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Hegemonic masculinity is a key theory in research about men and masculinities, including in human geography. We focus on its spatial and temporal specificity, the ways it is practised and performed, and the relationalities that are a key component of it, advocating for the importance of geographical contributions. For each, we review important work and suggest ways forward for scholarship. We also outline ways in which the concept could be advanced through paying attention to spatial issues relating to bodies, embodiment, and intersectionality, in geographic research about work, employment, and migration, and in studies about climate, sustainability, and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the spatiality of sounding and listening practices has been broadly and deeply discussed within humanities in general and sound studies in particular, the implications of such "place-taking" and "place-making" characteristics remain highly relevant nowadays. Starting from Peter Sloterdijk's concept of the phonotope, through which sound and space are closely related in the production of social, it will be argued, following philosopher and ethologist Vinciane Despret, that the importance of sound for "making place" matters far beyond human-centered thought. In what she calls the Phonocene, Despret invites us not only to listen to others, humans and nonhumans, but also to compose with multiple modes of existence, through the sonic. In short, the Phonocene addresses the importance of sonic thinking, which, for instance in sociology, challenges hegemonic and anthropocentric practices of knowledge production. Experimenting with "thinking-with sounds" within social sciences and philosophy thus implies not only to understand the spatiality inherent to the practices of sounding and listening, but to engage with those practices critically, as they are also always "situated," in the sense of Donna Haraway, and therefore, in the midst of multiple "interests," as understood in Actor-Network Theory, including a multiplicity of human, nonhuman, and more-than-human actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the result of ethnographic research on the LGBT community over the last five years in Mozambique, I will deal theoretically with a hegemonic elite discourse alleging tolerance of homosexuality in this country. I will review previous scholarly works on this theme and analyze the recurrence of this discourse among certain elite groups, such as local activists, journalists, and politicians. I conclude that this discourse is reminiscent of the Lusotropicalist myth transformed into a new kind of homonationalism and that it explicitly reverberates in the current political strategies of LGBT activism in Mozambique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of sexual fluidity and its applicability to men's sexual experiences by approaching the surveillance and control of hegemonic masculinity. We carried out semi-structured interviews with 15 participants aged between 20 and 53 who state having experienced sexual fluidity. The analysis conveys how sexuality is a work in progress while highlighting the intersections of masculinities and sexualities in a heteronormative, mononormative, sexually rigid, and hegemonically masculine social context. The results indicate the potential flexibility, malleability, and changeability of all sexual identities, orientations, and experiences when disengaging from a heteronormative approach in sexual relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introducing a special issue looking at football coaches, this essay challenges readers to think about the immense power and privileges afforded by white male coaches alongside their refusal to leverage their immense platforms to advance justice within and beyond the coaching ranks. Focusing on the politics of football coaches and the entrenched place of white men on the sidelines, this special issue seeks to demonstrate the power and importance of football coaches as a measuring stick of race, gender, sexuality, politics, and so much more. To understand the history of football coaches is to understand America, its persistent color lines, reactionary politics, and everything from the media to the 2024 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the recent rise of populist radical right discourses in society as a cultural and political phenomenon to explore the role of popular music in constructing these discourses, with a focus on the Sweden Democrats (SD) and musician Peter Jezewski. By examining Jezewski's direct collaborations with the SD and his song 'My Land', the article uncovers how popular music culture participates in the construction of populist discourses of 'the people' in nativist terms. The article contends that certain subcultural styles in popular music resonate strongly with populist discourses of a 'silenced majority' in need of a strong populist leader and as such contribute to the construction of the 'people' versus 'elite' antagonism beyond the political realm. The case study of Jezewski's song and music video emphasises how nostalgic rock culture enables populist articulations by aligning with populist radical right anti-establishment, preservationist−nativist discourses and the performative construction of 'the people'. Drawing on cultural studies resources, the article hence investigates the practices that bring 'a people' into existence through cultural tropes and mechanisms to better comprehend the links between articulations of populism, popular culture and subcultural performances of counter-hegemonic resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global politics of nuclear disarmament has become deeply contested over the past decade, particularly around the negotiation of the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Different explanations are offered, but these tend to centre on the geopolitics of the 'security environment' conceived in realist terms. This article makes sense of the TPNW and the global politics of nuclear disarmament by examining its underlying discourse and contestation within a wider framework of nuclear hegemony and resistances to it, drawing on Robert Cox's theory of hegemony. It argues that the politics of nuclear disarmament has hardened into a contestation between two broadly incommensurable nuclear worldviews, or nuclear ontologies: hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism. These are not just different perspectives, but fundamentally different ways of understanding global nuclear politics that have important implications for the nuclear disarmament movement. Three conclusions emerge from this: that intersectionality is vital to understanding subaltern anti-nuclearism within wider processes of resistance in global politics; that contestation