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There is little comparative research on what causes candidates in elections across the world to 'go negative' on their rivals – mainly because of the scarcity of large-scale datasets. In this article, we present new evidence covering over 80 recent national elections across the world (2016–2018), in which more than 400 candidates competed. For the first time in a large-scale comparative setting, we show that, ceteris paribus, negativity is more likely for challengers, extreme candidates, and right-wing candidates. Women are not more (or less) likely to go negative on their rivals than their male counterparts, but we find that higher numbers of female MPs in the country reduces negativity overall. Furthermore, women tend to go less negative in proportional systems and more negative in majoritarian systems. Finally, negativity is especially low for candidates on the left in countries with high female representation, and higher for candidates on the right in countries with proportional representation (PR). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Non-pharmacological treatment for schizophrenia includes educational, psychotherapeutic, social, and physical interventions. Despite growing importance of these interventions in the holistic treatment of individuals with schizophrenia, very little is known about their availability in South-East European countries (SEE). Objective: To explore mental health care experts' opinions of the availability of non-pharmacological treatment for people with schizophrenia in SEE. Methods: An online survey containing 11 questions was completed by one mental health expert from each of the following SEE countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Kosovo†, Montenegro, Moldova, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, and Slovenia. Data were collected on estimated rates of received non-pharmacological interventions, type of services delivering these interventions, and expert views of availability barriers. Results: In eight countries, the estimated percentage of people with schizophrenia who receive non-pharmacological treatments was below 35%. The primary explanations for the low availability of non-pharmacological treatments were: lack of human and financial resources, lack of training for clinicians, and pharmacotherapy dominance in the treatment for schizophrenia. Conclusion: Lack of personal and institutional resources and state support were identified as primary obstacles to staff training and delivering non-pharmacological treatments to people with schizophrenia on individual and systemic levels, respectively. This evidence can be used to improve holistic, evidence-based treatment for schizophrenia in the SEE countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially 'issue entrepreneurs' were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party's decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party's EU position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism has become a pervasive concept in political science research. However, a central and basic question remains unanswered: which European parties are more populist than others? Despite the increasing wealth of studies on populism in parties, we lack data that measures populism in political parties in a valid and precise manner, that recognizes that populism is constituted by multiple dimensions, and that ensures full coverage of all parties in Europe. In this article, we first appraise the weaknesses of existing approaches. Arguing that parties' populism should be measured as a latent construct, we then advocate a new approach to operationalizing and measuring populism in political parties using expert surveys. Relying on the Populism and Political Parties Expert Survey spanning 250 political parties in 28 European countries, we show that populism is best measured in a multi-dimensional and continuous manner. We subsequently illustrate the advantages of our approach for empirical analysis in political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are comparative political scientists divided over the goals, methods, and results of their field? This article attempts to answer this question, drawing on an original survey of US-based political scientists. The main conclusion is that there is relative consensus on the goals of research—comparativists favor broad generalizations and causal inference—but there is also acceptance of a variety of methodological approaches, both qualitative and quantitative, in pursuing this goal. Comparativists, however, show less agreement on substantive findings in the areas of democracy and democratic politics, economy and society, and political institutions. Interestingly, generational differences are relatively infrequent, but gender differences on issues such as rational choice and causal inference are more prominent, possibly contributing to gendered citation bias. The findings suggest that comparative politics may not have accumulated a large amount of agreed-upon knowledge, but that there is substantial agreement on the path forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compare measures of the tone of parties' campaigns in the 2015 General Election in England, based on, respectively, coverage of parties' campaigns in six national newspapers, citizens' perceptions, and expert judgments. It is the most extensive study of such measurements outside the United States and one of very few to include expert judgments. We find that citizen perceptions and expert judgments are heavily affected by partisan bias. We show how these biases can be eliminated with a regression-based procedure. After such adjustment, seven of the eight resulting measures of parties' campaign tone (five based on newspapers, one on citizen perceptions, and one on expert judgments) are strongly correlated. The eighth measure (based on one of the newspapers) depicts the tone of parties' campaigns very differently owing to different criteria of what to cover in a campaign. Each of the three kinds of empirical information is adequate as a basis for measuring parties' campaign tone, but adjustment for partisan biases is essential for perception and judgment data. Common apprehensions about the "subjectivity" of citizen perceptions are not justified, while expert judgments are equally useful, as long as sufficient information is available to eliminate their partisan bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the changing patterns of disciplinary orientation in European public administration (PA) education. The study builds on an earlier research, which defined three distinct clusters of countries, based on their specific PA education tradition. It asks whether countries’ movement away from the Legalist paradigm has continued since then and if yes, what were the factors triggering the shift and towards which cluster: corporate or public. The empirical basis of the article is a small-scale expert survey involving ten European countries. The key finding of the research is that since the early 2000s the geographical scope of Legalism in PA teaching has shrunk further with a number of formerly more Legalist-based countries having moved towards at least one of the two alternative clusters. These changes can be attributed to the demonstration effect of the international PA education field and a shift in actual needs triggered by domestic reforms. However, some countries in the response set – notably, Germany and Hungary – seem to remain largely unaffected by these trends and continue on an overwhelmingly Legalist PA education path. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This text provides a comparative cross-country analysis of evaluation culture and the institutionalization of evaluation. The countries included in this research are the 19 OECD countries examined by the authors of the International Atlas of Evaluation 10 years ago (Furubo et al., 2002). The analysis is based on the results of an expert survey of four to five evaluation experts from different backgrounds for each country, as well as additional information from the literature. Using the nine indicators from Furubo et al. (2002) with a focus on the institutional characteristics of reforms, trends in evaluation culture over the last decade have been identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines elite interaction and its potential to affect local development. A theoretical discussion sets the stage for a systematic exploration of the social capital of regional elites in a comparative study of 12 European Union regions. The working assumption is that elite social capital and trust between elite groups reflect on the regional development record. A survey of experts captures a number of proxy variables on elite social capital. In a cross-sectional study we observe an association between levels of gross domestic product and the propensity of elites to act in concert. Associations are also evident between concerted action and similarity in attitudes between regional elite actors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The goal of the International Classification of Functioning is to standardize the classification of health and function of children around the world. To facilitate the application of this classification, International Classification of Functioning–based tools like the “Core Sets” are being developed. We conducted an international survey of professional experts to identify the most relevant areas of functioning in children with cerebral palsy. The questionnaire covered each component of the classification. In total, 193 professionals completed the survey (response rate 78%). Overall, 9706 answers were linked to the classification (pediatric version) by 2 professionals. From the experts’ perspective, movement-related areas and social participation are the most relevant areas of functioning. Experts suggest a more comprehensive profile of functioning in particular in areas of personal capacity and social participation. The results of this survey will inform the development of the International Classification of Functioning Core Sets for children with cerebral palsy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study evaluates the health performance of high-density, high-rise public housing in Korea to seek ways to improve their performance for the health and wellbeing of occupants. To do this, the existing ‘Health Performance Indicator for the Public Housing’ developed by a previous study in 2010 was utilized to compare and analyse the characteristic differences as evaluated by experts and the residents. The survey tool was developed to allow evaluation by the experts using pairwise comparison between components; while the residents were asked to evaluate the relative importance of the components in the survey tool. Furthermore, Analytic Hierarchy Process was applied to the evaluation given by experts and PASW statistical package was used to analyse the survey results given by the residents. The results showed that the residents do have a high awareness of the impacts of the various components in their apartments that could be seen visually, revealing a partial difference in their awareness in comparison to that given by the experts. It is therefore necessary to utilize this understanding of the experts and residents in order to meet the actual demands of the residents in accordance with their awareness. It is expected that the evaluation results of this study would be used in the construction plan of new apartments to promote healthy housing and to incorporate not just the experts’ view but also the demand of the residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an expert-based operationalization strategy to measure the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. Starting with a mainstream and "thick" definition of regime type, I assess each of its aspects using a subjective or perception-based approach that taps the knowledge of experts on the politics of each province. I present and justify the methodological design of the resulting Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP) and conduct a preliminary analysis of its results. Some aspects of the provincial regimes appear to be clearly democratic, while others are mixed or even leaning towards authoritarianism. Moreover, some show little interprovincial variance, while others vary considerably from province to province. An analysis of the central tendency and dispersion of the survey items allows for a general description of the Argentine provincial regimes. Inclusion is the most democratic dimension, while the effectiveness of institutional constraints on the power of the Executive is the most deficient. Electoral contestation is generally free of traditional forms of fraud, but incumbents often command far more campaign resources and media attention than do their challengers. Physical repression is rare, but opponents in some provinces face subtler forms of punishment. While the survey does not uncover any clear cases of subnational authoritarianism, stricto sensu, provincial regimes do vary significantly from basically democratic to clearly hybrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) introduced CO2 emission allowances as a new tradable asset. Market participants now face the question how to manage the risks associated with these emission certificates. In this paper we discuss the market environment in the EU ETS and present the results and implications of an expert survey, which gives a perspective on the development of derivative markets in the EU ETS. Although the EU ETS exhibits some differences, in that it is not only driven by fundamentals but also strongly by regulatory and political factors, we find that the EU ETS develops in a similar fashion to other financial and commodity markets. Moreover, the expert survey gives a clear indication that there are realistic chances for the long-term success of derivatives, not only for futures and forwards but also — to a lesser extent — for more asymmetric, option-like instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]