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Feelings of group-based relative deprivation (GRD) motivate collective responses to defend the ingroup. As such, there may be status-based asymmetries in the associations GRD has with ideologies that perpetuate inequality—namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Study 1 examined this hypothesis using a national sample of adults (N = 41,007) and revealed that the correlations GRD had with RWA and SDO were positive among members of a high-status group but negative among members of low-status groups. Study 2 examined these associations longitudinally (N = 22,083) across eight annual assessments. Although a traditional cross-lagged panel analysis identified status-based asymmetries in the longitudinal associations between our variables of interest, analyses partitioning between-person stability from within-person change found no evidence that GRD leads to differences in RWA or SDO (or vice versa). The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although religiosity correlates positively with authoritarianism, the temporal ordering of this relationship is unclear. Because religious teachings often promote authoritarian values, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) should increase following religious conversion. Yet spiritual beliefs may also promote egalitarianism. As such, social dominance orientation (SDO) might decrease postconversion. We tested these hypotheses using data from a subset of participants who converted to Christianity at some point during a 9-year longitudinal panel study (N = 536). We also examined a separate subsample who deconverted over the same period (N = 696). As hypothesised, RWA was stable before conversion, but increased slightly after becoming religious. Unexpectedly, SDO was stable both pre- and postconversion. Conversely, those who deconverted from Christianity experienced declines in RWA both before and after losing their religion, whereas SDO declined only postdeconversion. These results suggest that religious conversion precedes increases in RWA (but not SDO), and that declines in RWA precede deconversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We draw on self-determination theory and research on religious orientations to investigate motivations associated with collective narcissism—a belief in in-group greatness that is underappreciated by others—versus secure in-group identity, an unpretentious positive regard for the in-group. Four surveys examined these associations focusing on different social identities: personally important groups (Study 1, N = 212), nationalities (Study 2, N = 196), and religious groups (Study 3, N = 1,690; Study 4, N = 399). In Studies 1, 2, and 4, self-determined motivations were associated with secure in-group identity, whereas non-self-determined motivations were related to collective narcissism. In Studies 3 and 4, intrinsic religiosity was related to collective narcissism and secure in-group identity, while extrinsic personal religiosity was associated with collective narcissism only. Results indicate that collective narcissism is motivated by seeking external and internal rewards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Western societies, generalized prejudice and anti-Muslim sentiments can be major drivers of the rejection of Muslim religious practices. However, people can also reject such practices for other reasons, such as concerns about civil liberties or the secular nature of the state. With national samples of German and Dutch majority members (N = 3,703), we used a multiple-acts-multiple-actors design to simultaneously examine attitudes toward four religious practices of three religious groups. Latent profile analysis revealed a subgroup of people that used a double standard and more strongly rejected Muslims than Christians and Jews engaging in the same practices (discriminatory rejection, 16.3%). However, four other subgroups responded to the practices independently of religious group (equal acceptance, 18.3%; equally moderate, 35%; equal rejection, 17.3%; and partial equal rejection, 13.1%). The five subgroups differ on key psychological correlates and self-reported reasons for rejection. We conclude that a multiple-acts-multiple-actors design provides a more nuanced understanding of how majority members evaluate Muslim minority practices in Western nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Withstanding the climate crisis will depend in part on individuals behaving in a more environmentally sustainable manner. However, relatively little is known about the individual factors that promote sustainable attitudes and behaviors (SABs). Although there are established cross-sectional associations between personality traits and SABs, it is unclear whether changes in personality are related to increases in SABs over time, and how personality is differentially related to specific SABs. Using data from 61,479 participants in New Zealand, we tested preregistered hypotheses about how personality codevelops with valuing the environment, believing in climate change, concern about climate change, personal environmental efficacy, personal environmental sacrifice, and support for the Green Party. We found that SABs generally increased from 2009 to 2017, although there was variation across age cohorts, SAB variables, and samples. We replicated concurrent correlations between broad personality traits—particularly Agreeableness, Openness, and Honesty/Humility—and SABs and present novel evidence that increases in SAB are related to changes in traits, particularly Agreeableness. These findings have implications for both understanding the factors associated with changes in SABs over time and understanding the factors that drive personality change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although system-justifying beliefs often mitigate perceptions of discrimination, status-based asymmetries in the ideological motivators of perceived discrimination are unknown. Because the content and societal implications of discrimination claims are status-dependant, social dominance orientation (SDO) should motivate perceptions of (reverse) discrimination among members of high-status groups, whereas system justification should motivate the minimization of perceived discrimination among the disadvantaged. We tested these hypotheses using multilevel regressions among a nationwide random sample of New Zealand Europeans (n = 29,169) and ethnic minorities (n = 5,118). As