between hegemonic nuclearism and subaltern anti-nuclearism is agonistic; and that 'bridge building' approaches to find a middle ground generally deny this agonism and thereby close down debate, and that this explains why they often fail to gain traction. The article builds on the critical scholarship on nuclear hegemony, discourse and resistance and develops an original framework of hegemonic and subaltern nuclearism and anti-nuclearism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heritage processes are today increasingly entangled with multiple forms and discourses of creativity. Connections between creativity and heritage form part of a new consensual authorised discourse, where creativity and (heritage) entrepreneurship are projected as mutually beneficial in a win-win scenario, while co-existing with ever-more visible practices of destruction and loss. Challenging the celebratory narrative, the article unpacks the less visible political, economic, cultural and social processes underpinning the heritage–creativity nexus. This is necessary in order to confront and analyse the domination of space, place and history in the context of depoliticised neoliberal forms of governance. Juxtaposing the contradictions of authorised heritage discourse within the hegemonic politics and profitability in the neoliberal creative economy, we propose a critical anthropological approach centred around the decreativity of contemporary practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using critical media theories of framing, propaganda and agenda-setting that intersect, the author attempts to unravel the links between counterinsurgency (COIN) and media in India-administered Kashmir against the backdrop of a post-neo-liberal framework as an example of hegemony armoured by coercion. The author will reframe COIN as a state response to a people's movement for self-determination. An analysis of the effects of the post-neo-liberal framework on the governing class that enacts COIN strategies through the media will not only illuminate the machinations of the media but will also unravel its social and cultural effects and their role in perpetuating an unjust social order in a contested space. An examination of the roots of ethnonationalism will expose the media's nexus with power and the nature of COIN operations through the media in Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understandings of masculinities are neither developed in isolation nor are entirely culturally unique but are multifaceted, hierarchal, and adapted throughout history to fit the specific milieu in which they operated. In the context of the Irish Civil War, 1922–1923, the Irish National Army's journal, An t-Óglách, constructed its model of hegemonic masculinity into a complex dual dialectic of anti-colonialist rhetoric and British appropriation. Looking at militarism, linguistics, and athletics, this article argues that An t-Óglách underlined the National Army's engagement in physical force and cultural nationalism as a performance of hegemonic masculinity, with the intent to confer legitimacy onto the National Army as a military and cultural institution in the early years of the Irish Free State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which gender is produced in the historical romance film adaptation of Far from the Madding Crowd (2015). Utilising a visually informed, critical discursive psychology approach, we found that hegemonic masculinities and femininities are richly constructed in manners that ultimately functioned to subordinate femininity to masculinity. Moreover, multiple societal inequalities (e.g., racism, classism, heterosexism, ableism, ageism) are reproduced through the construction of gendered characters, perpetuating the myth that the nineteenth-century English countryside was entirely culturally homogenous. Collectively, our findings reveal how historicised, gendered film characters are mobilised to reinforce present-day inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thousands of people are currently being excluded from the right to the city, which makes urgent a reflection on how to articulate innovative and critical learning actions to promote socio-spatial and cognitive justice in the emerging context. An analytical framework inspired in Giddens' and Fraser's theories, is proposed for a systematic analysis of the literature on critical pedagogies, and for studying an articulated sequence of learning-action experiences happened over fifteen years. The analysis is supported by qualitative information harvested from the experience of the Polytechnic University of Madrid with the communities in Ginaw Rails Nord (Dakar, Senegal) and Las Sabinas (Madrid, Spain).The results critically question the hegemonic construction of knowledge and the predominant ways of categorisation, crossing the abyssal lines between the Global North and the Global South, showing that (1) transforming structures involves challenging power relations within and outside the educational structure, and engaging in plural and equitable learning-action communities from which dominant policies, practices, and discourses may be challenged; (2) practices and policies may be transformed through collective experimentation processes that contribute to the co-production of both the city and knowledge, and (3) transforming the discourses of dominant power requires questioning acquired knowledge and the way it is produced, assuming the commitment and responsibility for constructing and disseminating an emancipatory pedagogy through the ecologies of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article approaches belonging using the conceptual tool of urban imaginary to demonstrate how a certain place can be represented in different ways, offering different scenarios for the emergence, explanation, and experience of belonging. Urban politics in St. Petersburg and Russia, in general, generate controversial imaginaries of the city and attach different meanings to belonging, forcing street artists to strike a balance between the hegemonic structures of governance and capitalism, local (national) and global (western), rebellion, and dependency, notably, to fulfill their ideas of belonging. Using sticker artists in St. Petersburg, based on ethnographic data, the article shows how young people assimilate several urban imaginaries and, following the logic inherent in each of these, position themselves and their activity in the city. Sticker artists are described as urban agents, who, by participating in place-making and transforming urban space using stickers, find their subjectivity and opportunities to wield microscale power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about the link between the economic conjuncture and the fall of the so-called Pink Tide in Latin America often focus on the role played by raw