Search

Sociologists have studied the causes and consequences of collectively blaming and negatively portraying Muslims, but less attention has been paid to how collective blaming and negative descriptions affect researchers' categorisations of such vilified groups. Drawing on 22 months of fieldwork with Muslim men in Norway, I elucidate how racialisation can influence interactions in field research when studying a controversial subject with a racialised group. I identify three patterns in which racialisation affects field interactions: accepting a racialising view, defending the racialised group and developing a shared story between a researcher and participants. I argue that, in this case, desires to present positive views of Islam and Muslims, attempts to distance oneself from religious extremism and attempts to categorise radicalised Muslims as neither Norwegians nor Muslims illustrate racialisation's influence. My findings suggest that racialised understandings enter field interactions but remain opaque unless the researcher reflects upon their own and participants' positionality and membership in a racialised group. I conclude that shared experiences of racialisation between a researcher and the participants deepen the researcher's understanding while limiting enquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the representation of Indian Muslims in national news coverage during the COVID-19 pandemic. By deploying Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the paper examines how hegemonic news discourses in four Indian daily newspapers published in English and Hindi constructed the image of a Muslim "other" across various discursive moments in relation to the news coverage of a Tablighi Jamaat (TJ) congregation and its link to the spread of COVID-19 in India. Describing the congregation's Muslim participants as anti-nationals, insensitive to the suffering of their compatriots, disrespectful of the law of the land, super-spreaders of the virus and jihadis, the image of the Muslim "other" was constructed and conveyed to the public by using such appellations. These conformed to many beliefs of Hindutva, the right-wing Hindu ideology, that seeks to infuse in public discourse feelings of the "other" – an other which needs to be criminalized and ostracized. The mediated reality produced is embedded in the power structure and is an ideologically driven exercise. The way hegemonic power operates is clearly reflected in the discourses about Muslims that circulated in the media during the first wave of COVID-19 in 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schools have been considered critical institutions for refugee youth. However, Muslim refugee youth experience challenges navigating schools during an increasingly hostile sociopolitical climate for Muslim people. Drawing on the adolescent development framework, this phenomenological study explores how school-based experiences help to shape Muslim refugee youths' identities. In-depth interviews were conducted with 15 refugee youth who attended high schools in Chicago. Findings highlight how Muslim refugee youth expressed negative feelings of school and overall adjustment to their local communities due to stereotypes or perceptions of them being "terrorists" or "violent," which often translated into discrimination and bullying directed at them at the school level. Second, Muslim refugee youth expressed a desire to be civically engaged in their schools and communities to demonstrate their capacity to be "good citizens" or active participants with a high moral compass. Recommendations are offered on how to support Muslim refugee youth in school settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examined the novel role of solo status, or being the only Muslim in different settings, in the relationship between discrimination and distress for Muslim women in the United States who wear the hijab, the Islamic headscarf, and Muslim women who do not wear the hijab. Psychological distress was examined through symptoms of anxiety, somatization, and paranoia. Results from a sample of 123 Muslim women in the United States showed that the impact of solo status was different for Muslim women who always wear the hijab compared to Muslim women who never wear the hijab. Namely, high solo status exacerbated the impact of discrimination on all psychological symptoms for Muslim women who wear the hijab. In contrast, low solo status compounded the effect of discrimination on all psychological symptoms for Muslim women who never wear the hijab. Given these findings, clinical, training, research, and advocacy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging in 'reflexive practice' throughout the research process (Benson and O'Reilly, 2022) and a 'reflexivity of discomfort' (Hamdan, 2009) through an intersectional lens, this article presents a reflective account of accessing and conducting observations and interviews at a South Asian women's organisation, in North England, to explore Pakistani and Bangladeshi Muslim (PBM) lone motherhood. It critically explores how researchers' own subjectivities and intersecting identities – in this case, my intersecting identities and positionalities as a young British Pakistani Muslim women, researcher and volunteer – impact interactions in different circumstances with different groups of participants and the importance of having continuous critical self-awareness. Moving beyond simplistic insider–outsider debates, the paper contributes towards further developing reflexivity debates taking an 'intersectional reflexivity' approach. It argues for thinking about the research process and engagements in the field as socially constructed, changing, adapting and negotiated overtime and to utilise intersectionality to unpick broader categories. Finally, it encourages researchers to adopt reflexivity in their research practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined two second-generation Muslim youth clubs in the city of Ottawa. First-generation mosques and community centres have ample space for youth. Still, as a form of defiance against their parents, these youth have created youth clubs outside of Ottawa's residential areas. The clubs had devised an original form of 'fun' for themselves, which, despite being 'halal', was not approved by their parents and thus represented a form of resistance against them. These youth clubs have exacerbated tensions within the Muslim community in Canada. This article contends that a Muslim youth subculture is emerging among second-generation immigrants, which is consistent with aspects of the Birmingham School and post-subcultural theories. Steve Redhead argues that today's youth continue to resist not through style but by 'lengthy clubbing'. A total of 26 young women and men were interviewed alongside 10 months of fieldwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 new deaths' highest numbers in Southeast Asia were reported from Indonesia, with 8,784 new deaths. Healthcare workers (HCWs) have several roles in the COVID-19 vaccine implementation. This study aimed to assess COVID-19 vaccine perception and belief among HCWs and identify demographic mapping by using the geographical information system. This study used a quantitative method with cross-sectional design, wherein 112 registered HCWs in the Indonesian hospital and healthcare centre were shared a survey questionnaire using Google Forms® and then visualised it through geographic