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County sheriffs hold a great deal of discretionary power at the county level; however, little is known about the decision-making of sheriffs. One key role they hold is overseeing county jails. In this role, county sheriffs choose how often to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) when they make a detainer request of the county. This study investigates the factors influencing sheriffs' decision making, specifically whether sheriffs make discretionary decisions based on the will of the people. Using ICE data about cooperation with county jails, and Cooperative Congregational Election Study (CCES) data, we assess if sheriff cooperation with ICE is politically motivated, in congruence with preferences of the voters countywide, or are other factors potentially influencing sheriffs. We find that sheriffs' decision to cooperate with ICE is influenced by the demographics and economy of their county rather than their own political affiliation or their county's ideological stance on immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does partisanship reduce the importance of self-interest in local political decision-making? I examined the case of homeowners and their preferences for lower property taxes, as well as their evaluations of zoning and development policy, to answer this question. Relying on data from a conjoint survey experiment (n = 2036), I found that homeowners were more likely to select a candidate who supported lower property taxes than non-homeowners, on average. However, homeowners did not express stronger preferences for lower property taxes when evaluating candidates from the opposing party, or making decisions in elections that featured two-party competition. I supplemented my experimental data with survey data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), which asked respondents to evaluate zoning and development in their area, as well as their mayor. I found that homeowners were more likely than non-homeowners to credit their mayor for favorable evaluations of zoning and development regardless of their mayor's partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recognising the increasingly urban character of Southeast Asian politics, our introduction to this special issue explores the varied patterns of government–business relations found across the region. In some urban centres, businesses form collusive rent-seeking relations with mayors and other politicians; in others, they support governance reform and urban renewal. In beginning to unpick this variation, we briefly highlight what we can learn from literatures on national-level government–business relations and subnational politics – emphasising that local-level government–business relations commonly diverge in significant ways from those at the national level. Next, we survey the articles that follow through three themes: relative strengths of local government and business across distinct urban settings; changes over time in the presence and efficacy of development coalitions spanning government and business; and recent innovations in government–business ties in certain cities. We end by calling for increased research into this important but poorly understood topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the nature of business–government relations shape the capacity of local governments to accomplish their development objectives? How do different patterns of business–government interaction affect the quantity and quality of public services and the ability of citizens to hold policymakers accountable for their performance? This article attempts to answer these questions in the context of one municipality in Thailand, Khon Kaen City. We argue that the political economy of business–government relationships in Khon Kaen can be divided into three eras, each defined by a different model of business–government interaction: the government-led model, the contracting model, and the public–private partnership model. We describe how the character of business–government relationships has changed across these different models, focusing on three dimensions: (1) the degree to which ties are formalised or institutionalised, (2) the extent to which local businesses coordinate, cooperate, or collude amongst themselves, and (3) the distribution of power between the local government and businesses. We also analyse the drivers behind the shift from one model to another and consider the implications of each for local development and service provision, patterns of rent-seeking, and levels of accountability and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Localism has recently been placed back on the political agenda in many countries. Given this, the case for prioritizing the local should be subject to renewed scrutiny. In this review essay, I do this in two ways while being guided by two new books: Trevor Latimer's Small Isn't Beautiful: The Case Against Localism and Jennifer Vey and Nate Storring's edited collection, Hyperlocal: Place Governance in a Fragmented World. Firstly, I use Latimer to examine how the localist revolution—much heralded by some—has the potential not only to produce good as well as regrettable outcomes, but increasingly regrettable outcomes in the name of good. Secondly, I use Vey and Storring to examine why localist solutions emerge and sometimes become necessary in the face of state and federal neglect. But even so, this does not necessarily mean that localism alone, without centralized coordination and oversight, is enough. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Women's office seeking has been the subject of considerable research, but how likely a female candidate is to seek one office over another has not. Using a unique data set of office seeking in California local governments between 1996 and 2019, we address the likelihood that women will seek certain types of offices over others; and whether and how female office seeking is affected by the context of local elections. In general, we find that women are most likely to seek citywide administrative offices, followed by school board seats. Local office-seeking by women, however, also varies by jurisdiction size, political context, and over time, particularly for county-level offices. Our focus on offices as a key part of female candidate entry sheds important new light on candidate behavior and the prospects for greater descriptive representation in local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal mayoral elections present a compelling puzzle: what happens when gendered stereotypes about level of government conflict with those about type of office? Although local politics is viewed as communal and more feminine, the mayoral office is a prominent, prestigious position of political leadership that voters may perceive as more masculine. We intervene by analyzing open-ended comments about 32 mayoral candidates from a survey of 14,438 municipal electors in eight Canadian cities. We argue gendered trait and issue stereotypes are embedded in voters' assessments of mayoral candidates. We find no evidence that female candidates benefit from their perceived competence in local policy issues, and they experience backlash when they display the traits typically associated with strong leaders. We conclude that, even at the level of government frequently thought of as more open to women, female mayoral candidates are disadvantaged by an enduring association between masculinity and political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic development directly manifests itself in the form of employment at the local level. This paper examines the ability of local politics to shape this development in a competitive federalist environment by examining how local party–political developments affect local economic development in Swiss small and medium-sized towns (SMSTs). Local economic development in the form of employment is a central local policy domain in federal and polycentric Switzerland. This paper argues that party–political influence is conditional on the characteristics of four distinguished economic sectors that differ in their dependence on the regional context. By analyzing the panel data of all Swiss SMSTs, the paper finds that local party–political developments only systematically precede growth in the residential economy, while regional processes determine the economic sectors in ambiguous ways. The grip of local politics on the development of export-oriented economies therefore is not guided by party–political development and more influential at regional levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent do national partisan cues exert influence over local voting behavior? Despite being an "immigrant welcoming city," in November, 2019, Tucson, Arizona, voters rejected Prop. 205—the Tucson Families Free and Together Initiative. We leverage theories of elite partisan cues to explain why voters in a progressive city voted against such an initiative. In contrast to Democratic support for sanctuary cities at the national level, we argue that mixed cues from local Democratic elites contributed significantly to a surprising rejection of the initiative. Using aggregate-level data and a framing experiment, we find that the local political environment split Democratic votes (50% favored, 50% opposed) while keeping Republican voters—who received consistent elite cues of opposition—uniformly against the proposition. This study illustrates how local partisan elite cues can shape ballot initiative voting outcomes, even to the point of overriding negative partisanship and national co-partisan consensus on the same issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who do people think are influential in their own community? This question is important for understanding topics such as social networks, political party networks, civic engagement, and local politics. At the same time as research on these topics has grown, measurement of public perceptions of local influence has dried up. Years ago, researchers took active interest in the question of community influence. They found that most ordinary Americans could identify a person who they thought had influence in their community. Respondents usually named business leaders. Where does the public stand today? In three different ways, we ask respondents who has local influence. The vast majority of respondents today cannot think of anyone. Those who do identify someone as influential rarely choose a businessperson. This article aims to reintroduce the public opinion of community influence and situate findings in related scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore a phenomenon we call attendance-buying. Specifically, we investigate the case of buying the attendance of voters at political rallies. Politicians and political parties promise voters certain rewards if they come to listen to them at political meetings. Often, these rewards can be food or valuable prizes. We conducted a survey experiment to discover what effect this form of attendance-buying has in Czech municipalities with up to 1000 inhabitants. We focused on small municipalities, where such a strategy can be effective because of the small number of candidates compared to large towns. We found that the effect of promising free food and drinks for attending a rally surprisingly did not manifest. With this finding, we contribute to and extend upon the theme of vote-buying. Our research also has practical implications, as local-level candidates do not have to make these food and drink expenditures because interested citizens will attend political rallies regardless of these offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do voters punish incumbent legislators for raising service costs? Concern about electoral punishment is considered a leading obstacle to increasing taxes and fees to fund service provision, but empirical evidence of such backlash is surprisingly sparse. This paper examines whether voters hold local elected officials accountable for raising water service costs. Using 10 years of panel data on municipal elections and water rates in North Carolina, we find rate increases do not reduce incumbent city council members' vote shares. Local politicians may overestimate their electoral risk from raising taxes and fees to fund public services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to analyse where women run for and win seats in local councils of Czech towns between 1998 and 2018. Our results are to some extent contradictory to