hypothesized, group-based dominance correlated positively with perceived (reverse) discrimination among ethnic-majority group members, whereas system justification correlated negatively with perceived discrimination among the disadvantaged. Furthermore, the proportion of minorities within the region strengthened the victimizing effects of SDO-Dominance, but not SDO-Egalitarianism, among the advantaged. Together, these results reveal status-based asymmetries in the motives underlying perceptions of discrimination and identify a key contextual moderator of this association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although epistemic needs motivate the endorsement of system-justifying beliefs, few studies have investigated moderators of this association. Here, we argue that because being the target of discrimination should undermine one's sense of control, the association between epistemic needs and system-justifying beliefs should be stronger for disadvantaged (vs. advantaged) groups. As hypothesized, analyses of a nation-wide random sample of adults (N = 14,929) revealed that the negative relationship between openness to experience (i.e., an indicator of low epistemic needs) and multiple system-justifying beliefs (i.e., gender-based system justification, right-wing political preference, and conservative party support) was stronger for women (vs. men), and that these moderated associations were mediated by perceptions of gender discrimination. Our results suggest that women may sometimes endorse beliefs that conflict with their self and group interests in order to satisfy their epistemic needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research finds an association between spirituality and subjective well-being. However, the widespread use of poorly defined concepts of spirituality, tautological spirituality scales, and heavy reliance on cross-sectional samples cast doubts on prior findings. Here, we leverage ten waves of panel data from a nationally diverse longitudinal study to systematically test whether having spiritual beliefs leads to growth in personal well-being and life satisfaction (N = 3257, New Zealand, 2010–2020). Contrary to previous research, we find that belief in a spirit or life force predicts lower personal well-being and life satisfaction. However, in support of previous speculation, belief (relative to disbelief) in a spirit or life force predicts increasing personal well-being and life satisfaction over time. These findings are robust even while accounting for known demographic influences; they even hold among those who believe in a God but disbelieve in a spirit or life force. The recent growth in spiritual beliefs and decline in traditional religion across many industrial societies motivates further causal investigations of the mechanisms by which spiritual beliefs lead to growth in subjective well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation (SDO) is a widely researched construct that indexes a preference for hierarchical intergroup relations. However, it remains unclear whether this preference (a) motivates people to seek out occupations that enhance hierarchical relations between groups (i.e., occupational assortment), (b) develops as a result of working within hierarchy-enhancing occupations (i.e., occupational socialization), or (c) both. One reason for this gap is that the large-scale longitudinal data required to simultaneously model assortment and socialization processes are scarce. In this study, we analyzed data from two waves of longitudinal data (spaced either 1, 3, or 5 years apart) from a nationwide sample of adults (N = 3,452–4,412) who were already working in either hierarchy-enhancing occupations (e.g., law enforcement) or hierarchy-attenuating occupations (e.g., social work). Results showed that SDO predicted an increased probability of working in a hierarchy-enhancing occupation 3 and 5 years later. Working in a hierarchy-enhancing occupation was also positively associated with SDO after 1 and 5 years. These patterns generally suggest that occupations both shape, and are shaped by, intergroup beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use network psychometrics to map a subsection of moral belief systems predicted by moral foundations theory (MFT). This approach conceptualizes moral systems as networks, with moral beliefs represented as nodes connected by direct relations. As such, it advances a novel test of MFT's claim that liberals and conservatives have different systems of foundational moral values, which we test in three large datasets (N Sample1 = 854; N Sample2 = 679; N Sample3 = 2,572), from two countries (the United States and New Zealand). Results supported our first hypothesis that liberals' moral systems show more segregation between individualizing and binding foundations than conservatives. Results showed only weak support for our second hypothesis, that this pattern would be more typical of higher educated than less educated liberals/conservatives. Findings support a systems approach to MFT and show the value of modeling moral belief systems as networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group identification and group-based relative deprivation (GRD) are critical predictors of numerous group-oriented attitudes and behaviours. While social-identity-based approaches suggest that salient group identities increase social comparisons, empirical data bearing on the causal direction of the relationship between group identification and GRD are mixed. To resolve this inconsistency, we examined the cross-lagged effects of group identification on GRD—as well as the potential reverse causal pathway—using three annual waves of data from a nationally representative sample of ethnic minorities in New Zealand (N = 5,115). Although we found evidence of a reciprocal relationship between variables, ethnic group identification had a stronger positive cross-lagged effect on ethnic GRD than vice versa, suggesting that social identity is an important antecedent to invidious group-based comparisons. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a single comprehensive model, using a large nationally representative sample, we investigate longitudinal relationships between mental distress and "Big Six" personality using an analysis approach sensitive to dynamic effects (i.e., to effects of deviations from individual trajectories). We find that, consistent with a mechanism involving scarring by distress, upward deviations (flare-ups) in distress predict flare-ups in Neuroticism 12 months later. Among younger adults (n = 4,775), distress flare-ups predict dips in Conscientiousness. Consistent with a dynamic precursor model, (a) flare-ups in Neuroticism and Extraversion predict subsequent flare-ups in distress among older adults (n = 11,167), and (b) slopes of distress correlate with slopes of a number of traits (e.g., positively for Neuroticism, and, among older adults, negatively for Extraversion). While demonstrating these scarring and dynamic precursor effects, we draw attention to a nuanced direction of dynamic effect for Extraversion, a newly discovered dynamic effect of Conscientiousness, and previously undocumented dynamic effects of traits on each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) demonstrates that identity, efficacy, and injustice are key correlates of collective action, longitudinal tests of these causal assumptions are absent from the literature. Moreover, most collective action research focuses on disadvantaged groups' responses to injustice, with few studies examining what motivates advantaged groups to protest. We address these oversights using nationally representative longitudinal panel data to investigate SIMCA among members of disadvantaged (N = 2,574) and advantaged (N = 13,367) groups. As hypothesized, identity predicted increases in injustice, efficacy, and collective action support over time. In turn, injustice (but not efficacy) mediated the longitudinal association between identity and collective action support. Notably, results were largely consistent across disadvantaged and advantaged groups. Thus, we provide the first demonstration that identity temporally precedes collective action across objectively disadvantaged and advantaged groups, but identify complexities regarding the role of efficacy in protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have long argued that ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation are separable phenomena that occur in different, meaningful combinations. Statistical methods for testing this thesis, however, have been underutilized. We address this oversight by using latent profile analysis (LPA) to investigate distinct profiles of group bias derived from ingroup and outgroup warmth ratings. Using a national probability sample of Māori (the indigenous people of New Zealand; N = 2,289) and Europeans (N = 13,647), we identify a distinct profile reflecting ingroup favoritism/outgroup derogation (Type III in Brewer's typology of ingroup bias) in both groups (6.7% of Māori, 10.3% of Europeans). The factors associated with this type, however, differed between groups. Whereas ethnic identity centrality predicted membership for Type III for Māori, social dominance orientation predicted this type for Europeans. Thus, although both groups may express the same kind of bias pattern, the motivation underlying this bias varies by status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low-status groups report lower levels of well-being than do high-status groups. Although system justification theory posits that the endorsement of system-justifying beliefs should decrease this well-being gap, the underlying mechanisms responsible for this hypothesized palliative effect have evaded empirical scrutiny. We address this oversight by arguing that system-justifying beliefs confer palliative benefits upon low-status groups by decreasing perceptions of group-based discrimination. Using nationally representative data from New Zealand (N = 12,959), we demonstrate that ethnic minorities (Study 1a) and women (Study 1b) generally report lower levels of well-being than do New Zealand Europeans and men, respectively. Nevertheless, as hypothesized, these differences were mitigated by the endorsement of ethnic- and gender-specific system justification, respectively. Mediated moderation analyses further revealed that part of the palliative effects of system justification occurred via reductions in perceived group-based discrimination. The implications of these findings for intergroup relations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central challenge for identifying core components of a belief system is examining the position of components within the structure of the entire belief system. We test whether operational (i.e., positions on issues) or symbolic (i.e., affective attachments to political groups and labels) components are most central by modeling a political belief system as a network of interconnected attitudes and beliefs. Across seven waves of representative panel data from New Zealand, we find that symbolic components are more central than operational components (ds range = 0.78-0.97). Symbolic components were also closer than operational components in the network to self-reported voting (d = -2.43), proenvironmental actions (ds = -1.71 and -1.63), and religious behaviors (d = -0.74). These findings are consistent with perspectives that emphasize the importance of symbolic politics in tying belief systems together and motivating behavior, and further the link between political belief system research and network science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The importance of social connectedness in supporting public mental health is well established. However, the reverse causal pathway (that psychological ill-health leads to reduced social connectedness) remains a dominant perspective among mental health practitioners. Our analysis aimed to provide a rigorous test of the directionality of this relationship. Method: A cross-lagged panel analysis of a large longitudinal national probability sample (N ≈ 21,227), the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Survey, was used to assess the bidirectional longitudinal relationship between social connectedness and mental health, controlling for baseline levels of both variables and demographics. Results: Social connectedness was found to be a stronger and more consistent predictor of mental health year-on-year than mental health was of social connectedness. Conclusion: These results further demonstrate how the psychological resources conferred by social connectedness can act as a ‘social cure’ for psychological ill-health, and provide the strongest evidence to date for the direction of this relationship in the general community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Loneliness has many negative physical and mental health ramifications and is most prevalent among vulnerable social groups. However, little is known about how loneliness