mapping. The perception of HCWs regarding the COVID-19 vaccine was considered good but in contrast to the belief. There was a significant relationship between age [ p value =.021; odds ratio (OR): 2.692; 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.229–5.896] and also HCWs' workplace (p value =.040; OR: 0.231; 95% CI: 0.0620–0.862) towards the belief of HCWs regarding the COVID-19 vaccine. Developing strategies to decrease HCWs and public hesitation and increase trust is vital for implementing vaccination programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Islamic State as a Legal Order: To Have No Law but Islam, between Sharīʿa and Globalization" by Federico Lorenzo Ramaioli is a book that explores the history and ideology of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) and its goal of establishing an Islamic State as a legitimate governing body. The book delves into topics such as the interpretation of Sharīʿa by ISIS, the emergence of the idea of Islamic State, and the relationship between law and extremist movements. It provides insights into the complexities of ISIS's view of the law and its implications, highlighting the need for understanding the intersection of religion, politics, and law in responding to radical ideologies. The book is recommended for those interested in studying extremist movements, terrorism, and the role of law in shaping global politics. [Extracted from the article]

Background: HIV remains a global public health concern, and women continue to be disproportionately affected. Understanding the factors associated with pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness among women is crucial as an effective HIV prevention strategy. Objectives: We investigated the prevalence and associated factors of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness among women in Burkina Faso. Design: This was a cross-section study that used population-based data. Methods: A total of 17,659 women of reproductive age (15–49 years) from the 2021 Burkina Faso Demographic and Health Survey were analyzed. Percentage and multivariable logistic regression model were used to examine the prevalence and factors associated with pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness. Results: The prevalence of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness was 8.2% (95% confidence interval = 7.8%–8.6%). Women's age was positively associated pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness. Women with primary and secondary education had 39% and 48% higher odds of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness, when compared with women with no formal education. The odds of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness were 1.40 (95% confidence interval = 1.19–1.66) times higher among Christians when compared with the Muslims. Women who were exposed to mass media including newspaper or magazine, radio, TV, and Internet had higher odds of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness, when compared with those without exposure to mass media channels. Women who have previously tested for HIV had 37% higher odds of pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness, when compared with those who have not been tested (adjusted odds ratio = 1.37; 95% confidence interval = 1.09–1.72). Conclusion: This study found women's age, geographical region, education, religion, exposure to mass media channels, employment, and HIV testing to be associated with pre-exposure prophylaxis awareness. These findings can inform the development of targeted interventions and public health campaigns to increase awareness and practice to pre-exposure prophylaxis, particularly among key population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: With rapidly growing members of the Islamic faith, health care providers should expect to care for Muslim patients regardless of their chosen specialty. The quality of care provided hinges on their knowledge and understanding of Islam. This study aimed to analyze the influence of an educational animation on undergraduate nursing students' cultural comfort and knowledge concerning the health care needs of Muslims. Methods: An educational animation was created addressing the unique health care needs of Muslim patients. Surveys (pre, post, 6 weeks) (n = 658) assessed cultural comfort and knowledge on covered topics. Results: Student knowledge (pre: 12.4 ± 0.1; post: 14.4 ± 0.2; p <.01) and cultural comfort (pre: 4.0 ± 0.03; post: 4.1 ± 0.03; p <.05) increased after viewing the online educational animation. The increase in knowledge was sustained at 6 weeks. Students recommended additional topics for the future. Discussion: This study highlights how an innovative educational animation can enhance students' understanding of providing care for Muslim patients, positively impacting patient outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past 20 years, divorce has increased in Indonesia. Indonesian statistics show that divorces initiated by women exceed those by men. One issue that is often neglected is how socioeconomic differences also play a role in this matter. Drawing on our collaborative research on Muslim divorces in Indonesia, this paper focuses on the interplay between divorce strategies and socioeconomic differences among Muslim couples. Our in-depth interviews with 93 Muslim men and women and 19 judges from Islamic courts show that class differences shape distinctive dynamics of divorce among Muslim Indonesians. Couples from less educated, lower-income backgrounds accept marriage dissolution more easily, with women becoming much less tolerant of men's behaviors such as infliction of domestic violence, infidelity, and failure to provide financial support. Educated, middle-class urban couples divorce for similar reasons but tend to experience a lengthier process accompanied by complex layers of conflict. Many educated women's narratives emphasize their ability to support themselves through working, and a desire to be free of a bad marriage at any cost. Class and education thus contribute to significant differences in the experience and trajectories of divorce in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: There is growing evidence that religious involvement is associated with better mental health in Christian Western countries. Whether the same is true in Middle Eastern countries whose populations are largely Muslim is less clear. The present study examined the association between religiosity and psychological wellbeing in the Middle East. Methods: This cross-sectional study involved nationally representative samples of adults aged 18 or older in Egypt (n = 3496), Tunisia (n = 3070), and Turkey (n = 3019) (Wave 1 of Middle Eastern Values Panel Study). Data on psychological well-being (life satisfaction, happiness, and optimism) were available on 8835-8886 participants. Bivariate analyses and multivariate analyses were conducted, controlling for age, gender, education, employment status, marital status, financial satisfaction, economic class, country, and Muslim religious affiliation. Interactions with gender were also examined. Results: Most participants (95%) reported a Muslim affiliation. Bivariate analyses indicated a positive association between overall religiosity (the primary predictor) and life satisfaction (r = .12), happiness (r = .13) and optimism (r = .19) (P < .0001). Multivariate analyses indicated a significant relationship between overall