those from Western Europe. More importantly, this study demonstrates that strategic context impacts on women's emergence and success in local elections in a different way. First, we do not confirm that larger towns are more promising for women's representation. While more fragmented party systems in larger cities contribute to making women's candidacy more common, a large pool of female candidates does not result in their higher presence in local councils. Second, we identify openness of local environment to women, in terms of women's previous representation, as a strong determinant of female representation in Czech towns, both in terms of candidacy and success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we investigate the relative roles of local tax policies and respondent attitudes and characteristics in shaping support for local taxes. Using a unique set of survey data collected across dozens of cities over several years, combined with contextual data on local tax systems, we can offer a comprehensive picture of who supports, and who opposes local taxes. The contributions of our approach are three-fold: We use measures of satisfaction with local taxes, using data gathered across dozens of localities ; we incorporate measures of the local tax systems to help account for city-to-city variation in local tax attitudes; and we incorporate measures of racial attitudes to account for an important non-material element heretofore not incorporated in studies of local tax attitudes. Integrating these factors into an explanation of local tax policies rounds out and offers a more realistic understanding of attitudes in this critical policy area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant amount of literature has inspected the relationship between public–private partnerships and state and local government. This literature has focused primarily on how these agreements shape financing, economic development, and public policy measures. There is little research, however, on how improvement districts may affect political participation. There are many reasons to believe that these districts may raise levels of political participation, as they deeply affect state and local politics and shape the socioeconomic development of local communities. This article fills this gap in the literature by exploring the relationship between the establishment of local improvement districts and voter participation rates. An original data set is constructed from 18 state assembly districts and 22 local improvement districts in New York City across nine elections between 2002 and 2018, resulting in 198 unique observations across time. Empirical results reflect how the development of improvement districts can serve as signals for rising political participation in surrounding areas, marked by increasing rates of voter turnout across midterm and presidential-year election cycles. These findings are compelling, providing insight into how local organizations designed and sustained through issue ownership and community collaboration have the ability to raise political participation through electoral activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nimbyism is widely thought to arise from an inherent tradeoff between localism and efficiency in government: because many development projects have spatially concentrated costs and diffuse benefits, local residents naturally oppose proposed projects. But why cannot project developers (with large potential profits) compensate local residents? We argue that local regulatory institutions effectively require developers to expend resources that cannot be used to compensate residents. Not being compensated for local costs, residents therefore oppose development. Using a formal model, we show that when these transaction costs are high, voters consistently oppose development regardless of compensation from developers. But when transaction costs are low, developers provide compensation to residents and local support for development increases. We conclude that nimbyism arises from a bargaining problem between developers and local residents, not the relationship between local decision-making and the spatial structure of costs and benefits. We suggest policy reforms implied by this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts rooted in questions of morality and values—so-called "culture wars"—pose difficult questions for local governance. Yet, when it comes to culture wars, local governments can be as politically active as other levels of government. This article explores the role of local government in the culture war surrounding Australia's national holiday, Australia Day. We draw on the pioneering work of Elaine Sharp on urban politics, culture wars, and local government to document and analyze how Australian local governments have responded to the Australia Day controversy. Whereas Sharp's typology is instructive, the ways in which the Australia Day debate has played out at the local level necessitate additional categories of responsiveness. These additional categories may contribute to the broader rejuvenation of studies on culture wars and local politics in light of new fronts in contemporary culture wars and the changing face of local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite cross-disciplinary attention to laws targeting homeless behavior in cities, systematic analysis of the power dynamics behind the adoption and implementation of such laws is surprisingly scarce. This article addresses that oversight by investigating the politics of anti-homeless policies in San Francisco, a critical and revealing case. Using a mixed-methods approach that joins qualitative analysis of public records with spatial and statistical analysis of precinct-level election results, census data, and geocoded police and 311 records, it evaluates previously unmeasured claims concerning the relative influence of social and economic forces in determining policy adoption and assesses whether enforcement patterns betray preferential treatment. Findings suggest that in the face of mobilized opposition, an anti-homeless regime composed of business and neighborhood merchants, elected officials, conservatives, and homeowners each contribute resources required to pass anti-homeless laws. Contrary to past claims, enforcement practices do not appear to privilege only the downtown business district. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past two decades, scholars have sought to estimate the direct and indirect effects of felony disenfranchisement on political representation. This literature, however, has often overlooked both the geographic concentration of communities impacted by overincarceration and the low propensity to vote exhibited by individuals convicted of felony crimes. In this article, I redefine "lost voters" as disenfranchised individuals with a history of participating in elections. I map these individuals to their preincarceration addresses and use multiple approaches to explore whether their home neighborhoods turned out at lower rates than other neighborhoods in the 2017 New York City (NYC) mayoral election. I find that neighborhoods that were home to lost voters turned out at substantially lower rates than similar neighborhoods, and that Black neighborhoods are particularly impacted by the spillover effects of disenfranchisement. These indirect effects of the incarceration of would-be voters may have serious implications for the representation of impacted neighborhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the phenomenon of independent candidates (calon perseorangan) in Indonesia's regional executive elections (Pilkada) to better understand why candidates run as independents and whether independent candidacy has reduced political inequality in the electoral system. In this study, we compiled candidate information using Indonesia's General Election Commission's (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, KPU) database as well as structured open-source searches to develop a data set and profiles of independents over three election cycles. Using this data set, we distinguished three categories of independents – partisan, non-partisan, and underdog independents – by analysing differences in power resources and motivations among the candidates. We found that contrary to public perceptions in Indonesia, independent candidacy has not helped to alleviate unequal access to political office. Successful independents are predominantly political insiders and local notables. This finding has important implications for democracy in Indonesia – we show how the inability for political outsiders to win political office harms democratic representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racism continues to permeate American society and brings about social injustice as it privileges whites while marginalizing people of color. The endemic nature of racism identified by critical race theorists suggests that all American organizations are plagued by this social ill, yet very little research in human resource development explores racism in organizational settings. The purpose of this paper is to use participant observations of white and Black researchers to document how white‐dominated leadership deploys procedural rules and microaggressions to marginalize Black participants in a small urban municipal government setting and the ways members of the Black community work to resist racial marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One goal of the California Voting Rights Act (CVRA) is to broaden representation in largely White-controlled city councils state-wide by incentivizing cities to shift council electoral jurisdictions from at-large to single-member districts. However, little research has investigated whether the CVRA helped contribute to increased minority representation at the city level. This article employs matching and difference-in-difference methods to determine whether cities that switched to district elections as a result of the CVRA enhanced city council diversification. By comparing matched treatment and control group's racial composition of city councils before and after fully switching from at-large to district election jurisdictions, we estimate the average treatment effect (ATE) of city switching on minority city council representation at 10% to 12%. Further analysis reveals treatment effects are larger among cities with larger shares of Latinos (21%). Thus, states seeking to increase local-level minority representation should consider policies similar to those found in the CVRA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. cities transform public housing. Black municipal leadership (BML) may influence the scale and character of public housing removal and redevelopment. Informed by the "Black urban regime" literature, this study assesses whether presence and duration of BML, coupled with other factors, explains variation in public housing transformation for a sample of large cities. Its findings suggest that, controlling for other factors, BML is associated with moderately greater scales of public housing removal in the 1990s and 2000s, but BML is not associated with the "rate of return" by former public housing residents or new residence by public housing eligible households in Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere (HOPE VI) communities as of 2016. The findings invite further research on the intraracial dynamics and policy consequences of BML. They build, too, on public housing transformation scholarship, raising new questions about how municipal politics shape public housing and other sites of subsidized residence for low-income denizens of cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors influence citizens' perceptions of local government services? To answer this question, we examine citizens' perceptions of public education in post-Katrina New Orleans. Following Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans began to transform most of its traditional public schools into charters. Although studies show that test scores have improved since the mass adoption of charters post-Katrina, surveys show that most Black citizens in New Orleans do not perceive that the New Orleans schools have improved post-Katrina. A majority of White residents, however, perceive that the schools are better post-Katrina. Relying on a survey of New Orleans residents, we argue that local shifts in political power by race help explain the racial differences in perceptions of the public schools. The study's findings suggest