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This aerial review concentrates on the development of the South African television industry as chronicled and analysed by scholarship. Academic reflections on the evolution of television are categorised into three main periods: First, the advent of South African television, second, the transitional period, and third, a period of stocktaking. The overview aims to provide readers with key academic discussions during these periods and the historical context within which they took shape. Looking at issues ranging from censorship, nation-building, restructuring and globalisation, to event television, edutainment programming and community TV, the South African television environment is shown to be in constant transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore relations between race, capital and wildlife conservation in the town of Hoedspruit and its surroundings, which has developed into one of the main centres of the lucrative and rapidly growing 'wildlife economy' in South Africa. Behind its image as a shining 'green' example of wildlife-based development is a highly unequal and racialised state of affairs that is deeply unsustainable. At the core of these dynamics are private wildlife reserves, high-end nature-based tourism and gated 'wildlife estates', which have further consolidated land into private, mostly white, ownership. In addition to contestations about the building of a shopping mall and land claims, Hoedspruit's wildlife economy is dependent upon black labourers who commute daily from former homeland areas. Municipal efforts to mediate this situation by building affordable housing, have been thwarted by several wealthy inhabitants and property developers. We build on Mbembe's 'logic of enclosure' to argue that the wildlife economy and its 'green' image perpetuate and reinvent older forms of colonial and apartheid geographies of segregation, in effect creating a form of 'new green apartheid'. While physical-geographical enclosures are at the centre of the wildlife economy, we show that they are reinforced by class and racial enclosures and ideological enclosures, the latter consisting of both the belief in the market as a natural solution for social and environmental causes and apartheid as an historical era that has now ended. We conclude that Hoedspruit serves as an important example of the regressive and unsustainable forms of development that the wildlife economy in South Africa can create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xenophobia in South Africa is often depicted as anti-immigrant sentiments and stereotypes that emanate from social, political, and economic misconceptions. This paper argues that though the causes of xenophobia are many and complex, they stem from the dashed hopes of independence and the legacy of apartheid. This narrative has over the years been overshadowed by the view that xenophobic attacks in South Africa are a product of hate and anti-migration. We argue that the failure of successive governments of the ANC to correct the wrongs of the apartheid past and make the economy inclusive has stoked the tensions between citizens and foreign nationals. To underscore this point, this paper undertakes a discussion on the pertinent implications of the political trajectory of xenophobia in South Africa and makes some recommendations on what can be done to reduce incidences of xenophobic attacks in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

KwaMaye community in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, has, for decades, suffered from severe environmental degradation partly due to soil erosion. Yet, no study has analysed farmers' perception of environmental challenges confronting them and their effects on local livelihoods. Focus group discussions were conducted with KwaMaye farmers selected through purposive and snowball sampling techniques. KwaMaye farmers argued that soil erosion is triggered by climate fluctuations, overgrazing, termites and moles infestation. Also, the farmers suggested that environmental degradation has worsened in recent years due to increasing livestock population and shrinking grazing fields, among others. Also, farmers revealed that while provincial authorities during apartheid installed large-scale terracing to combat soil erosion, KwaMaye residents have not received any assistance from the provincial government. The aggressive nature of environmental degradation in KwaMaye has caused some farmers to quit food production despite a series of Indigenous interventions employed to combat soil erosion-related land degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing social and political instability in South Africa and an emergent view that links it to the negotiated political settlement invite for a critical review of the 'South African political miracle'. A central question such a review should attempt to address is whether the political settlement dealt fundamentally with the legacy of colonialism and apartheid, which came to define so much of social, economic and political life in South Africa. This article attempts such a review. Unlike critics of the negotiated settlement who tend to dismiss it totally, I contend, following on Mamdani's Neither Settler nor Native (2021), that its major achievement was establishing an inclusive political order in which civil and political rights were extended to all South Africans. The article begins by providing a broad outline of the colonial and apartheid orders in South Africa. While Mamdani (2021) details the political dimensions of these two exclusionary political orders, especially the divisive political identities they fostered and enforced, this article summarises the social and economic dimensions, focusing in particular on land and cattle dispossession. By highlighting these two dimensions, the article seeks to demonstrate the limitations of the negotiated settlement and the risk these limitations pose to the sustainability of inclusive democracy in South Africa. The article then examines what Mamdani calls the 'South African moment', which was marked by a challenge to the logic of apartheid and colonialism and the transformation of the political identities those orders had imposed. The third section of the article discusses the promise and limitations of the negotiated settlement. Overall, the article questions the desirability of the 'South African model' where social justice is compromised to achieve political inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Health Organization established a 2005 commission that sought to investigate the Social Determinants of Health and develop mitigating strategies and policies. This marked