religiosity and life satisfaction (B = .046, SE = .005), happiness (OR = 1.03, 95% CI = 1.02-1.04), and optimism (B = .054, SE = .005). A significant interaction between gender and religiosity was found for life satisfaction (B = -.025, SE = .009, P = .007), such that the association was stronger in males than in females. For happiness and optimism, trends were in the same direction. Conclusions: Small but significant associations between overall religiosity (beliefs and practices) and psychological well-being were found in this largely Muslim Middle Eastern sample. Prospective studies are needed to determine the causal direction of these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how halal consciousness acts as a precursor to the influence of presumed media influence model to explain Muslims' views (i.e., attitudes and behavioral intentions) toward cultured meat. A survey of 658 Muslim Singaporeans found that halal consciousness positively correlated with Muslims' attention to media messages on the benefits of cultured meat, which subsequently shaped their presumed attention to these messages by family members, friends, and social media influencers. Presumed attention from family members and social media influencers was positively associated with Muslims' attitudes toward cultured meat and subsequently their consumption intentions. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the mass religious conversions that took place in early-modern Iberia from the end of the fourteenth century had enormous consequences, one of which was the increasing racialisation of religion. Jewish and Muslim minorities were forced to receive baptism, and although in principle the Church made no distinction among people who had been baptised, in practice the presence of large numbers of recent converts to Catholicism called this theology into question. In the process, as I will demonstrate in this article, religion was racialised, as many people became convinced that religion (both beliefs and ritual) was biological and was transmitted by blood. To support this argument, the article will focus, as a case study, on the discussion about whether to deny baptism to the children of Moriscos (converted Muslims) in the years preceding the general expulsion from Spain of the Moriscos (1609–11). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate crimes against Muslims in the United States have been on the rise since 2016 (FBI, 2022), discouraging this group's participation in public life. Most Americans, therefore, encounter Muslims only via media representations. We investigated if two journalistic storytelling devices can kindle in white non-Muslim Americans empathy and supportive attitudes toward Muslim women who are victims of discrimination. Indeed, personalization and emotionalization of news stories increased empathy for Muslim victims among participants with high Muslim prejudice. Gender differences moderated the effect of emotionalization, with women participants reporting more empathy and willingness to help victims than men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Depression is one of the common psychological problems in patients on hemodialysis. We aimed to identify the predictors associated with depressive symptoms among patients on hemodialysis from a population under-represented in research and minoritized in countries like the United States. Methods: This cross-sectional study used a convenience sample of patients in Oman. Data were analyzed using linear multiple regression. Results: A total of 157 patients on hemodialysis participated in the study, with 40.5% reporting different levels of depressive symptoms. Higher stress levels (β =.643; p <.01) and higher perceived effectiveness of the fatalistic coping style (β =.144; p <.05) were significant predictors of depressive symptoms. Patients with a higher optimistic coping style (β = −.182; p <.01) had lower levels of depressive symptoms. Conclusion: Arab Muslim hemodialysis patients have significant levels of depressive symptoms. Identifying predictors of depressive symptoms may help identify those at risk and provide culturally appropriate interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Dhikr and prayer reduce pain and improve a patient's vital signs. However, the interactions among these require further clarification in patients undergoing appendectomy. This study aimed to assess the effects of the combination of dhikr and prayer on pain, pulse rate, respiratory rate, and oxygen saturation. Study design: Quasi-experimental design. Method: Pain, pulse, respiratory rate, and oxygen saturation were measured via clinical examination immediately after leaving the recovery room at 1 and 2 hr after surgery in both the experimental and control groups. In total, 88 eligible participants were allocated to two groups: participants who received both dhikr and prayer (n = 44), and those who received routine care without analgesic therapy (n = 44). The chi-square test, independent t test, and general equation model were employed. Results: Respondents showed a significant interaction between group and time to decrease in pain, pulse, respiratory rate, and improved oxygen saturation, except for pain within 1 hr. The differences in all outcome scores between the groups after 1 and 2 hr were statistically significant, except for oxygen saturation after 1 hr. Conclusion: The combination of dhikr and prayer effectively decreased pain and improved vital signs. This helped nurses implement this procedure by promoting an essential culture of spiritual care for appendectomy patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the reformation era in 1998, Islamic education, either Pesantren or Madrasah, has witnessed significant growth. Unlike during the Dutch, Soekarno, and Soeharto eras, when Islamic education remained marginalized, Indonesia recently houses the biggest Islamic education system where thousands of Pesantren become homes to Muslim children. Nonetheless, the fall of the later regime in 1998 has hitherto marked the prominence of Pesantren education nationwide along with the rise of Salafi-based Pesantren. This article aimed to discover three novel ultra-conservative variants of Salafi-based Pesantren and their contestation against other Islamic organizations promoting social tension and prejudice. Therefore, using a qualitative research method, the study's main aim is to identify how Islamic school institutions develop influenced by the movement of Islamic groups in Indonesia, specifically Islamic boarding schools. In doing so, this study interviewed 190 informants from 39 of 8 provinces. This study unveiled three Salafi-based Pesantren variants: Salafi jihadis, Salafi Wahabi, and Salafi Haraki. These three variants of Salafi gained little attention from previous studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does intergroup inequality, specifically minority experiences of persecution, affect contributions to local public goods? Based on an original survey experiment and qualitative research in slums in Delhi, we examine how Hindus and Muslims respond to social norms around promoting cooperation on community sanitation. Mainstream theories of development predict greater willingness to contribute to public goods in more homogeneous areas. In contrast to the "diversity-deficit hypothesis," however, we find that social accountability mechanisms are more effective among Muslims, a group that routinely faces