material exports. However, this article shows that import dependency also played a significant role in the decline of the Argentinian iteration of the Pink Tide, also known as Kirchnerism. First, it analyses how imported consumer goods contributed to what is referred to as external constraints of the Argentinian economy. Second, from the perspective of hegemony theory, it argues that the Argentinian government alienated the middle class by implementing measures related to highly symbolic aspects of everyday life. Here, the article uses the term hegemonic capacities to analyze how structural constraints influenced the political room for maneuver of the Argentinian state. Its findings raise further theoretical questions about the relationship between economic and political constraints in the construction of hegemony for governments in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature differentiates between two domains of machismo: traditional machismo and caballerismo. Research has largely focused on measuring machismo among English speakers. We evaluated whether Estrada's (2011) 2-factor model of machismo was invariant across language (English vs. a direct Spanish translation). A series of multigroup confirmatory factor analyses were conducted between respondents who completed the survey in English (n = 428) and Spanish (n = 102). Analyses suggested the hypothesized 2-factor model did not fit across language groups. While the traditional 2-factor structure emerged in the English language data, exploratory factor analysis indicated a 3-factor structure of machismo among Spanish-speaking respondents. One of the new factors (inherent machismo), among Spanish-speaking respondents, was associated with internalized heterosexism, suggesting that the new factor structure may capture the belief that masculine men are superior. These findings suggest there is a need for the development of culturally appropriate Spanish language assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban imaginations, imageries and conceptualizations are always plural and illustrate the formation of knowledge hegemonies. In this article, we engage with the problematic of reading infrastructures with a southern theory lens. We explore multiple imaginations, imageries and conceptualizations of the Kirulapana Canal in Colombo via everyday practices. Analysing the geographical imaginations of the state officials and residents, we illustrate (i) how varied imageries draws from the same hegemonic register, and (ii) how this process reinforces and correspondingly in-turn constructs hegemonic imageries. Using these illustrations, this article will broaden the southern theory discussions via analysing the everyday formation of the metropolis (concentration of knowledge and power) and knowledge hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article sheds light on Gramsci's use of the term fetishism. Despite not being as present and pervasive within the Prison Notebooks as other concepts, more deeply rooted in Gramscian scholarship (such as hegemony and historic bloc), fetishism is not as marginal in Gramsci's reflection as it is usually believed. Linking his understanding of the term to the one developed by Marx and by the later unorthodox Marxist scholarship, I shall argue that fetishism can be seen as a key component of Gramsci's theory of revolution or, better, of a theory of the failure of the revolutionary process. For this reason, the article will also link Gramsci's occasional reference to fetishism to his use of more developed concepts such as common sense, hegemony and passive revolution. Fetishistic views of reality, in Gramsci, appear as facilitating the conservation of the status quo, while the re-acquisition of individual and collective responsibility that comes along with de-fetishising practices is the necessary component of any revolutionary project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent trend has confounded observers of India's political system. Dalits—a population that has historically been deprived of vital resources and socially ostracized by upper-caste Hindus—have increasingly given their vote to the Hindu nationalist movement led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Why have some members of India's most marginalized caste come to support a party that has preserved caste hierarchies and catered to the socially dominant sections of society? This article explores this question through the case of Kerala, where Dalit support for the BJP is additionally perplexing given the state's history of left-led governments that have implemented far-reaching redistributive reforms that greatly benefited Dalits. Nevertheless, in recent years the Hindu nationalists have made significant inroads among Kerala's Dalit population. Drawing on two hundred interviews and eight months of ethnography, this article identifies two major factors driving Dalits' defection to the BJP. The first is linked to the communist parties' (CPs') agricultural land redistribution program which, despite being the most ambitious of its kind in modern India, excluded the majority of Dalits and reinscribed caste hierarchies. The second factor is the cultural discrimination Dalits face while working in the CPs, including being grossly underrepresented in the party leadership. The BJP exploits these grievances by providing representation to Dalit cadres who are embedded in strategic majority-Dalit neighborhoods. These cadres win popular support through welfare brokering and also by constructing a new narrative that portrays the CPs as casteist and the BJP as a more socially just alternative for Kerala's Dalits. This article makes sense of these findings by drawing on Nancy Fraser's concept of bivalent oppression to advance a novel Gramscian theory of "bivalent hegemony." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few years, India has witnessed cataclysmic incidents of intermittent violence under the banner of Hindutva. Hindutva is a political ideology which works on extremist agenda to establish a homogenized cultural hegemony by focussing on exclusivist interests of Hindu majoritarian. It advocates revisionist attitude towards Hindu mythical figures by projecting them as prototypes of hypermasculinity to coax common Hindus with pseudo-patriotism. This article discusses on how Hindutva uses the principle of masculinity as its conceptual framework and its ramification on the socio-cultural fabric of India. It also deliberates on the fundamental essence of bhakti tradition, which largely contests Hindutva on ideological plane. Furthermore, it demonstrates the significance of bhakti literature in the present social context by alluding to the rich repository of saint poets whose verses critique Hindutva with a message of humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bollywood, or