh government's constitutional proposals and its decision-making in the wake of the 2016 referendum on European Union membership. We argue that Welsh policy is defined by ambiguity. While it advances an alternative constitutional vision, it refrains from rejecting Westminster's sovereignty outright. In the aftermath of the referendum, it sought to accommodate that sovereignty with its own constitutional claims through enhanced intergovernmental collaboration. In light of the Johnson administration's centralising reforms, the strategy appears to have failed. Caught in the fractious politics of the Union, Welsh constitutional policy now faces an uncertain future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has unveiled previously hidden aspects of United Kingdom (UK) society, law and politics. It provides a valuable opportunity to investigate the social reception of law, and in particular the mediation of the law and constitution in the press. The distinctive constitutional arrangements and histories of Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and England have given rise to different territorial interpretations of the UK state. These asymmetries have parallels in the UK's territorial media landscape, yet we have little understanding of how this landscape contributes to constitutional discourses. This article offers quantitative content and thematic analysis of UK-wide media coverage of major court judgments which have served as critical junctures in the Brexit process. The analysis reveals striking territorial variation in the volume and substance of coverage. Here, the media appears to reinforce divergent understandings of the constitution: while English reporting chimed with a more unitary account of the constitution, reporting elsewhere was more consistent with a vision of the UK as union-state. In the light of these findings, we argue that media analysis can make a valuable contribution to our understanding of the law and the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concluding the British Journal of Politics and International Relations' (BJPIR) Brexit Special Issue, this article seeks to set the unsettled times and unexpected events associated with the Brexit in historic context and tease out the prospects for a 'bespoke' UK exit agreement. Drawing on classics of social science history--by Barrington Moore, Gourevitch and Davis--it reflects on 'suppressed historic choices' and historical periodisations. Three key dilemmas are interrogated: the Brexit dilemma (control of immigration/regaining of sovereignty vs European Union (EU) market access), the Brexiteers' dilemma (sustaining economic prosperity while restricting immigration) and the Remainers/soft Brexit dilemma (of weakening Parliamentary democracy by staying in the Single Market). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European debate on the challenges of globalisation often degenerates into a contest between a purportedly ‘Anglo-American’ model of liberalised markets lacking a social dimension, and an inflexible ‘European Social Model’ of generous welfare provision but slow growth and high unemployment. We argue in this article that this is a false choice. Data on the comparative performance of European states in implementing the ‘Lisbon Agenda’ show that countries which perform well in terms of economic efficiency and liberalisation also perform well socially. Although combining efficiency and equity may be easier for some political economies than for others, we question the notion that European states are irrevocably ‘locked in’ to particular welfare regime types, suggesting instead that they are generally ‘hybrids’, and that successful reforms may be achieved even in the most unlikely cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes constitutionalism, European integration and the British political economy in 2005. With regard to constitutionalism, it is technically inappropriate to define the Constitutional Treaty as a constitution. In fact, the Constitutional Treaty, at one level, manifests a simplification and rationalization of the treaties, as well as an attempt to reorder the former three pillar structure of the European Union (EU) into a singular framework. With regard to European integration, emphasis is placed upon a combination of domestic statecraft and political party management as important constraints upon the establishment of governmental preferences towards such integration. The third theme is derivative of the incorporation of EU studies into the analysis of the British politics. The issue here speaks of the extent to which membership of the EU has headed towards the Europeanization of British politics.

Analyzes the Treaty of Maastricht as a political compromise in the process of European Union integration. Negotiation of the Treaty; Instrument for integration.

Argues that a dialogue between rational choice, sociological and historical institutionalism is limited. Tendentional structuralism of neo-institutionalism; `Social ontology' of historical institutionalism.