discrimination and violence in India. We propose that this reflects "defensive cooperation," or a set of coping strategies developed by minorities to navigate a hostile sociopolitical environment. Our findings point to a new mechanism that helps to enforce prosocial norms and, hence, public goods provision in multiethnic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In the rapidly changing environment of healthcare, striving toward health equity and providing patient-centered care is imperative to the patient's experience. To achieve these goals, a comprehensive understanding of the diverse patient populations seeking these services, their needs, and the multitude of religious, cultural, and structural elements that impact their well-being is required. Muslim patients represent a considerable demographic, both in number and complexity of religious and cultural beliefs and practices. This scoping review examines the intersection of religion and cultural values with healthcare delivery in the context of the Muslim patient experience. Objectives: The objective of this review is to identify key concepts and challenges that impact the Muslim patient experience. Search Methods: The research databases Cochrane Library, OVID Medline, and PubMED were used to conduct a comprehensive systemic review of original, empirical peer-reviewed publications with the following search terms: "Muslim healthcare," "Muslim patient," and "Muslim experience." Selection Criteria: Inclusion and exclusion criteria were used to narrow down articles to those that addressed Muslim patient needs and their healthcare experience. Results: A total of 21 articles met the criteria of this scoping review. Five central topics were identified during thematic analysis: Ramadan and Fasting, Barriers in the Patient-Physician Relationship, Trauma and Perceived Discrimination, Mental Health Awareness and Stigma, and Awareness of Advanced Care Planning. Conclusion: This scoping review demonstrates that in order to provide patient-centered care addressing the unique needs of Muslim patients, religious and cultural values need to be explored under the frameworks of cultural humility and structural competency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of 'Hinduism' in contemporary academia has generated considerable controversy. Many scholars have argued that the idea of a single ancient religion is difficult to substantiate based on the historical record. A common alternative position is that Hinduism is a colonial construct, without well-defined historical antecedents. This paper contributes to a scholarly middle ground, which provides an empirically based yet still contingent analysis of the evolution of 'Hinduism', by drawing on evidence from the Sikh tradition. In doing so, it also draws on approaches which interpret Islam as a discursive tradition, subject to contestable representations, shaped by conditions of knowledge and power, as well as by collective aspirations. Sikh attempts at self-definition included distinguishing their tradition from the two larger, pre-existing traditions of Muslims and Hindus in an explicit and self-conscious manner. In doing so, Sikh leaders recognised 'Hindu' as a religious category to some degree, well before the colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking as our starting point the premise that all domination mechanisms are based partly on their naturalization and reproduction by the very persons that experience them, this study uses the notion of "internalized racism" to explore how Muslims living in Spain internalize some of the cultural and ideological myths that sustain the racism and Islamophobia they experience, especially in relation to institutional practices of control and discrimination. It contributes an innovative approach to the knowledge of racism in the Spanish context, showing how religious and racialized minorities in Spain understand, perceive, experience, and at times reproduce the discrimination they are subject to, and how Islamophobia is entwined with other forms of racism and exclusion as well as with Spain's specific historical relationship with Islam. The research is based on qualitative data obtained from eight discussion groups that met between 2019 and 2021 and comprised a total of 61 Muslims resident in various parts of Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research indicates that wearing the hijab reduces the attractiveness of female faces perceived by practicing Muslim men and women in their native Muslim country (the United Arab Emirates). The purpose of the current research was to develop this finding to investigate whether other aspects of person perception are also affected when women wear the hijab in this Muslim country. Of particular relevance is that changes in physical attractiveness often affect the personal qualities assigned to individuals. Accordingly, we sought to determine whether such effects occur when the physical attractiveness of women is altered by wearing the hijab. To do this, we used an Implicit Association Test (IAT) to investigate how native Muslim participants in the UAE associated pleasant and unpleasant connotations with images of women either wearing the hijab or with their heads uncovered. As in previous research with native Muslim participants, female faces were again perceived as significantly less attractive when the hijab was worn. However, the accompanying IAT findings showed that these less attractive hijab-wearing images were associated more with pleasant connotations than were the matched uncovered images. These findings provide fresh insight into the effects of the hijab on perceptions of Muslim women in a Muslim country and provide support for the view that cultural clothing can influence person perception beyond physical attractiveness alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious conversion and marriage across communal lines have long been contentious in India. The contemporary debate on 'Love Jihad' – the Hindu Nationalist conspiracy theory that accuses Muslim men of waging a religious war by seducing and converting unsuspecting Hindu brides – exemplifies the simultaneously geopolitical and biopolitical anxiety that religious conversion inspires. In this paper, I focus on the case of Hadiya, a young woman from Kerala, who, in 2016, found herself remanded first to her university's hostel – as dormitories are called in India – and then to her parents' home as various courts debated on the authenticity of her conversion to Islam, and her marriage to a Muslim partner. Through an examination of media discourse and court records in this case, the paper argues that in 'Love Jihad', the domestic and the carceral are rendered inextricably intertwined through an affective politics that presents desire outside the bounds of caste and religion as geopolitically misoriented. Drawing on Sara Ahmed's work on the phenomenology of orientation, I focus on the intimate geographies of the hostel, which I argue exemplifies a site of carceral convergence between nation and family, in the management of the affective disorder associated with religious conversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hyderabadi cinema or Deccani cinema refers to films produced in the South Indian city of Hyderabad in the Deccani language, and the Muslim-dominated region of the city serves as its narrative centre. Combining interviews and field notes from ethnographic data, this piece reflects on the