that perceptions of the quality of public goods are shaped by perceptions of "who governs?" [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research is mixed as to whether politicians target swing voters or core supporters with distributive spending and whether citizens' turnout affects this strategy. I use a novel data set and research design to examine this—a survey experiment on elected municipal officials. Respondents indicated which of two neighborhoods to target with a local project. I find that local officials, on average, target swing neighborhoods over core ones because they believe that swing voters are more likely than core voters to electorally punish politicians for targeting other groups. Yet, a large proportion still target core voters but not for reasons consistent with extant theory. Officials generally target high turnout neighborhoods over low turnout ones but under certain conditions are also willing to target lower turnout citizens. These findings point to the need for ongoing work to identify the conditions under which officials will target core or swing voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite rapidly growing literature on populism in advanced democracies, Japan is often overlooked. However, Japan has certainly not been immune to populist phenomena. In fact, populist politics in Japan can be divided into two categories: the first was in the 2000s, when Prime Minister Koizumi implemented vast reforms, and the second has proponents among the governors and mayors of big cities, such as Yasuo Tanaka, Toru Hashimoto, and Koike Yuriko. They have principally promoted neoliberal reforms, such as market deregulation, overhauling administrative systems, and limiting trade union autonomy. The economic interventionism and political authoritarianism characterizing recent populism in the West are not found in Japan, which explains why the literature has neglected Japanese cases of populism. Focusing mainly on the second type of populism, this article argues analytically that populism in Japan must be understood as a political strategy employed by the local executives. By examining cases of populist Japanese governors and mayors, we observe that populist politics are fueled at the local level by the institutional settings and electoral systems in regional politics. Aiming to contribute to the literature on varieties of populism, the article emphasizes theoretically that institutional mechanisms tend to foster populist politicians in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-2000s, China has been transforming its industrial structure from a world sweatshop to a global manufacturing center. Many foreign small- and medium-sized factories that were engines of development in coastal China for the past two decades have recently been phased out due to the changing nature of macroeconomic policy, the labor market, and local interests. Unlike macroeconomic policy and the labor market, the subject of changing local interests has not been extensively investigated. This article explores an unclear political-economic logic and demonstrates the key counter-actions of the factories—legal liquidation, moving inland or to other countries, and illegal flight by night—in response to "phasing out" pressure from local politics. The micro-level struggles between foreign factories and local interests are indirectly conducive to China's macro-level industrial transformation. This pattern will likely be repeated in China's less-developed regions and other rapidly developing countries in the near future. This study is based on empirical data from fieldwork, primarily in Shandong province, from 2008 to 2016 as well as archival data from China, Korea, and other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, we test an assumption that is often made in the literature on local retrospective voting—that peoples' perceptions of local conditions are well-grounded in reality. To do so, we examine the relationship between objective measures of local conditions and aggregated survey measures of perceptions of those conditions. We focus on three different conditions that have been shown to influence vote choice and approval at the local level—the state of the local economy, the quality of local public schools, and levels of local crime—and find strong evidence that perceptions of these conditions reflect actual local conditions. This important and previously unreported finding helps bolster the connections some scholars have found between objective indicators and election outcomes at the local level, as those indicators are tied to mass perceptions of related local conditions, which are connected to evaluations of incumbents. Overall, our results indicate that local electorates are well-positioned to hold local officials responsible. Given the general conception of the local electorate as disengaged, the strength and consistency of our findings are somewhat unexpected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large literature on urban politics documents the connection between metropolitan fragmentation and inequality. This article situates the United States comparatively to explore the structural features of local governance that underpin this connection. Examining five metropolitan areas in North America and Europe, the article identifies two distinct dimensions of fragmentation: (a) fragmentation through jurisdictional proliferation (dividing regions into increasing numbers of governments) and (b) fragmentation through resource hoarding (via exclusion, municipal parochialism, and fiscal competition). This research reveals how distinctive the United States is in the ways it combines institutional arrangements that facilitate metropolitan fragmentation (through jurisdictional proliferation) and those that reward such fragmentation (through resource-hoarding opportunities). Non-US cases furnish examples of policies that reduce jurisdictional proliferation or remove resource-hoarding opportunities. Mitigating the inequality-inducing effects of fragmentation is possible, but policies must be designed with an identification of the specific aspects of local governance structures that fuel inequality in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on participatory processes has stressed the