is grouped within the population and the characteristics of those groups. Methods: We conducted a Latent Profile Analysis on 18,264 participants from the fifth wave of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study to identify the number of distinct loneliness profiles in the population. Secondary analyses then determined the representation of various demographic and psychosocial characteristics of participants within each profile. Results: Analyses identified four distinct loneliness profiles: ‘high-loneliness’ (5.7%), ‘low-loneliness’ (57.9%), ‘appreciated outsiders’ (29.1%; who received acceptance from others but felt like social outsiders) and ‘superficially connected’ (7.2%; who showed the opposite pattern). ‘High-loneliness’ were the most introverted, emotionally unstable and poorest in wellbeing. ‘Appreciated outsiders’ and ‘superficially connected’ had moderate wellbeing, but ‘appreciated outsiders’ were relatively higher in wellbeing despite greater introversion and neuroticism. Conclusion: This research provides a typology of loneliness in New Zealand and identifies groups more likely to experience loneliness. The ‘appreciated outsiders’ and ‘superficially connected’ profiles provide fresh insight into how loneliness may manifest and the relative influences of quality and quantity of social contacts on wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a common conception that entitlement is increasing among younger generations over time. However, although there is some evidence for this trend, other findings are less conclusive. The current research investigated change in psychological entitlement across the adult lifespan for men and women (ages 19-74), using six annual waves of data (2009-2014) from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study ( N = 10,412). We employed Cohort-Sequential Latent Growth Modeling to assess mean-level change in entitlement. Entitlement was found to be generally unchanging over time for both men and women, with only those aged 65 and above showing increasing entitlement. Entitlement showed a steady downward trend across age. These findings from a large national probability sample suggest that change in entitlement may follow a decreasing developmental trend across the lifespan. In New Zealand, at least, there is no evidence for a narcissism epidemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of right-wing political parties across the globe raises questions about the origins of national identity. Based on the Dual Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice, we argue that people's tendency to submit to ingroup authorities (Right-Wing Authoritarianism [RWA]) and preference for group-based hierarchy (Social Dominance Orientation [SDO]) underlie people's belief in the superiority of their nation (nationalism) and attachment to their homeland (patriotism). We examine these hypotheses using three waves of data from an annually conducted national longitudinal panel study of New Zealanders ( N = 3,838). As predicted, RWA had positive cross-lagged effects on nationalism and patriotism. Conversely, SDO had a positive cross-lagged effect on nationalism, but a negative cross-lagged effect on patriotism. Little evidence of reciprocal cross-lagged effects (i.e., national identity on authoritarianism) was found. These results demonstrate that nationalism and patriotism are related, albeit distinct, ways of identifying with one's nation that are ultimately rooted in authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideologies can legitimate inequality and undermine collective action. Yet research overlooks the effects culture-specific ideologies—ideologies that develop within a specific sociohistorical context—have on collective action support. We address this oversight by arguing that two culture-specific ideologies that deny the contemporary relevance of past injustices (historical negation) and reject Indigenous culture from the nation’s identity (symbolic exclusion) undermine support for collective action on behalf of the disadvantaged (namely, Māori—New Zealand’s Indigenous population). As predicted, historical negation and symbolic exclusion had independent negative cross-lagged effects on collective action support amongst Māori (N = 561) and New Zealand European (N = 4,104) participants. The cross-lagged effects of collective action support on historical negation and symbolic exclusion, however, were nonsignificant. Thus, the relationships these culture-specific ideologies have with collective action support are unidirectional. Our results highlight the need to incorporate culture-specific ideologies into models of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral foundations theory (MFT) posits that binding moral foundations (purity, authority, and ingroup loyalty) are rooted in the need for groups to promote order and cohesion, and that they therefore underlie political conservatism. We present evidence that binding foundations (and the related construct of disgust sensitivity) are associated with lower levels of ideological polarization on political issues outside the domain of moral traditionalism. Consistent support for this hypothesis was obtained from three large American Internet-based samples and one large national sample of New Zealanders (combined N = 7,874). We suggest that when political issues do not have inherent relevance to moral traditionalism, binding foundations promote a small centrist shift away from ideologically prescribed positions, and that they do so out of desire for national uniformity and cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Benevolent Sexism (BS)-an ideology that highly reveres women who conform to traditional gender roles-is cloaked in a superficially positive tone, being placed upon a pedestal is inherently restrictive. Accordingly, because the paternalistic beliefs associated with BS are based on the idealization of traditional gender roles (which include motherhood), BS should predict people's attitudes toward women's reproductive rights. Using data from a nationwide longitudinal panel study (N = 12,299), Study 1 showed that BS (but not Hostile Sexism) had cross-lagged effects on opposition to both elective and traumatic abortion. Study 2 (N = 309) extended these findings by showing that the relationship between BS and support for abortion was fully mediated by attitudes toward motherhood. These results highlight the pernicious nature of BS by demonstrating that the idealization of women-and motherhood, in particular-comes at a substantial cost (namely, the restriction of women's reproductive rights). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have examined whether values change across time. The present study investigates both rank-order stability and mean-level differences in core values--and whether age and sex moderate stability and change--over 3 years using a national probability sample (from 25 to 75 years;N= 3,962). Value priorities were highly stable, except for Conservation values among women, which peaked in stability at age 50 and decreased afterward. Older adults and women placed greater emphasis on values relating to the welfare of others and preservation of traditional practices and stability (Self-Transcendence and Conservation values). Younger individuals and men tended to more highly value the pursuit of status and power, and independent thought and behavior (Self-Enhancement and Openness to Change). The results are consistent with a life span perspective on values development and indicate values may change slowly throughout life as a reflection of biological and psychological maturation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We used Latent Profile and Latent Profile Transition Analysis to empirically develop and compare competing models of personality profiles (three- and four-profile models). We do so using data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study, a large longitudinal national probability sample of New Zealanders. Both three- and four-profile solutions demonstrated good fit and longitudinal stability. Trait configurations and predictive outcomes of the four-profile model were the most interpretable in terms of the theoretical literature, as this solution mirrored the theoretical foundation of self-regulatory ego-constructs. This supported the interpretation of a four-profile model as providing a useful distinction over and above the three-profile model. We conclude that, compared to the three-profile model, the four-profile solution provides a better foundation to serve as a complementary approach to variable-centre research. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paternalistic leadership (PL) is a multidimensional construct of three elements that together form a profile model consisting of authoritarianism, benevolence, and morality. Latent profile analysis (LPA) was employed to analyze subordinate response profiles of 1,146 platoon leaders who rated their company commanders in the Taiwanese military. Results indicated the prevalence of three leadership profiles: most common was a moral-authoritarian leadership profile (60.1%), followed by a moral-benevolent leadership profile (29.1%). Least prevalent was an authoritarian leadership profile (10.8%) low on both morality and benevolence. The probability of subordinate responses fitting in the moral-benevolent leadership profile was associated with greater supervisor identification, more occupational commitment, better task performance, and lower intention to leave; probability of subordinate responses fitting the authoritarian profile was associated with greater intention to leave. There was considerable variability in leadership profile perceptions for the same company commander rated by different subordinates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study analyzes data from a national probability panel sample of New Zealanders (N = 5,091) to examine stability and change in political orientation over four consecutive yearly assessments (2009-2012) following the 2007/2008 global financial crisis. Bayesian Latent Growth Modeling identified systematic variation in the growth trajectory of conservatism that was predicted by age and socio-economic status. Younger people (ages 25-45) did not change in their political orientation. Older people, however, became more conservative over time. Likewise, people with lower socio-economic status showed a marked increase in political conservatism. In addition, tests of rank-order stability showed that age had a cubic relationship with the stability of political orientation over our four annual assessments. Our findings provide strong support for System Justification Theory by showing that increases in conservatism in the wake of the recent global financial crisis occurred primarily among the poorest and most disadvantaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research demonstrates that religiosity and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) are positively correlated (Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992). The extent to which this relationship holds across the population, however, is unknown. Because support for conformity and tradition--values fostered by religion (Saroglou, Delpierre, & Dernelle, 2004) and consonant with RWA (Altemeyer, 1996)-- may be facilitated by the perception that the status quo is fair, endorsement of system-justifying beliefs should moderate the relationship between religiosity and RWA. We tested this hypothesis in a national probability sample of religiously identified New Zealanders (N= 1,600). As predicted, church attendance was associated with a steep initial increase, followed by a gradual plateau, in RWA. This relationship was, however, stronger for those who were high (vs. low) in system justification. These findings provide the first demonstration that system-justifying beliefs strengthen the relationship between religiosity and RWA, while simultaneously broadening the scope of system justification theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A belief in human dominance over nature lies at the heart of current environmental problems. In this article, we extend the theoretical scope of social dominance theory by arguing that social dominance orientation (SDO) is an important variable in understanding person–environment relations. We argue that individuals high in SDO are more willing to exploit the environment in unsustainable ways because SDO promotes human hierarchical dominance over nature. Four studies provide support for this perspective. High SDO was associated with lower levels of environmental concern in a nationally representative New Zealand sample (Study 1) and in country-level data across 27 nations (Study 2). SDO was also positively related to utilization attitudes toward nature (Study 3) and mediated the gender difference in beliefs about anthropogenic climate change (Study 4), and both occurred independently of right-wing authoritarianism. Implications for the