perspectives of Muslim filmmakers in Hyderabad on their everyday practices of Islam and filmmaking. In the Indian context, where language acts as an adjective for film, these Deccani films are produced in a language similar to Urdu, which is popular among various Muslim communities in South India. Too small to call an industry, this production culture developed in close proximity to the Telugu film industry, one of the leading film industries in India, which has its capital placed in the same city of Hyderabad. Based on ethnographic fieldwork undertaken between December 2021 and November 2022, this article takes the reader to Sensation Insomnia, a movie theatre in Hyderabad that acts as a major production location for multiple low-budget films made after the pandemic. While travelling through production locations with Siraj Ahmed, one of the leading producers and exhibitors of Hyderabadi cinema, and conversing with some actors and crew members from Hyderabadi films, in this fieldwork piece, I try to understand how they view their Muslimness and their engagement of film production as Muslims in the context of Islamic principles and everyday acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an ethnographic analysis of how young middle-class Muslims in Copenhagen create convivial narratives of their city. The article builds on Paul Gilroy's idea of conviviality by bridging it with Saba Mahmood's concept of agency. I argue that widening the conversation on urban conviviality to include a perspective on agency allows us to expand the sociological imagination to one that combines both phenomenological and critical theory in urban analysis. In the context of Denmark, middle-class Muslims' convivial narratives can be understood as an agency to navigate Islamophobic or racist experiences, enabled by their spatial mobility and class positioning. The article concludes that Muslims' conviviality is contingent on an intersectional understanding related to racialisation, gender and socio-economic position. This approach allows an appreciation of how socially mobile Danish Muslims can construct convivial narratives to evade racism and Islamophobia in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the "othering" of Muslims in two Northeast Indian states: Assam and Tripura, in a region known for its ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity, and long history of militancy and civil unrest. Northeast Indian politics thrives on disagreement between "Us" and "Them" and tensions over illegal migration, drawing on overlapping or intersecting frames of "othering." This study asks why and how the political "othering" of Muslims persists, and why the religious frame, or the Hindu–Muslim divide, is more salient in some parts of the region than in others. Drawing on fieldwork on the Indian side of the Indo-Bangladesh border in Tripura and southern Assam, historical records and contemporary print media archives, this study compares the role of Hindu–Muslim contention in the politics of the two neighboring states and finds reproduction of the Hindu–Muslim divide in Assam and resistance to Muslim "othering" in Tripura. The theoretical contribution of this article is to confront the concept of "othering" with colonial and post-colonial frameworks of representation to understand how contemporary non-Western "worlds of difference" capitalize on, reproduce and resist vestiges of colonial representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 had profound global repercussions that were felt far beyond the territorial boundaries of the former Ottoman Empire. This event provoked intense and ambivalent responses among the community of Muslims in Weimar Germany. To date, this reaction has received little attention. Defeat in the war deprived Germany of its colonies, but Berlin became an important point on the map of emerging transnational anti-colonial networks and the centre of the intellectual and political life of Muslims in Europe. In the Islamic space of Berlin, there was an active search for new normative values and a vocabulary that would correspond to the realities of the post-Ottoman Muslim world. A more detailed and nuanced picture of Muslim reactions in Germany to the abolition of the Caliphate can shed more light on the history of Muslim émigré activism and the creation of a Muslim space in Europe during this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies find a direct association of collective violence with relational distance: lower the relational distance, lower the violence. Where people live as neighbours, spatial proximity provides more opportunity for contact. However, perpetrators of mass violence are often neighbours who had previously coexisted with their victims in apparent harmony. Neighbour-on-neighbour violence is a social violation: it shakes our confidence in the collective values of 'neighbourliness' and the strength of prior relations. In two state-orchestrated pogroms in India – against Sikhs in 1984 and Muslims in 2002 – the nature of prior neighbour relationships is delineated to identify why some neighbours participated in attacks, others in rescues. A qualitative analysis of 50 survivor affidavits and 41 in-depth interviews enabled reconstructing the texture of these relationships. Neighbourliness and situational factors (timing of attacks; built environment) provided a more nuanced understanding of behaviour. For democratic polities that authorise pogroms, findings challenge existing knowledge on contact and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was conducted to examine innovation and succession planning of some Minangkabau family business using the institutional logic approach. It is important to note that the Minangkabau is completely a Muslim society in Indonesia and one of the largest matrilineal societies in the world. Moreover, innovation and succession planning are important factors and interlinked concepts signifying the dynamics of a family business. A qualitative approach was implemented in this study and this involved interviewing 17 Minangkabau people from six family businesses after which thematic analysis was utilized to examine the collected data. It was discovered that there were two consecutive major patterns regarding family business innovation and succession planning based on business, community or socio-cultural values, and family logic. Moreover, two possible paths were identified with the interviewees observed to have one which involved the importance of succession planning and its consequences on business innovation. This means family business innovation in real organizations needs to be based on trustworthiness as well as the adoption of appropriate changes and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Muslim Arab immigrants are a fast-growing, under-studied, and underserved minority population in the United States. Little is known about breastfeeding practices in this population. objectives: The objective of this study was to describe infant feeding practices and factors associated with these practices among immigrant Muslim Arab women. design: A nonexperimental-one group, cross-sectional, descriptive, prospective design was used to identify infant feeding practices among immigrant Muslim Arab women. methods: A convenience sample of one hundred sixteen immigrant Muslim Arab women with at least one child five years or younger was recruited from a large metropolitan area in the Southwestern region. Participants