a shift from the individualized understanding of health and focused on systemic and socioeconomic factors that determine access to health care services and the quality of the available services. This is primarily important in low- and middle-income countries like South Africa, where poverty, unemployment, inequality, and other historical factors play a significant role in health care. Furthermore, the lingering impact of the apartheid system continues to define the social engineering of South African society, and the availability of resources between the rich and the poor, and between different racial groups, with the Black majority receiving subpar services compared to the White minority. The post-1994 dispensation, which is characterized by corruption, mismanagement of funds, continued health service deficits, and other factors exacerbate the inadequate services that poor Black people receive. Therefore, this article proposes the application of the intersectional theoretical framework in understanding and addressing public health challenges. According to Crenshaw, the theoretical framework may be defined as the prism through which to understand the constellation of factors that affect one's identity in relation to systems of oppression, discrimination, and marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-reported experiences of racial discrimination are quite prevalent among the adult population of colour in South Africa. This article will argue that ongoing experiences of racial intolerance encourage participation in hate crime. To validate this thesis, two models are tested: (a) the Common Ingroup Identity (CII) and (b) Social Identity Threats (SITs). The former suggests that experiences of discrimination can help create a shared 'disadvantaged' identity that produces intergroup tolerance. The latter contends that group discrimination undermines social norms and the stress caused can encourage aggression. The study examined participation in anti-immigrant violence as well as behavioural intention towards the same. Nationally representative survey data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey was used. Multinomial regression analysis found that experiences of perceived personal and collective discrimination influenced participation in hate crime. This finding was consistent with the SITs model rather than the CII model. Socio-economic status was found to buffer the influence of racial discrimination, showing how economic advantages helped people cope with adverse situations. Study outcomes demonstrate how the legacy of white settler colonialism has contributed to xenophobia in the post-apartheid period. Policy interventions (especially those targeting the poor) that reduce racial discrimination will decrease public participation in hate crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article probes the rural economic development approach in selected informal settlements in Durban and how such approach affects the vulnerability of local Black women to flood impacts within the areas. Qualitative data for the study were gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with 25 local Black women from Inanda, Ntuzuma, KwaMashu and Umlazi. Five key informants from the eThekwini (Durban) metropolitan municipality were also interviewed. Findings from the study showed that although there is improved economic development in the selected settlements, which constitute informal settlements designated for Black South Africans during the apartheid era, such an economic development approach has not significantly improved the livelihoods and adaptive capacity of the local women. The article suggests a multidimensional approach to development that is practical, inclusive and equitable, and addresses local women's challenges associated with climate adaptation and sustainable livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Work on the conceptual amelioration of race concepts is usually negative or critical: it uncovers social features that contribute to racial hierarchies. Much less focus has been placed on how ameliorative accounts contribute to positive change. Using an account of race developed by Steve Biko during South African apartheid, I will argue that we can extract a novel account of positive amelioration in which racial categories can have normative or aspirational force, contributing to positive change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyse civic policing in post-apartheid South Africa as a form of 'weaponized volunteering'. We use 'weaponized volunteerism' as a conceptual lens to refer to practices that rest on the potentiality and/or willingness to use physical violence or to harness the physical violence of others under the guise of 'volunteer work'. By drawing from ethnographic fieldwork conducted by both authors in eThekwini, South Africa, we show that by framing civic policing as weaponized volunteerism, we are able to analyse the violence at the core of policing and underline the varied ways that violence work is harnessed and expanded through civic policing, in the interest of civic and state actors. This, in turn, allows us to explore the continuum between state and civic violence, which is often directed towards similar groups and individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Naidoo, Shanthini (2022), Women in Solitary: Inside South Africa's Female Resistance to Apartheid, New York: Routledge, ISBN: 978-1-003-22890-5 (E-Book), 169 pages Although the anti-apartheid struggle witnessed the involvement of women revolutionaries and members from several other ethnic groups, its grand narrative highlights the idea that it was basically a conflict between the white male oppressors and black male revolutionaries. Chapter 2 describes author's first encounter with the activists at Winnie's funeral. These chapters capture in detail the testimonies of the women revolutionaries and inform of a past, filled with unimaginable horrors of incarceration and bloodshed. [Extracted from the article]