positive effects that these institutions have in the relationships between public authorities and civil society. This article analyzes a more negative product that has received scant attention: participatory frustration. Departing from Hirschman's cycles of involvement and detachment, the article shows four paths toward frustration after engaging in institutional participatory processes: (a) inflated expectations, (b) the failure of design and adjusting mechanisms, (c) poor results, and (d) abrupt discontinuations. Drawing on six cases in Spanish cities, this article proposes a reflection on how participatory reforms can contribute to feed frustration and political disenchantment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decentralisation in sub-Saharan Africa promises to build responsive institutions, hold officials to account and promote popular participation. Still, existent studies ignore the everyday interface between decentralised structures and citizens, as well as how decentralised institutions function in relation to their local contexts and other "authorities" on the margins. These contexts shape service provision and the impact of local power structures on local communities. Against this backdrop, our conference in Dakar, Senegal, on "Dynamics of Everyday Life within Municipal Administrations in Francophone and Anglophone Africa," which took place in May 2019, demonstrated three key points of interest: namely, how actors within local bureaucracies interface with those who are outside; how ordinary citizens appropriate the bureaucratic techniques of the state and how these actors negotiate and adapt to the daily practices of municipal administrations. In general, decentralisation is not simply implemented, rather, it creates new frameworks and spaces for both formal and informal public action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using two unique surveys, one that includes over 6,000 respondents interviewed across 39 cities and another that includes over 47,000 respondents interviewed across 26 U.S. cities, we investigate the extent to which perceptions of local conditions—the state of the local economy, the quality of local schools, and local crime—reflect actual local conditions. We examine individual-level differences in the accuracy of perceptions of local conditions using two different frameworks, one that emphasizes factors that limit information acquisition and may exacerbate political inequalities, and another that emphasizes motivations for information processing. Objective conditions influence perceptions of conditions, but the relationship between objective and perceived local conditions is strongest among individuals with high levels of education and preexisting knowledge. In addition, we find that partisanship plays a role in shaping perceptions of local conditions. While the partisan match between a respondent and the mayor of their city has little effect on local perceptions, the match between a respondent's partisanship and the president's party has a strong effect on perceptions of the local economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the distribution of preference votes across politicians with different behaviors and attitudes. There are two main findings. First, preference votes are concentrated to politicians who are more active in communicating their policy proposals and policy priorities. This suggests that preference voting may incentivize more transparency and communication among politicians, and, hence, be positive for accountability. Second, preference votes are concentrated to politicians who are more—not less—loyal to the party in their voting decisions, and to politicians who's ideological and policy positions are mainstream—rather than extreme—compared to their party colleagues. Together with the first finding, this suggests that preference voting can strengthen the bond of accountability between voters and politicians without undercutting parties' ideological cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An implicit assumption underlying the gender stereotyping literature is that female candidates have an advantage in local elections. Two factors motivate this assumption. First, some local issues, such as the provision of social services, fit into the stereotypic strengths of female politicians. Second, as the level of office increases, so too does the perceived masculinity of the office. Research on local policymaking, however, indicates that the tasks associated with local political offices, such as economic competition with other cites, require masculine rather than feminine qualities. I integrate research on local policymaking with the gender stereotyping literature to clarify the role of gender stereotypes in local elections. Using two national survey experiments, I find that female candidates, especially Republican female candidates, benefit from emphasizing masculine stereotypes and not feminine stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mayor's office potentially offers a launchpad for statewide and national political ambitions. We know relatively little, however, about how frequently mayors actually run for higher office, and which mayors choose to do so. This article combines longitudinal data on the career paths of the mayors of 200 big cities with new survey and interview data to investigate these questions. While we find that individual and city traits—especially gender—have some predictive power, the overwhelming story is that relatively few mayors—just under one-fifth—ever seek higher office. We suggest that ideological, institutional, and electoral factors all help to explain why so few mayors exhibit progressive ambition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks if low political competition is associated with more restricted public procurement processes. Using unique Swedish municipal data from 2009 to 2015, it demonstrates that when one party dominates local politics, noncompetitive outcomes from public procurement processes are more common. What is most striking is that the risk of receiving only one bid, on what is intended to be an open and competitive tender, considerably increases with long-standing one-party rule. The article contributes to a significant body of work on the detrimental