human-dominated view of nature subscribed to by those high in SDO are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individual-based and group-based forms of relative deprivation (IRD and GRD, respectively) are linked with individual- and group-based responses to inequality, respectively. System justification theory, however, argues that we are motivated to believe that people’s outcomes are equitably determined. As such, endorsement of system-justifying beliefs should dampen people’s reactions to outcomes perceived to be unequal and ultimately undermine support for political mobilization. We examined these hypotheses in a national probability sample of New Zealanders (N = 6,886). As expected, IRD predicted individual-based responses to inequality (i.e., satisfaction with one’s standard of living and psychological distress) better than GRD. Conversely, GRD predicted group-based responses to inequality (i.e., perceived discrimination against one’s group and support for political mobilization) better than IRD. Each of these relationships was, however, notably weaker among participants who were high, relative to low, on system justification. These results demonstrate that system-justifying beliefs have a palliative effect on people’s experiences with inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact researchers have largely overlooked the potential for negative intergroup contact to increase prejudice. In Study 1, we tested the interaction between contact quantity and valence on prejudice toward Black Australians (n = 1,476), Muslim Australians (n = 173), and asylum seekers (n = 293). In all cases, the association between contact quantity and prejudice was moderated by its valence, with negative contact emerging as a stronger and more consistent predictor than positive contact. In Study 2, White Americans (n = 441) indicated how much positive and negative contact they had with Black Americans on separate measures. Although both quantity of positive and negative contact predicted racism and avoidance, negative contact was the stronger predictor. Furthermore, negative (but not positive) contact independently predicted suspicion about Barack Obama’s birthplace. These results extend the contact hypothesis by issuing an important caveat: Negative contact may be more strongly associated with increased racism and discrimination than positive contact is with its reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intergroup contact is among the most effective ways to improve intergroup attitudes. Research examining whether the effects of contact are contingent on individual differences is limited, however. The authors test a dual process model perspective of individual differences in contact and prejudice. Their model predicts that intergroup contact should be particularly effective for people high in right-wing authoritarianism, but not those high in social dominance orientation, because these ideological attitudes are driven by different underlying motivational goals. The authors confirm these hypotheses in longitudinal (N = 805) and cross-sectional (N = 1,343) national probability samples. They also isolate perceived social threat, but not competitive threat, as a mediator for the interaction of right-wing authoritarianism and contact on prejudice. The authors elaborate on the individual difference mechanisms that facilitate and inhibit the effects of intergroup contact on prejudice and discuss how these relations may depend on contextual factors and the varying functions of prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We tested a dual process motivational model of ambivalent sexism and gender differences in intimate partner preferences. Meta-analysis of 32 samples (16 with men, 16 with women; N = 5,459) indicated that Benevolent Sexism (BS) in women was associated with greater preferences for high-resource partners (r = 0.24), whereas Hostile Sexism (HS) in men was associated with stronger preferences for physically attractive partners (r = 0.20). Study 2 examined the ideological correlates of this gender difference (N = 249 men, 243 women). For women, Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) was associated with greater preferences for high-resource partners, mediated by BS. For men, Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) was associated with greater preferences for attractive partners, mediated by HS. These findings indicate that women’s desire for high-resource partners is related to a protection and security-provision motive, whereas men’s desire for attractive partners is related to a dominance-based status-marker motive. Gender differences in these dual motives have implications for understanding the reciprocal reinforcement of gender inequality. We argue that they exacerbate gender inequality by decreasing women’s immediate motivation for direct access to resources (because they may be provided for by men) and promoting instead goals in women relating to the maintenance of an attractive appearance valued by men. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research has shown that two individual difference dimensions, Right-Wing authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), consistently predict prejudice. Traditionally it has been assumed that RWA and SDO both index generalized dispositions to dislike outgroups and those who differ, and therefore predict prejudice similarly. An alternative approach suggests that RWA and SDO express different motivational bases for prejudice that differentially interact with intergroup conditions to predict prejudice. This was tested by investigating students' reactions to varying descriptions of a bogus immigrant group. As hypothesized, the degree to which RWA and SDO predicted opposition to the immigrants was differentially contingent on the degree to which the immigrants were described as economically competitive, socially threatening (deviant) and socio-economically disadvantaged. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We modelled the associations between the HEXACO dimensions of personality, Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and prejudice towards dangerous, derogated and dissident groups (N = 454 undergraduates). Consistent with a Big-Five model, low Openness to Experience predicted RWA and therefore dangerous and dissident group prejudice. As predicted, low Emotionality (and Openness) rather than Agreeableness predicted SDO and therefore derogated and dissident group prejudice. Comparison with meta-analytic averages of Big-Five data supported expected similarities and differences in the association of Big-Five and HEXACO models of personality with ideology. Finally, Honesty-Humility simultaneously predicted increases in RWA but decreases in SDO, and thus opposing effects on prejudice. These opposing effects have gone unidentified in research employing Big-Five models of personality structure. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Dual Process Model (DPM) approach to prejudice proposes that there should be at least two dimensions of generalized prejudice relating to outgroup stratification and social perception, which should be differentially predicted by Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). The current study assessed the causal effects of SDO and RWA on three dimensions of prejudice using a full cross-lagged longitudinal sample (N = 127). As expected, RWA, but not SDO, predicted prejudice towards ‘dangerous’ groups, SDO, but not RWA, predicted prejudice towards ‘derogated’ groups, and both RWA and SDO predicted prejudice towards ‘dissident’ groups. Results support previously untested causal predictions derived from the DPM and indicate that different forms of prejudice result from different SDO- and RWA-based motivational processes. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study replicates and expands Schultz et al.'s findings regarding the applicability of the norm-activation model on self-reported environmental behavior. As expected, a significant three-way interaction was found among perceived seriousness of global environmental problems, ascription of responsibility for global environmental problems, and altruistic values when predicting environmental behaviors. This held even considering smaller measures, an online procedure to gather data, a diverse sample from more than 50 countries, and controlling for content overlap between measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This diary study examined situational dependence within daily interactions with family members and close friends over a 2-week period. Experiencing low personal control (high situational dependence) when interacting with family members and friends was associated with lower perceived regard and intimacy. Participants generally regulated felt dependence by derogating and withdrawing from their interaction partner (self-protective dependence regulation) and exhibiting lower levels of positive behavior, such as expressing thoughts and feelings or trying to improve the interaction (relationship-promotive dependence regulation). Furthermore, higher rejection sensitivity (but not low self-esteem) was associated with more negative evaluations of perceived regard and intimacy, greater self-protective dependence regulation, and lower relationship-promotive dependence regulation within low control interactions. These results identify dependence as a key element of rejection risk contexts and support the situation-specific nature of rejection sensitivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the meta-analysis of investigating relationships among Big Five dimensions of personality, Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and prejudice. Under the investigations, RWA was predicted by low openness to experience but also conscientiousness, whereas SDO was predicted by low Agreeableness and also weakly by low openness to experience. Meanwhile, prejudice has a consistent with a dual process of motivational model of ideology.

Prior research suggests that individuals' prejudiced attitudes form a single generalized dimension predicted by Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). A dual process approach, however, expects different domains of generalized prejudice that relate differentially to RWA and SDO. To test this, 212 participants rated attitudes to 24 typically disliked groups. Factor analysis revealed three distinct generalized prejudice dimensions. Hierarchical Linear Modelling indicated that attitudes towards a ‘dangerous’ groups domain was significantly related only with RWA, attitudes toward a second ‘derogated’ groups domain was related only to SDO, and attitudes toward a third, ‘dissident’ groups, domain was significantly related to both, but powerfully with RWA and weakly with SDO. These findings have implications for explaining and reducing prejudice. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors argue that individual differences in men's Benevolent Sexism (BS) stem from a threat-driven security-cohesion motivation, indexed by Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), whereas Hostile Sexism (HS) stems from a competitively driven motivation for inter-group dominance, indexed by Social Dominance Orientation (SDO). In Study 1, meta -analysis indicated that men's SDO (controlling for R WA) was moderately positively associated with HS (r = .35) but not BS (r = .05), whereas men's RWA (controlling for SDO) was moderately associated with BS (r = .36) but only weakly associated with HS (r = .16). Study 2 replicated and extended these results by also modeling the dual personality traits and world-views underlying HS and BS. In Study 3, longitudinal analyses demonstrated that SDO predicted increases in HS (but not BS) and RWA predicted increases in BS (but not HS) throughout a 5-month period. Relations between the sociostructural and individual difference bases of men's ambivalent sexism are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three studies examine the psychometric properties (i.e., the test-retest reliability, convergent, and discriminant validity) of Fraley, WaIler, and Brennan's Revised Experiences in Close Relationships (ECR-R) self-report measure of romantic attachment anxiety (model of self) and avoidance (model of others). Longitudinal analyses suggest that the ECR-R provided highly stable indicators of latent attachment during a 3-week period (85 % shared variance). Hierarchical linear modeling analyses further validated the ECR-R, suggesting that it explained between 30 % to 40% of the between-person variation in social interaction diary ratings of attachment-related emotions experienced during interactions with a romantic partner and only 5 % to 15 % of that in interactions with family and friends. Guidelines are offered regarding the conditions where highly reliable and precise measures of romantic attachment, such as the ECR-R, are deemed necessary and where shorter, albeit slightly less reliable measures, such as Bartholomew and Horowitz's Relationship Questionnaire, may also be viable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study that applied a two-stage model for comparing active and passive littering behavior in public spaces. Review of related literature; Analysis of the factors that may influence the rate of littering and resistance to change; Results and implications.