the mainstream Indian Cinema, has been presenting the idealised image of male characters as machismo or super-hero, revered and emulated by all, while simultaneously demoting women to trivial or insignificant roles. However, during the last two decades, celluloid developed new experiments projecting its female characters as redefining and reconstructing the stereotypes redundantly dominating the silver screen. In this article, I propose to explore femininity through the lens of hegemony in opposition to the emphasised femininity of Connell and alignment with Mimi Schippers and Carrie Paechter's understanding of hegemonic femininity by looking at its depiction on the panoptic silver screen of Indian cinema. The article will reconnoitre, discuss and compare the femininity of the female protagonists in the select Indian movies Fire (1996) and Shakuntala Devi (2020) and will analyse how there is a scope and space for the discourse on hegemonic femininity portrayed as having significant overlap with hegemonic masculinity instead of standing in diametrical opposition. The article will also analyse the construction of hegemonic femininity to hegemonic masculinity and other forms of femininity, fidgeting with the reality of weaving the prospects and probability of surviving the lead roles while continuing to nurture and maintain the traditional hierarchy of gender binary. The meticulous perusal would keenly try precipitating the truth or the repercussions of the role portrayal of women leads in the Indian Cinema—whether these female leads are concomitantly deconstructing the gendered stereotypes associated with male/female binary or operating in tandem with hegemonic masculinity to safeguard a still patriarchal and binary gender order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital commons support novel organizational models such as cosmolocalism and open cooperativism that seek to challenge the capitalist mode of production. They set out to establish a counter-hegemony vis-à-vis the current hegemony of neoliberalism. The paper engages in the debate between Marinus Ossewaarde, Wessel Reijers and Vasilis Kostakis over the emancipatory potential of the digital commons by reviewing the P2P Lab and Tzoumakers as illustrative cases of cosmolocalism and open cooperativism. The paper shows that the P2P Lab and Tzoumakers exhibit core features of cosmolocalism and prefigure a sketch of open cooperativism. For the digital commons in general and P2P Lab/Tzoumakers in particular to contribute to the counter-hegemony of open cooperativism, it is necessary to link to a chain of equivalence criss-crossing the commons, ethical market entities and a partner state via cross-sectoral value propositions, inclusive governance, and economic models, innovative law policies and open sustainability standards, all aiming to force capitalism adjust to a commons-oriented post-capitalist transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and accentuated the irreconcilable differences among Indo-Pacific states concerning ideology, governance, and understandings of the legitimate uses of power. The Communist Party of China is employing great power statecraft that is best described by the Chinese concept of 霸权主义 Bàquán zhŭyì (hegemonism or aggression aimed at weaker states). This ideologically driven behavior threatens the stability of the global system and may hinder the political and economic gains achieved over decades through the collective cooperation and constraint of aggressive great power statecraft. This article describes a transformation in the People's Republic of China's (PRC) approach towards Australia. It suggests that unless there's an internal upheaval in the PRC's statecraft, the global system might need to temporarily rely on mercantilist blocs to maintain human security, primarily within the democratic states of the Indo-Pacific. This survival strategy would involve resisting hegemonism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Korea, military conscription lies at the core of the construction of notions of manhood and gender order as a whole. In a divided country, the hegemonic meaning of military service as a crucial marker of adult manhood remained unquestioned. However, since the implementation of full-blown neoliberalism, there has been a shift in societal gender norms and this in turn has changed the way in which militarized masculinities are constructed and enacted at the individual level. Drawn from qualitative interviews with South Korean former conscripts, this article examines the tension between militarized and neoliberal masculine ideals and how hegemonic constructions of militarized masculinities are challenged in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the research on the symbiotic relationship between religion and the market by examining the nature and implications of the marketization of religion in a contemporary Christendom in which religion and the market are hegemonic. Based on our analysis of 3741 church advertisements in Ghana over a 6-year period, we conceptualize three symbiotic relationships that coexist between the market and religion—commensalism, mutualism, and competition. We argue that these symbiotic relationships mirror how religion hegemonizes popular imagination and members' consumption through marketization in contemporary Christendom. This study extends our understanding of the dialectical relationship between religion and the market by showing that religion can use marketization to perpetuate its hegemony within and beyond the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the positioning of the political elite of a marginalized minority community in the state of Uttar Pradesh. The co-option of Pasmanda elites within the BJP has seemingly transformed the nature of Pasmanda politics. The article argues that the non-ideological assertion of the Pasmanda elites leaves little room for politics of autonomy. These elites are drawn from the newly-educated, self-interested, middle class amongst the Pasmanda. They draw a distinction between the political, social and cultural needs of the community. They attempt to invoke politics for developmental gains, keeping aside the cultural and social predicaments of the Muslim community within the hegemonic Hindutva politics of the BJP. The old agenda of democratizing Muslim politics has been replaced by promoting the individual interest of the new Pasmanda elite. For the BJP, Pasmanda is a tool that enables inclusive political posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the political and theological implications of Jesus' Christ's response to the question of paying taxes in Bible Gospel Mark 12:14–17, interpreting it as a subversive critique of governmental authority. Topics include the tension between religious and political responsibilities, the trap set by Jesus's adversaries to discredit him, and the symbolic power of the Roman coin stamped with Roman General Julius Caesar's image, representing oppression and hegemony.