completed the social ecological model of health promotion self-reported questionnaire. Descriptive statistics were performed to identify infant feeding practices and logistic regression was used to identify factors associated with these practices. results: Immigrant Muslim Arab mothers demonstrate high breastfeeding initiation rates (99.2%) and lengthy breastfeeding duration (M = 11.86, SD = 8.04), but low rates of exclusive breastfeeding at six months (21.6%). The most frequent reasons for early termination of breastfeeding were perceived insufficient milk (44.4%), child was still hungry after breastfeeding (37.5%), and the belief that the child was old enough to stop breastfeeding (32.9%). conclusion: Development of educational interventions are needed to improve breastfeeding exclusivity and raise women's awareness of the importance of exclusive breastfeeding. Healthcare providers should help women gain confidence in their ability to produce enough milk to successfully continue breastfeeding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Uttar Pradesh, many middle-class Muslims increasingly view local and transnational religious giving as a pragmatic way to create tangible socioeconomic improvements in the lives of underprivileged Muslims and mitigate their growing marginalization in India. How does their turn toward transnational religious giving influence their perception of the state's responsibilities regarding social welfare provision? Based on ethnographic fieldwork research with registered non-profit organizations collecting and distributing Islamic alms (zakat and sadaqa) in the state of Uttar Pradesh, this article examines how local and transnational religious giving affects the ways in which members of these Muslim philanthropic organizations imagine citizenship and welfare responsibilities in India. Distributive practices within these organizations show a dual focus on fostering Muslims' economic independence and self-sufficiency by mobilizing local and transnational charitable networks on the one hand and improving access to state welfare on the other. The co-existence of these somewhat divergent strategies suggests that while the state is considered partial and uncaring, it also remains viewed as an indispensable welfare provider. More generally, these observations bring forth a discussion on the extent and effects of the transnationalisation and privatisation of welfare in globally connected South-Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the emergence of a discourse on 'political Islam' in the policy circles of European elites. It interprets this discourse on one hand as a manifestation of the further criminalization of Muslimness emanating from programs of countering 'extremism' and deradicalizing Muslim youth in the wake of the global war on terror. More specifically, the discourse on 'political Islam' is seen as an extension of countering violent extremism projects to counter an alleged non-violent 'extremism.' The article discusses three cases: Austria, Germany, and France to analyze what the fight against 'political Islam' (in Austria), 'legalistic Islamism' (in Germany), and 'Islamist separatism' (in France) respectively mean. These terminologies are analyzed as 'empty signifiers' and (Foucauldian) dispositifs that are used deliberately to legitimize state interventions to shape their respective societies. It is argued that the main shared idea is not that Muslims break the law or commit violence. Rather, the argument is that Muslims use the law to subvert their European nation-states. This aims at excluding Muslims from political life and not allowing them to shape the future of these countries. A simultaneous effort is the nurturing of an unpolitical, submissive Muslim that does not question hegemonial power structures, a project which is pursued by creating a domesticated or 'national Islam.' The article discusses these three terminologies' similarities and differences in the respective countries. In sum, the apparatus of 'political Islam' is interpreted as a means to 1) push back or exclude Muslims from the public sphere; 2) crackdown on organized Muslims; and 3) silence critical voices to these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs "Bosniak" and "Muslim" have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one's national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on the autobiographical writings of Swami Satyadev 'Parivrajak' (1879–1961), a prolific Hindi writer, and a charismatic modern-day worldly political ascetic in the early twentieth-century north India. It discusses three central pillars of his ineradicably political autobiography: first, the performance of an exemplary celibate Hindu masculinity; second, the conceptualization of a segmented and exclusionary freedom, unencumbered by the presence of Muslims; and third, his deep antagonism towards Gandhi, and defence of his assassination. Taken together, his autobiography is a critical contribution to the intellectual history and genealogy of sectarian Hindi–Hindu literature, while also showcasing cultivated precursors of a modern, monolithic and militant Hindu nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore how tourism in Xinjiang is politically weaponised. Commodifying Uyghur cultural heritage for tourism allows the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to insist it is not committing cultural genocide, but actually "conserving" Uyghur culture. This directly bears on the CCP's internment of Muslim minorities in "re-education" camps, ostensibly to target Islamic "extremism." We explore how tourism to Xinjiang is presented as a "success" of the camps and conscripted into the "Sinicisation" of the region and the secularising of minorities' cultures. Places and practices are deconstructed as cultural heritage, and reconstructed to provide tourists with "exotic" experiences of "wonderful Xinjiang." This transforms the "tourist gaze" into a "testimonial" one: tourists to Xinjiang are made into witnesses that "Xinjiang is beautiful" and Uyghurs are "happy." In this, touristic development and tourists themselves are key agents in the CCP's territorialisation of Xinjiang, the sinicisation of Uyghur culture, and the legitimation of the violence of the camps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a re-reading of the Indian Constituent Assembly Debates in light of subsequent developments, this article provides new insights about the extent to which the Indian constitution allows affirmative action for redressing historical disadvantages and empowering marginalised communities. Since the post-colonial Indian state introduced the criterion of religion in the lists of Scheduled Castes (SCs), this sparked suspicions of efforts to prevent conversions, further augmenting India's Hindu majority. The article re-examines such claims in light of the Indian Constituent Assembly Debates and subsequent Government Orders for notifying/modifying SCs. It argues that the list of SCs was never envisioned as religion-neutral, so that the exclusion of Pasmanda Muslims and Dalit Christians from the SCs is not a communal afterthought, while religion has all along not been the only or main criterion for affirmative action policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses on the escalating issue of Islamophobia, particularly the racial microaggressions faced by Muslims in the U.S., Europe, and globally. Topics include the rise of discriminatory practices, exclusion, and violence against Muslims, the manifestation of Islamophobia through various forms such as microaggressions, and the impact on the well-being and mental health of Muslims.