effects of low political competition, and the results are particularly interesting from a comparative perspective because Sweden—an old democracy with a meritocratic bureaucracy, characterized by low levels of corruption and clientelism—is a highly unlikely case in which to find such tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies of policy diffusion attempt to infer the processes through which policies spread by observing outputs (policy adoptions). We approach these issues from the other direction by directly analyzing a key policymaking input—information about others' policies. Moreover, we do so by investigating policy diffusion in cities rather than states. Using a survey of U.S. mayors, more specifically, mayors' own lists of cities they look to for ideas, we find evidence that distance, similarity, and capacity all influence the likelihood of a policy maker looking to a particular jurisdiction for policy information. We also consider whether these traits are complements or substitutes and provide some evidence for the latter. Specifically, we find that, at times, mayors eschew similarity and distance to look to highly respected "high capacity" cities but that there is no tradeoff between distance and similarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory budgeting (PB) is increasingly being used by local governments. The first American PB process was in Chicago in 2009 and built upon processes developed in Brazil. The adoption of PB programs in the United States has been closely tied to deliberative democracy and public engagement scholarship. As a result, PB research has benefited from detailed evaluations conducted as the first PB programs were implemented. This review essay also identifies research findings and topics for additional research. Public administration scholars and practitioners can especially contribute to this emerging literature by examining budget outcomes and the perspectives of public sector employees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how two forms of party conflict (political dissent and antagonistic behaviour) are related but explained by different factors. It is therefore of utmost importance to distinguish between the two forms of conflict. Political dissent is mainly explained by the size of demos while social fragmentation, fiscal stress and party contestation increase antagonistic behaviour. The presence of a local protest party inflates both forms of conflict. Surprisingly, party contestation has less impact on conflict levels than earlier studies have suggested. The study builds on data from a unique survey conducted among all councillors in the 290 municipalities in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low-income people of color in urban communities have been found to suffer from high levels of political inequality and poor political representation. To make policy more responsive and accountable, neighborhood organizations are often solicited to serve as informal community representatives in local decision-making processes. Given this reliance on nonelected representatives, we ask, Do community residents believe neighborhood organizations are legitimate representatives of their interests? Using survey data from residents of the South Side of Chicago, this article demonstrates that residents’ trust in organizations as representatives varies significantly by organizational type. Specifically, community organizations, religious congregations, and schools are rated as more trustworthy to speak on behalf of the community than local elected officials. These findings hold relatively constant across a variety of individual- and community-level differences, implying that this preference is widespread and may extend to other vulnerable urban communities in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how social movements based in poor communities make electoral alliances with politicians in contemporary Indonesia. Drawing on case studies of the urban poor in two elections in Jakarta, we point to a pattern of adversarial linkages by which movements present candidates with demands -- in this case about housing and livelihood security -- which are then distilled in formal 'political contracts'. Unlike institutionalised relationships between parties and social constituencies in many democracies, these linkages are ad hoc, pragmatic and characterised by mistrust. In Jakarta, they involved disaggregation rather than aggregation of interests, with movement actors in the second election in 2017 seeking concrete gains relating to land and livelihoods in particular neighbourhoods, rather than a broad programme of urban reform, as had been their goal in 2012. We suggest that such adversarial linkages are a feature of contemporary Indonesian politics. They allow marginal groups to make contingent political gains but are compatible with prevailing clientelistic patterns, which limit their potential to promote systemic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successful leadership in local development requires not only a vision, but good communication skills, stakeholder involvement, strategic planning and coordination and popular support via public participation. Our empirical study contributes to filling the gap in the literature about the role of non-profit leadership in urban and regional development. We study the characteristics of politicians in civil society and that of civil society’s leaders in politics as a prerequisite for successful local development. For this, we draw on the survey data of 374 local politicians from four large cities in Central Europe: Prague, Bratislava, Budapest and Poznań. The research affirms that non-profit non-governmental organisations do play an important role in local development and reveals similarities in all analysed cities, though with some variance. Local political elites are identified as engaging significantly in civil society organisations, despite low levels of general trust in these countries. About two-thirds of the local politicians who took part in the survey participate actively in civil society organisations in their respective cities but not coming from a previous non-profit non-governmental organisation employment. Not only are they active, but many of them also have