This contribution to the Forum intends to shed light on the most recent changes in Estonia's policies towards Russia, Belarus and Ukraine after February 24, 2022. I intend to show how the Russian–Ukrainian war transformed Estonia's relations with its eastern neighbors. I start the analysis with a general account of spatiality and bordering in Estonia's foreign policy thinking, with the ensuing distinction between its geopolitical and biopolitical aspects particularly boosted by Russia's military interference in Ukraine. I discuss both the hegemonic and the counter-hegemonic discourses on re-bordering with Russia and de-bordering with Ukraine, and finalize the essay with research-based conclusions largely pertaining to the deconstruction of Eastern Europe in Estonian regionalist imagery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We respond as the Jakarta Collective to Prathiwi Putri's constructive critique of Leitner and Sheppard's research on Jakarta's kampungs, to make visible the broader cluster of scholarship surrounding their research. Deploying six binaries, postcolonialism versus neoliberalism, non-capitalism versus capitalism, agency versus structure, displacement versus dispossession, and individual versus collective action, Putri suggests that Leitner and Sheppard stress the former while neglecting the latter. By taking the field seriously, we argue that the research of the Collective approaches these dialectically, teasing out their complex interrelations. Changes in Jakarta's kampungs reflect its hybrid more-than-capitalist political economy, at the intersection of US and Chinese influence. The displacement of kampungs and kampung residents' practices subsidize capitalism but they also contest its norms. Residents' agency is significant; some gain but others lose, they act individually but also collectively. Highlighting more-than-capitalist practices opens up possibilities for alternative futures rather than simply documenting capitalist hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine a decade of parliamentary debates related to the topic of family to understand the reasons and the rhetorical strategies that drive the support of Romanian MPs for the traditional family. Starting from four themes identified in the literature as relevant for the topic of family—national identity, religion, heteronormativity, and children—we identify the dominant definition of the "traditional family" as that of the Christian Romanian family founded and defended by ancestors—that is, union between a man and a woman for the purpose of reproduction—as the only place that can guarantee that children will grow up in a healthy and moral environment. This hegemonic narrative is enhanced by the anti-gender campaign repertoire and strengthened by populist logic, aiming to restore true Romanian values—Christian, ancestral, and national—in opposition to contemporary Western relativism and the alleged colonial cultural project of gender equality+ politics. The decadent present, threatening national identity, the continuity of the people, Christian values, the natural gender order, or the safety of children, can be saved only by returning to the traditional family, which functions as a hegemonic signifier re-imposing, in the logic of the narrative of return, a nationalist, conservative, and religious definition of the family, based on biological and natural foundations and necessarily heteronormative and chauvinist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the impacts of climate change unfold, coastal cities are beginning to adapt to the emerging physical and financial risks. In our case study of climate adaptation in Boston, we advance the concept of hegemonic performativity, which shows how political pressures lead an assemblage – a network of human and nonhuman actors, including models, algorithms, instruments, market devices, and experts – to converge on a consensus in ways that privilege particular goals, actors, interests, and forms of knowledge. Our findings show how an assemblage is performative in building consensus around a particular climate response that tames uncertainty by excluding extreme risks and incorporating more palatable scenarios and parameters so that adaptation appears manageable and compatible with business-as-(almost)-usual. The mechanism of silencing facilitates consensus by downplaying community voices, equity concerns, and more extreme climate scenarios. Our study highlights how the operation of an assemblage is performative in shaping adaptation plans, physical interventions in urban infrastructure, and associated financial mechanisms with considerable effects on who and what is protected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the hegemonic pedagogical-cultures-based narratives that I experienced in my science teaching and learning journey. Furthermore, in this paper, I also envisage different methods for deconstructing the overwhelming influence of hegemony in the science classroom. I focus on two research questions: (1) In what ways could I explore the deep-seated, hegemonic-science, pedagogical culture in my science teaching and learning? (2) How could I envisage the possible ways for deconstructing hegemony in science education? In this autoethnographic inquiry, I used the 'knowledge-constitutive interests' theory as a referent in data text generation and meaning-making. This theoretical lens helped unfold the deep-rooted, hegemony-like singular and absolute scientific knowledge consumption practice. While engaging in reflection-on-/in-/for-actions, I realized the need for curious, contextual and cultural selves and communication as a dance rather than a war for reforming and transforming these deep-seated, hegemonic, pedagogical cultures and identities. Moreover, I also attempt to practise the transdisciplinary STEAM (science, technology, engineering, arts and mathematics) approach for connecting classroom science learning with learners' lives. I believe that it could support reforming/transforming my sit-and-get science teaching. Therefore, I also offer to be involved in a transdisciplinary pedagogy (like STEAM), research and academic writing for transformative curricular praxis and inclusive science learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent criticisms by leaders and scholars have raised questions about prospects for survival of the liberal world order as well as the relationship between American hegemony and order. The three books discussed in this essay have similar diagnoses of problems in the liberal order but differ in their prognoses. Yan's Leadership and the Rise of Great Powers offers an alternative model for leadership of the world order – humane