\n Recent research argues that authoritarianism exists on the right and left, further positing that both manifestations share core features. We explore this possibility by conducting a latent profile analysis of left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and social dominance orientation (SDO) in a nationwide random sample of adults (N = 34,101). Five unique profiles emerged: Low Social Dominators (low-to-moderate LWA/RWA, low SDO; 41.8% of the sample), Moderate Right-wing Authoritarians (low LWA, moderate RWA, low-to-moderate SDO; 35.7% of the sample), Moderate-Moderates (low LWA, moderate RWA, moderate SDO; 13.7% of the sample), Left-wing Authoritarians (high LWA, low RWA/SDO; 7.5% of the sample), and High Social Dominators (low LWA, low-to-moderate RWA, high SDO; 1.34% of the sample). Men, people low in agreeableness, and people high in vengeful rumination were more likely to belong to all profiles (compared to the Low Social Dominators), suggesting some similarities across distinct forms of authoritarianism. Left-wing Authoritarians did, however, differ substantively in their demographic characteristics, personality, and social attitudes, undermining claims of a shared authoritarian core. These findings highlight the need to further evaluate how distinct types of authoritarians manifest across the political spectrum and the utility of the common core hypothesis.Researchers suggest that (a) authoritarians exist on both the political left and right, and (b) these different “types” of authoritarians are similar in personality and intolerance toward opposing groups. In this paper, we examine these possibilities by examining the prevalence of different forms of authoritarianism in a nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults. We test whether these groups share similar (versus different) demographics (e.g., age and gender), personality traits, trust in institutions, voting intentions, and attitudes toward different social issues. Our results suggest that the majority of the population is low on authoritarianism. However, we identified a small group that scored highly on left-wing authoritarianism (named Left-wing Authoritarians) and another small group that highly endorsed group-based hierarchies and inequality (named High Social Dominators). Younger, non-religious, more liberal people, and people living in deprived areas were more likely to be Left-wing Authoritarians. In contrast, older conservative people were more likely to be High Social Dominators. These groups also differed in personality and attitudes toward institutions, political parties, and social issues. Overall, our study suggests that authoritarians on the left and right are more different than similar. For this reason, it is important to consider different types of authoritarians as distinct from each other in the population rather than two sides of the same coin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present studies provide evidence that social-sampling processes lead wealthier people to oppose redistribution policies. In samples of American Internet users, wealthier participants reported higher levels of wealth in their social circles (Studies 1a and 1b). This was associated, in turn, with estimates of higher mean wealth in the wider U.S. population, greater perceived fairness of the economic status quo, and opposition to redistribution policies. Furthermore, results from a large-scale, nationally representative New Zealand survey revealed that low levels of neighborhood-level socioeconomic deprivation—an objective index of wealth within participants’ social circles—mediated the relation between income and satisfaction with the economic status quo (Study 2). These findings held controlling for relevant variables, including political orientation and perceived self-interest. Social-structural inequalities appear to combine with social-sampling processes to shape the different political attitudes of wealthier and poorer people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A four-wave survey on a national probabilistic sample (N = 17,399) tested novel predictions about how positive and negative contact with racial out-groups predicts warmth and anger toward those groups. Three competing hypotheses were tested: (a) that negative contact will outweigh positive contact when predicting both emotions ("bad is stronger than good"); (b) that negative and positive contact will similarly predict each emotion; and (c) that negative contact will have a disproportionately large association with anger (a negative emotion), whereas positive contact will have a disproportionately large association with warmth (a positive emotion)—a phenomenon known as affect matching. The data revealed clear evidence for affect matching: Negative contact was associated with high levels of anger more than low levels of warmth, whereas positive contact was associated with high levels of warmth more than low levels of anger. Results suggest that positive and negative feelings about out-groups may be tied to qualitatively distinct contact experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Real-world tests of the impact of partisan cues on voters are scarce because they require assessing how citizens' attitudes changed toward an issue from before to after it became politically divisive. During the 2015–2016 New Zealand flag referendums, the leader of the (center-right) National Party and then–Prime Minister, John Key, championed changing the flag—a move strongly contested by the (center-left) Labour Party. Accordingly, we measured New Zealanders' attitudes toward changing the flag using national longitudinal panel data collected in 2013, before the change was proposed, and again in 2016 at the height of the debate (Ns = 6,793–6,806). Registered voters who supported the National Party were more likely to shift from opposing to supporting the flag change, whereas those who supported the Labour Party were more likely to shift from supporting to opposing the change. These data demonstrate the powerful impact of partisan cues on political attitudes in a real-world setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]