positions as managers or directors, or as members of the board of directors in these organisations. Although neither membership nor leadership in non-profit non-governmental organisations appears to increase a local politician’s chance of being elected, except when those are engaged in local development or environmental issues. As spatial leadership plays an important role in the construction of new agendas and identities we have also investigated the views of local politicians on decentralisation, government service provision efficiency and the importance of several local policy topics, and found some puzzling differences across our V4 cities that possibly reflect cultural differences. Non-profit leadership in urban development is a neglected topic so far in the literature, our study adds empirical results from Central and Eastern Europe, yet there is ample room for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender differences in who gets recruited by political party elites contribute to women’s underrepresentation on the ballot, but recent evidence suggests that even when women are recruited to the same extent as men, they are still less likely to be interested in seeking office. Why do men and women respond differently to invitations to seek office? We hypothesize that women view party recruitment as a weaker signal of informal support than men do. We use a survey experiment on a sample of 3,640 elected municipal officeholders—themselves prospective recruits for higher office—to test this. We find that female respondents generally believe party leaders will provide female recruits less strategic and financial support than male recruits. In other words, even when elites recruit women, women are skeptical that party leaders will use their political and social capital on their behalf. This difference may account for many women’s lukewarm responses to recruitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments prioritize spending on various types and levels of public services. Although scholars have shown that citizen preferences and institutional factors, such as economic, political, and legal arrangements, play a role in resource allocation, scholars have not systematically examined the impact of local elected officials’ own ideological preferences on service prioritization. A better understanding of the impact of personal ideology on local government resource allocation is needed as this provision of funds has implications for democratic governance and responsiveness. We develop and use a novel measure of local elected official ideology using a 2011 survey of California local elected officials to test the hypothesis that local decision-maker ideology affects attitudes on funding-specific service categories. We find evidence that local elected officials’ attitudes toward service reductions are associated with both their own individual ideology, measured on the conservative–liberal spectrum, and the ideology of their constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks into the fragmentation, as well as the lack of efficiency and effectiveness of such fragmentation in the local governments in the U.S.

The operation and study of state and local government and politics has gone through a significant transformation in the last several decades. For this issue of Reviews and Essays, the author sat down with leading scholar, Ann O’M. Bowman, to discuss the past, present, and future of state, local, and intergovernmental research. While this essay is not meant to be an exhaustive examination of the “state” of the state and local literature, it does explore various interesting lines of inquiry that deserve continued scholarly attention and discusses the potential for research to inform practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on local turnout has focused on institutions, with little attention devoted to examining the impact of campaigns. Using an original data set containing information from 144 large U.S. cities and 340 separate mayoral elections over time, our contributions to the scholarship in this field are manifold: we focus the literature more squarely on the impact of campaigns by examining the role of campaign effort (measured with campaign expenditures), candidates, and competition in voter mobilization; demonstrate the relative importance of challenger versus incumbent campaign effort in incumbent contests; and show that changes in campaign activities influence changes in turnout over time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although there is widespread concern about bias in American democracy, convincing tests of differential responsiveness are rare. We use a unique data set that surveys the views of a large cross-section of urban residents to provide greater insight into this question. We demonstrate clear differences in perceived responsiveness across demographic and political groups with racial and ethnic minorities, the poor, and liberals expressing less satisfaction with local outcomes. Our analysis suggests that these differences are unlikely to be due to underlying differences in individual attitudes but instead appear to stem from real differences in local conditions and perceived governmental responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper evaluates the dynamics of ethnicity and politics in the 2007 and 2012 gubernatorial elections in Jakarta. Previous research has mostly emphasised the negative impact of ethnicity on politics in the reformasi era, particularly through ethnic polarisation. By closely evaluating the major ethnic groups living in the mega-city, i.e. the Javanese, Betawi and Chinese, the author shows that the relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is an intricate one that is not static, particularly if one evaluates a commonly overlooked but crucial factor - the time frame. The author argues that ethnicity continues to play a role in elections even though it is less significant than education and flood variables. The relationship between ethnicity and voting patterns is thus very dynamic, being related to the political context at the time of an election. The findings in this paper open up new questions on ethnicity and politics in a plural society like Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]