authority. Cooley and Nexon's Exit from Hegemony maintains that US hegemony is gone for good and the liberal world order is unraveling due to the rise of great power challengers, changing behavior by smaller states, and anti-liberal transnational movements. Ikenberry's World Safe for Democracy argues that current problems are due to attempted global extension of the liberal order. The liberal order should be restored to its original purpose of providing a protective environment for liberal democracies. All three books emphasize the role of domestic political governance and moral values in contributing to global leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The catastrophic consequences of climate change are now evident with extreme weather events impacting communities and ecosystems. Against calls within civil society for dramatic decarbonisation, the continued expansion of the fossil fuel industry is constructed by governments and business as 'common sense'. By analysing the political process surrounding the 2016 and 2017 coral bleaching of the Great Barrier Reef, we show how a fossil fuel hegemony has been upheld against the counter-hegemonic forces of environmental critique and the catastrophic bleaching events. By distinguishing between politics (i.e. strategies, practices and discourses) and the political (i.e. the antagonism constitutive of societies), we explain what different hegemonic practices achieve in the process of establishing and defending hegemony. In our case, this resulted in downplaying emissions mitigation and emphasising local climate change adaptation. Through the political process, business solutions and self-regulation were presented as the logical response to the climate crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the post-Cold War era, China has committed to creating a strategic partnership with Russia. Doing so is a key part of China's foreign strategy of restoring its past glory as a great power, with this partnership as the strategic fulcrum for its "peaceful" rise at the systemic or global level. It also reflects China's desire to intensify cooperation with its largest neighbour to sustain economic growth. By formulating a strategic partnership, China wishes to re-shape the current global order and counterattack its perceived containment of its rise by the US. By intensifying cooperation, particularly around the economy and resource development, China hopes to sustain the growth that its political leaders have long considered as underlying China's "hard" power and rejuvenation. By expanding their military collaboration, China aspires to accelerate the PLA's modernization and work with Russia to contain US military unilateralism and hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing BRICS as a case study, this paper argues that India's neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine war is not influenced by its quest for status via BRICS because a souring of the India-Russia bilateral relationship will not affect India's quest for status through the BRICS. First, India and Russia have joined and co-developed BRICS to achieve their national and foreign policy goals such as great power status, challenging US hegemony and achieving a multipolar world order, reform of the liberal international order and Bretton Woods institutions and other objectives. Both countries have much to lose by allowing their problematic bilateral relationship to adversely impact the BRICS. Second, the BRICS is structured in such a way that its operating procedures/principles including consensus-based decision making and intentionally omitting controversial issues implies that bilateral problems between member states are not tabled and they do not make the group dysfunctional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The State of Capitalism: Economy, Society and Hegemony" by Costas Lapavitsas and the EReSEP Writing Collective is a book that examines the expansion of financialization after the 2008 financial crisis and its implications for contemporary economic discourse in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors argue that core countries use fiscal policy instruments to exert hegemonic power over peripheral states, disciplining labor and capital interactions internationally. The book draws on Marxist theory and historical and theoretical literature to critique financialized capitalism as an extension of capitalist imperialism. It also explores the role of the United States in financialized accumulation and the global framework of financial capitalist imperialism. The authors conclude by calling for left political engagement to challenge capitalist hegemony and address inequalities based on race, class, sexuality, and gender. This book is a valuable resource for scholars studying financialization and Marxist political economy. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses the role of conventions, compromises and even violence in the intricate bio-social construction process of cocoa cultivation in the province of Tocache in the Peruvian Amazonia. This article discusses the different phases of the settlement process and its social, institutional and environmental bases. Specifically, the analysis focuses on the dramatic abandonment of coca cultivation and its replacement by alternative crops such as cocoa. Emphasis is placed on the centrality of agents' normative coherence and coordination. For over 50 years, the civic–market compromise has framed agents' discourses and actions, although it has sometimes been ostensibly distorted. This framing effect has also occurred in circumstances with considerable recourse to violence and armed conflict. Thus, this article focuses not only on justification processes but also on what happens 'after justification' and on how violent situations can coexist with discursive constructions with a relevant normative element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from neo-Gramscian theory, the paper explores how urban austerity governance mediates crises of neoliberal hegemony. Focusing on the decade after the Global Economic Crisis of 2008–2009, it compares four European cities disclosing five intersecting characteristics of urban political economy that contributed to sustaining and disrupting austere neoliberalism. Austere neoliberalism was sustained through three characteristics: economic rationalism, state revanchism and weak counter-hegemony, but undermined by both weakening hegemony and the combustibility and generativity of urban struggles. Hence, although state revanchism is a prominent feature of urban politics, and novel counter-hegemonic forms are elusive, struggles for equality and solidarity remain contagious, tenacious and vibrant. Urban governance is a crucial arena for studying the interregnum, signposting multiple ways in which neoliberalism