Scholarship on religious inequality in Europe has focused mainly on the position of religious minorities, primarily Jews and Muslims. Investigations into Islamophobia, antisemitism, and other forms of discrimination and oppression, however, are merely one side of the coin. This article draws attention to Christian privilege as a different, but related phenomenon. It understands 'privilege' to be part of the study of hegemony, as the asymmetrical counterpart of structural oppression. The article situates Christian privilege within secular Christian hegemony in Western Europe and explores its relation to racial and religious exclusion. It identifies three different types of Christian privilege and outlines a framework for normatively evaluating them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a new nation-state in 1947, Pakistan's relations with the larger Arab world were fraught with many tensions and contradictions. Ever since, many readjustments have taken place on both sides. These rearrangements derive from such tectonic shifts as the ebbing away of Arab nationalism 1967 onwards, petro-dollar rush in the 1970s, Iranian revolution in 1979, end of Third worldism, Afghan war, unipolarity post–Berlin Wall, 9/11 besides labour migrations, military alliances and domestic imperatives of various states and polities. Presently, Pakistan is tied to the Middle East in a three-pronged manner. Economically, it is dependent on petro-dollar rich Gulf Sheikhdoms. This relationship can be described as pure clientelism. Next, geographical proximity and Cold War compulsions have implied an unavoidable Iranian nexus. Finally, with the rather recent rise of Turkey as a subimperial power in the Middle East, Pakistan has also tilted towards Turkey of late. However, beyond geopolitics and economy, Pakistan's embrace of the larger Muslim world has ideological connotations as well. Imagined as a Muslim Zion, commissars at the helm of ideological state apparatuses in Pakistan have always imagined Pakistan as an integral part of the larger Muslim community, numerous contradictions notwithstanding. Hence, informed by the theories of clientelism and subimperialism, this study argues that Pakistan's relations with the Middle East are anchored in economics, geopolitics and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bodoland territorial council (BTC) region of Assam has witnessed many conflicts in the past. The women of the conflicting communities, Bodo, Bengali-speaking Muslims, and Adivasi, have largely borne the brunt of these conflicts. The societies are patriarchal and women face domination at various levels—family, society, and state. This article seeks to answer the question, 'How do the conflict-affected women belonging to the Bodo, Bengali-speaking Muslim and Adivasi communities in BTC display resistance against the dominant forces in the family, society, and state?' The article attempts to understand the forms of resistance (overt, physical or confrontational, and everyday forms of resistance) displayed by these women, by analysing the in-depth interviews conducted with them. The narratives help us understand their condition, their struggles, and the ways in which they display resistance against the dominant forces. The article argues that the Bodo women display overt resistance, such as participating in the Bodoland movement, holding protests, contesting elections, and carrying out peace marches against insurgencies and ethnic conflicts. The Bengali-speaking Muslim women display everyday forms of resistance, such as pursuing education, holding jobs, maintaining silence and refraining from making contact with members of the dominant community. The Adivasi women display physical resistance, such as engaging in direct confrontation with forest officials, and overt resistance, like participating in protests and social movements to demand their rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a constitutional democracy, India remains committed to the cherished values of individual liberty and freedom of conscience which form the core of the fundamental rights enshrined in our constitution. However, in the last few years, we have witnessed a marked departure and foundational shift in the pursuit of these values. What we see in terms of the curtailment of women's freedom, dictating personal relationship choices and maligning Muslims as a danger to Hindu women's honour, delivers a severe blow to our pluralistic ethos and the cherished values of coexistence. The recently enacted legislations dressed up as anti-conversion laws to criminalise love choices bear a clear reflection of Nazi Germany's Nuremberg Laws in many ways. Against the background of the state making intrusions into private spaces, denying the right to choose partners and acting as an oppressive surveillance agency, this study argues that these laws subvert the vision of our constitutional democracy and defy various judicial orders. It examines the literature on Hindu rights for women, analyses the contents of the legislation considering the contemporary discourse, to argue that these laws amount to undoing our achievements as a secular modern nation in the last seven decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A cliché arises when Islam is claimed to be the source of a succession of terrorist attacks. As a result, several states have been concerned about and distrustful of Muslims—Islamophobia. Islamophobia is linked to unfavorable stereotypes about Muslims and Islam, which leads to the formation of anti-Islam sentiment. Prejudice stems from the belief that Islam is a lesser faith that poses a challenge to society's prevailing ideals. Because of its dichotomous function, the media has become the focus of attention in the instance of Islamophobia. It has become the source of the symptoms of Islamophobia. As a human civilization that relies on revenue to survive, Muslim communities have witnessed Islamophobia wreaking havoc on their businesses, overall economy, and resources. Islamophobia is a global issue associated with unfavorable attitudes and biases toward Muslims and Islam; it requires proper knowledge, good reporting, and appropriate representation at the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note aims to examine the effect of religion market abuses on religious conversion, particularly on the non-transmission of religious preferences from parents to their offspring. Based on a field survey of 1,475 individuals in the cities of Douala and Yaoundé, this research note seeks to understand the dynamics of the socio-economic forces that lead to the abandonment of parents' religions. The econometric results reveal that the explanatory factors for changes in religious preferences often vary from one religion to another. With the exception of Pentecostals, Catholic, Protestant, and Muslim believers who believe that the religious market is rife with abuse are less likely to change their religious preferences. Increased income can significantly induce a change in religious preferences among Protestants and Pentecostals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new wave of attacks by Sinhala-Buddhist extremist elements against the Muslim community in Sri Lanka started following the brutal end