survives, mutates and dies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements, NGOs and other political actors often mobilise the law for social change. Strategic litigation and collective legal mobilisation can be key instruments to face current political challenges like the climate crisis, human rights violations against refugees or the exploitation of workers along global supply chains. Although these struggles are framed by a societal context and have impacts on the political and juridical fields, the literature about legal mobilisation still does not decidedly engage with a social-theory-based perspective on such struggles. By developing the concept of legal struggles, the article proposes a conceptual framework to analyse both the ambivalence and the emancipatory potential of progressive struggles in the juridical field. Critical Theory, Materialist Theory and the Theory of Social Fields by Pierre Bourdieu are combined to investigate the specific form of collective legal struggles carried out in this arena. We examine repertoires and strategies of collective actors as well as the emancipatory potential of these mobilisation strategies. Our conclusions point to the structural distinctions and selectivities which define the juridical field in capitalist societies and also the conditions of possibility of political struggles using the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the potential of unruly wild spaces and foraging practices to enable unmediated encounters and unsettling transformations, through the ethnography of neoforaging praxis and its emphasis on seeking direct "connection." In pursuit of connection with nature through foraging practices, neoforagers regularly encounter both non-human and human others at the unruly edges and seams of cultivated space. Neoforagers associate the unruliness and immediacy of such encounters with "true connection" and pursue practices that are considered both "connective" and "transformative," capable of subverting hegemonic narratives and consumerist dependencies. Through the case of Israeli neoforagers in the troubled context of Israel/Palestine, I revisit power and categorical relations in the nation-state from neoforagers' connection-oriented perspective, making salient ongoing processes in which micro-scale encounters are continuously disrupted by the mediating affects of macro-politics, social categories, cultural schemes and such, making salient that in the nation-state unruly situations and unmediated encounters are all too scarce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military-themed videogames are significant cultural artifacts that shape popular geopolitical narratives and venerate dominant post-9/11 War on Terror discourses. Overwhelmingly resonant with the Military Entertainment Complex, these artifacts, not excluding America's Army (2002–2013), envision the world through a Western lens. Over the past decades, America's Army has come to challenge dominant orthodoxies and ideological presuppositions, disseminating new configurations of power. The article argues that the latest installment of the game, America's Army: Proving Grounds (2013), marks a paradigmatic shift from the post-9/11 discourse permeating most military-themed videogames. Taking past scholarship on geopolitics and multimodal legitimation as points of departure, the current study unfolds the militarized aesthetics and politics of gameplay unique to America's Army: Proving Grounds in its capacity to promote redefined ideals of hegemonic masculinity, on the one hand, and substantiate US universal legitimacy, on the other. To this end, the research endeavor proposes a more nuanced multimodal legitimation analytical framework in an attempt to capture the full spectrum of the semiotic affordances instilled in the gaming space. Key convergent discourses and practices of hegemony emerge therein, fundamentally: proficiency, efficiency, virtuosity, agility, nobility, solidarity, precision, stoicism, and aggression. The spatio-temporal shift away from post-9/11 discourses reifies new militaristic representations of hegemonic masculinity symbiotically entangled with futuristic and non-contemporary ideological war narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a rugby organisation, in which a distinct configuration of hyper-masculinity exists as the hegemonic one. Using three storified accounts that emerged during ethnographic research, empirics show that when a player's body fails to align him with hegemonic masculine ideals, he encounters an identity-threat and a separation from the organisational collective. In turn, a player participates in embodied remedial identity-work processes, to (re)accomplish hegemonic masculinity and (re)integrate with the organisational collective, using his body as an identity-resource to counter the identity-threat. Empirics reveals the extent to which the body underpins expressions of hegemonic masculinity, and how important the body is as a site that is used to symbolically maintain a viable organisational identity. Ontologically, it is emphasised that men whose bodies appear to fit normative organisational ideals do not necessarily encounter the embodied aspects of their organisational experiences unproblematically; rather, their bodies – like those of less normative actors – are vulnerable to identity threats and a source of exclusion. This encourages scholars to think about the relationship between embodiment, gender, hegemony and integration in organisational settings in more nuanced ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments in technology have intensified the totalizing potential of surveillance within the workplace. Our paper proposes a theory of hegemonic surveillance to enhance our understanding of these processes. We argue that it is necessary to theorize surveillance as a multilevel phenomenon. Accordingly, we propose a model of hegemonic surveillance that starts from the outer socio/political level, characterized by neoliberalism. This sees workers in wholly economic terms, as units of productive capacity, rather than fully fledged human beings. It is an ideological context that underpins the growth of surveillance within the workplace. We employ Gramsci's ideas of hegemony to theorize the normalization of surveillance that is thus produced. Surveillance is increasingly inescapable (performance is monitored and measured at all times, in all spaces) and pervasive (it encompasses all aspects of human performance, including emotions, health and lifestyle). Extending Burawoy's ideas of consent, we argue that the performance of consent is central to the perpetuation of hegemony. Such performances, while seemingly voluntary, are becoming mandatory in ever more work contexts. At an individual level, we articulate the risk of totally surveilled employees becoming cyberized, totalized and thespianized. While acknowledging resistance, and ourselves seeking to resist technological determinism, the purpose of this paper is to theorize a dystopian future of work that could come to pass if present trends remain unchecked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are competing narratives regarding the causes of the war in Ukraine. One focuses on the provocation by the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, while others emphasize Russian aggression. The approach implemented below is to focus on the long-term contradictions of capitalism, including the formation of Communist states themselves in Russia in 1917 and China in 1949. The subsequent relation between capitalist industrial powers and the leading Communist powers has been an important factor in the post-World War II expansion of capitalism and its conflicts. The role of key ideological frameworks, such as the definition of money, is also a factor emphasized in this analysis. Such a wider lens may enable us to judge more accurately the potential for another "Great Transformation" or a Zeitenwende. JEL Classification: B51, E58, F33, N20 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a Gramscian Regulation Approach and Harvey's accumulation by dispossession thesis, this article discusses the structural and hegemonic mechanisms of the neoliberal transformation of Sweden's welfare sectors. Providing new longitudinal data on welfare retrenchment, corporate governance, wealth shares, and private economic power, the article further analyzes how the transformation of the Swedish post-war universal welfare model is related to class struggle and accumulation regime change in the Swedish economy. Following a decade-long countermobilization of Swedish capital and a severe economic crisis in the early 1990s, neoliberal economic common sense was cemented among social democratic policy elites that manifested itself in an institutionalized austerity polity, leading to a slow but steady dismantling of the Swedish welfare project. Roughly a fifth of employees in the three largest welfare sectors work in private welfare companies that generate tax-financed profits on politically created welfare markets. Welfare profits are in turn defended by a welfare–industrial complex and undergirded by a hegemonic bloc consisting of capital elites and sympathetic policymakers. In the virtual absence of vocal antihegemonic forces, many social democratic leaders have limited criticism against welfare profits throughout the last decades. On the contrary, austerity measures practiced by Swedish social democrats have thereto led to deteriorating social cohesion and spawned distrust among core social democratic voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proposals for slowing climate change by reflecting sunlight back to space, known as solar geoengineering (SG), are gaining traction in climate policy. Given SG's capacity to slow warming without reducing carbon emissions, prominent criticism suggests that it will enable fossil fueled business-as-usual. This assessment is not without merit, yet the primary funders of SG research do not emanate from fossil capital. We analyze sources of funding for SG research globally, finding close ties to mostly US financial and technological capital as well as a number of billionaire philanthropists. These corporate sectors and associated philanthropies comprise part of 'climate capital' – the fraction of the capitalist class nominally aligned with climate action. We argue that SG is being positioned as a tactic for enabling incremental, market-driven decarbonization, explore key institutions advocating this approach in US climate policy, and conclude that SG is poised to serve as a tool for class compromise between fossil and climate capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within current literature on social movements, the existence and interrelations of multiple counter-hegemonies remains heavily undertheorised. Indeed, while the existence of such phenomena is acknowledged, in as much as scholars recognise that hegemony and counter-hegemony exist in plurality and in variegated forms, attention to the interactions between simultaneously existing counter-hegemonies is underexplored. In this article I draw attention to the ways in which multiple counter-hegemonies exist within a single social movement, and how those counter-hegemonies come into conflict with one another. Specifically, I show how one counter-hegemonic struggle comes to reproduce the hegemony against which the other is fighting. I situate this discussion within a case study of the rights of nature movement, operating in variegated forms within Ecuador and the United Nations' Harmony with Nature Dialogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Media Capitalism: Hegemony in the Age of Mass Deception" by Thomas Klikauer explores the relationship between media and capitalism. The book argues that public relations serves as a propaganda tool and highlights the influence of consumerism and corporate media in promoting capitalism. It examines how media capitalism affects various aspects of society, including education, consumerism, work, and democracy. The book also discusses the history of media capitalism, the role of the public sphere, and the impact on schools and universities. Overall, it offers a critical analysis of media capitalism and its effects on individuals and society. [Extracted from the article]

This article offers sociological reflections on race and neurodiversity in UK higher education (UKHE). Using dialogical knowledge production and collaborative autoethnography, the authors discuss their lived experiences of navigating the politics of neurodiversity and neurotypical hegemony in UKHE as Black sociologists. The central argument explores how race and neurotypical hegemony overexposes Black neurodiverse scholars to a particular and pervasive form of double jeopardy. The authors' reflexive accounts show how, as Black scholars, they must often negotiate the operation of race alongside the hegemonic practices of the white western academy. In this way, they grapple with racism and ableism in the context of value, meritocracy and elitism. The authors contend that drawing on the politics of neurodiversity in conjunction with Black subjectivities can generate routes into exposing and dismantling neurotypical hegemony. A key motive for discussing their own experiences as neurodivergent scholars in UKHE is that existing research and anecdotal reflections point to a pattern of general whitening of how we understand neurodiversity in academia. The authors indulge their personal, political and academic commitment to this subject as they contend that as Black neurodivergent sociologists, we'll see things they'll never see. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]