of the ethnic civil war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sinhala-Buddhist-dominated Sri Lanka security forces in 2009. Easter Sunday terrorist attacks in 2019 by some Muslims polarized Sri Lanka and contributed to the compromise of the country's security. Sri Lankan Muslims often claim they are a peaceful community and thus have no serious interests in violent mobilization. But the evidence would basically contradict Muslims' claim of a peace-loving community. The Easter Sunday terrorist attacks did not take place in any vacuum. This paper will situate some key developments in the violent mobilization of Sri Lanka during the war against the LTTE. The primary goal of such an attempt is to read the growing religious conservative and violent trends among Muslims between 1977 and 2009. In understanding the growing religious conservative trends, an understanding is attempted to situate a later propensity for violence within the community that would manifest itself with the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks. Interviews were conducted with members of the Islamic Dawah organizations and Muslim youth who were formerly associated with violent groups in the Eastern Province to understand the ground reality. The period of 1977–2009 is important as the rise of religious conservatist influences in Sri Lanka mirrors the global transnational influences of Iran and Middle East Petro Dollars, especially Saudi Arabia. The article draws mainly on secondary sources. But to gain a better understanding of the ground reality, we spoke to a few Eastern Muslims between July 2016 and September 2021 at regular intervals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamist terrorist attacks have become a salient threat to Western countries, and news coverage about such crimes is a key predictor of public emotional reactions and policy support. We examine the effects of two key characteristics of terrorism news coverage: (1) the victim's religion and (2) first-person narratives that facilitate perspective taking. A quota-based experiment (N = 354) revealed that irrespective of the narrative type, news reports that mention the victims' Muslim religion induce less anger and compassion, but more joy among non-Muslim news consumers. However, fear was equally induced by all news articles. As a consequence, fear, anger, and joy predicted support for more restrictive terrorism policies, while anger and compassion were related to more support for victim compensation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western countries have witnessed increased hostility towards Muslims among individuals, and structurally in the ways that the media covers stories related to Islam/Muslims and in policies that infringe on the rights of Muslim communities. In response, practitioners have created media interventions that aim to reduce Islamophobia. However, it is unclear what causal effects these interventions have on reducing Islamophobia. Here, we test the effects of 11 media interventions developed by practitioners with an intervention tournament among U.S. samples. In Study 1, we identified three videos that most effectively reduced Islamophobia both immediately after watching and 1 month later. In Studies 2–4, we examined the psychological mechanisms of these successful videos and found an indirect effect of the interventions on reduced support for anti-Muslim policies through recognition of media bias against Muslims. This research highlights that drawing attention to structural biases, including biased media coverage of Muslims, is one potential strategy for ameliorating Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Muslim population is rapidly growing worldwide. Five experiments show that Republicans and Democrats respond to this demographic change with divergent reactions in three domains: perception of threats, celebratory reactions, and emotional responses. In terms of threat perceptions, Republicans tend to perceive Muslim population growth as a threat to Christians and the U.S. society in terms of American culture, legal norms, and peace. Furthermore, Republicans are less likely to have celebratory reactions to Muslim population growth (a theoretically novel reaction). They experience less hope and pride, along with more anxiety and anger. The divergent responses from partisans are partially explained by their ideological orientation and media exposure, but they are not explained by any racial mechanisms or the partisans' religious identity. Together, these studies reveal that political leaning can be an antecedent to reactions to the demographic change in many complex ways beyond the dominant group's concern for their status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the issues of the emerging second and third generations of post-war Muslim migrants in Europe. There has always been some presence of Muslims in Europe, but immigrants who came in the post-Second World War (WWII) period represent the majority of today's Muslim diasporas in Europe. They are referred to as the 'first generation'. This division is made to distinguish between those who had moved permanently to a country other than their country of birth, from the second/third-generation immigrants referring to those who were born in Europe. This article explores issues of second and third-generation Muslims in Europe, contrasting and comparing them with their parents' experiences. Family socialisation has significant effects supporting the effective transmission of religious identification, belief and practices to the next generation. The younger generations may receive a 'transmitted package of heritage' from the first generation, but they are not born in a vacuum, rather are exposed to a different mainstream cultural identity coming from the media, non-Muslim (The term non-Muslim refers to anyone who does not define himself as belonging to or practising the Islamic faith.) friends and educational institutions in the new environments. They are not expected to be just passive recipients. They try to relate to both heritages and negotiate in such a way as to maintain relations with family and achieve full European citizenship. For the younger generations in Europe, greater contact and exchange between the races and cultures is the key towards the future even if it is contested within their own community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Joseph's story in Genesis 37–50 is well-known among Christians. It is similar to the Torah's account of Yōsef's life. The Islamic version celebrates the triumph of the virtuous. In contrast, the biblical narrative highlights the unwavering loyalty of Joseph to his family and forgiveness; an account that could serve as a model for coexistence and fostering harmonious interfaith relations. In this article, the Qurʾānic story of al-Yῡsuf, as well as the Jewish and Christian interpretations of the same story, are used for an intertextual interpretation. Drawing from the idea of 'from the foreign to the familiar,' the author describes Joseph's story in Islamic, Jewish and Christian traditions in that sequence. Joseph's story, she suggests, has valuable lessons for the Jews, Christians and Muslims who are connected with each other in a sense through this common narrative; she argues that an intertextual reading of similar narratives in their traditional sources has promise for building bridges between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]