This article re-reads Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians as a representation of Coetzee's effort to inform the broader world of the actual terrors and crimes against humanity that existed in South Africa in the 1970s and early 1980s by extending the narrative into the later 20th and early 21st centuries. I claim that the representations in the narrative allow readers to see the novel as a critique of a global historical process that started to emerge in the late 1970s and dominate the 1980s and 1990s in South Africa and much of the rest of the world. This historical process, which has come to be called neoliberalism, is part of the larger process of colonialism. Coetzee's novel examines various manifestations of colonialism, and it makes it clear that there is no apparent point when colonialism in South Africa, or around the world, mutated into neoliberalism. Rather, neoliberalism is an extension of the process of colonialism heading into the late 20th and early 21st centuries. To expose this continuous process of colonization, Coetzee symbolically examines colonial discourse, the contradiction inherent in the discourse of Empire, and the failure of a liberal humanist to maneuver successfully with or against the neoliberal tide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to delve deeper into the discourse about the epistemic decoloniality of Westernised higher education in South Africa. Discrete academic studies have indicated that African Knowledge paradigms have not found a home in South Africa's Westernised academies yet; knowledge patterns remain foreign and colonized. The current curriculum at a section of Historically White Universities in South Africa largely reflects the colonial and apartheid worldviews and is disconnected from African realities, including the lived experiences of most black South Africans, taking into account Arts and Humanities. Based on an examination of the decoloniality project and curriculum dishonesty and reform through literature study, the article calls for critical rethinking and reconfiguration, which should position South Africa, Africa, and last of all, the globe at the centre of knowledge production. Epistemic decoloniality at South Africa's Historically White Universities should not be pursued with knowledge violence but rather with scholarly debate. This article introduces the framework of decoloniality by tracing the genesis of (South) Africa's knowledge coloniality and initiates a discussion on the current epistemic decoloniality in South Africa's Westernised higher education. The focus is on curriculum justice and knowledge integration across Historically White Universities in South Africa. The last portion of the paper applies the proposed measures to evaluate the cogency of decolonial discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African academic and historian Arthur Keppel-Jones wrote When Smuts Goes as an imagined history of a time (1952 to 2010) when fascist Afrikaner nationalism consumed the country. Keppel-Jones' book was published in 1947; apartheid began in 1948. This article considers previous scholarship on Keppel-Jones' work (such as its depictions of race), before beginning an analysis on the text's temporal forms. The work has also been discussed as a dystopic text, and I use this to introduce my primary concerns: the playful temporal forms apparent in the narrative's telling, where this future is told as if a historical account. Derek Hook's understanding of apartheid time is relied upon throughout the latter half of the essay, where the article argues that the text's multiple temporal expressions may be explained by, and perhaps even expand upon, our understanding of the logic of apartheid temporality. Finally, I draw upon the shortcomings of using a theory of psychoanalytical temporality that looks back (Hook's formulation of the theory, specifically), to read a work that looks forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Teachers' support for addressing cisgenderism and cisnormative cultures in schools is necessary to support students' freedom to express gender in expansive ways and to embrace trans identities. However, few questions are asked about how primary school teachers grapple with trans identities in South Africa. Purpose: The article fills this gap by focusing on how school teachers negotiate their understandings of gender identity and gender expression by showing their capacities and potential in creating a trans-affirmative climate in primary school. Participants: Participants were 30 self-identified heterosexual primary school teachers of diverse race and class backgrounds who were located in one primary school in South Africa. Research Design: This qualitative study employed in-depth face-to-face and telephone-based semi-structured individual interviews. The article draws from new feminist materialist approaches to "assemblages" and decolonial thinking to consider how participants negotiated gender expectations. Findings: Trans identity is conflated with being gay and misrecognized through a reliance on historically produced religious and cultural norms that are part of the colonial and apartheid legacies in South Africa. While the trans assemblage shows potential to challenge and question the sex-gender conflation, historical legacies, suffused with cis-heteronormative logics, lead to a fundamental misrecognition and erasure of trans as a sign of being gay. Conclusions/Recommendations: The utility of a decolonial trans assemblage is evident in examining how epistemic erasure occurs through historical mechanisms, while denaturalizing the reliance on binary gendered systems and Western knowledge. If primary schools are to support gender-expansive ways of being, addressing how historical processes, cisgenderism, and cisnormative cultures permeate teachers' understanding of gender remains vital work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how the life and prophetic work of Archbishop Demond Tutu have a long-lasting impact on clergy, religious leaders, and young people working for social justice, conflict transformation, and reconciliation in many parts of the world. It focuses on his contributions in three areas: the anti-apartheid movement and Truth and Reconciliation; Israeli-Palestinian conflict; and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer peoples' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schlapobersky then reveals the impetus for writing this book at this moment in time and goes on to write about his family's history in South Africa, taking us through the multi-generational movement of loved ones to, in and around Southern Africa. His second book, I When They Came For Me: The Hidden Diary of an Apartheid Prisoner i , is a vivid account of his arrest, torture and detention at the hands of the South African Apartheid police. Schlapobersky shares examples of his deeply moving work with survivors of torture and offers us his reflections on the differences between memory and testimony. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the extent to which land ownership through restoration results in non-sustainability in the Nonoti community in South Africa. During the apartheid era, Black communities were evicted from their ancestral land to make way for tourism development, though those lands were later repossessed by their original owners. This study aims at exploring the challenges of post-settlement after land restoration to new landowners in the Nonoti Beach resort. This paper is anchored on the sustainable livelihoods theoretical framework to measure the extent to which land can enhance socio-economic development. This study adopted a qualitative research design using in-depth interviews and focus groups. The sample of this study was drawn from the Nonoti local community members and representatives of the government agencies in charge of land restoration. The study concludes that landowners should be capacitated through training and skills development to live sustainably on the land they have acquired through the land claims process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to literatures on settlements and institutional maintenance work. It does so by unpacking post-settlement legitimation efforts required to maintain contentious institutions between previously conflicting actors. Settlements often necessitate the maintenance of institutions from the past whose legitimacy is dubious for the new regime. We study the role played by South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission in re-legitimating and maintaining the institution of the armed forces in the transition from apartheid to democracy. Maintaining this legitimacy required collaboration between the incoming government as well as the apartheid era armed forces. We term these unexpected collaborative efforts 'reluctant accommodation work'. Our findings show that the lines of allegiance may be more fluid than currently depicted in the literature. Actors that previously conflicted need to find an interest in collaborating in their efforts to shape central institutions. Second, we show that for settlements to shape the field, they need to agree on the terms of collaboration, what we term 'passage points', as well as engage in public ceremonies to broadly legitimate the settlement and the institution it seeks to preserve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper traces the evolution and periodization of shifting ideas about the critical issues shaping city planning in South Africa, looking both at the relative and variable importance ascribed to health and other factors such as labour, economic reconstruction and housing. While the evolution of the South African city cannot be read without an understanding of the role of public health, changing ideas about cities and public health necessitate careful historical unravelling before any causal relationships can be identified. Any urban reconstruction, including post-COVID-19 reform, will demand deep knowledge of how the health/planning nexus has evolved, alongside expert advice on how to maximize urban health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Kristeva (1982) the abject not only caused visceral disgust but posed a threat to the established order of society. The abject is a product of particular times and places but limited attention has been given to understanding the process of transitioning away from abject status. We address this gap here through an examination of the planning profession in post-apartheid South Africa. The paper examines how the abject is fluid and resilient, evolving to fit a changing planning system and broader political economy where a discourse of abjection by race has been replaced by a focus on poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jacques Derrida's politics of hospitality explores the tension and interdependency that exist between hosts and guests. This article uses Derrida's idea of hospitality and attempts to understand how it applies to the 21st century refugee crisis in the context of human displacement, state of refugee and immigration. We turn to the help of fiction as a critical tool in scrutinizing current political discourses. Specifically, we offer an analysis of J.M Coetzee's novel Disgrace in light of Derrida's theme of hospitality. Coetzee – who was awarded the Nobel Prize – presents a vivid portrait of post-apartheid South Africa that offers a contradictory perspective to Nelson Mandela's vision of democracy in South Africa. His novel suggests that the inherent violence of colonialism can neither be resolved nor dissolved merely by expressions of regret and forgiveness. By extension, we ask if liberal democracies and international humanitarian law can offer a policy of hospitality that is both morally anchored and practical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experiences of ageing and care are closely tied to structural location in terms of race, class, gender and sexuality among others. In South Africa, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people's experiences of ageing and care are profoundly influenced by the patriarchal, postapartheid context. This study, the first of its kind in South Africa, was an exploratory study of the experiences of ageing and care among LGBT elders in two provinces in South Africa. Findings indicate that LGBT elders' experiences of ageing and care are influenced by intersectionality and lack of access to care. In particular, the ageing and care experiences of black and Coloured LGBT elders, especially lesbian, bisexual and transgender women, are disproportionately impacted. Implications of these exploratory findings are that national ageing and care policies need to specifically name LGBT elders as a key group and that services be rolled out for LGBT elders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria's claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo's civilian administration. Nigeria's unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria's claim as the giant of Africa became more contested and hypothetical with the emergence of notable countries such as Ethiopia and South Africa posing serious challenges to Nigeria's hegemony in the continent. The most viable and notable threats came from South Africa following the end of apartheid regime in South Africa and coupled with its good governance rating, which had heightened the status of the country as a notable continental leader. This article attempts to explain the leadership roles of Nigeria and South Africa in a peripheral region of Africa with the view of analysing who has the sway to lead the affairs of Africa to the path of prosperity. Through the secondary method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis (discourse analysis), the study concludes that Nigeria and South Africa roles in Africa were motivated by realist considerations. The study, however, recommends concerted efforts between Nigeria and South Africa in addressing socio-economic challenges in the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Without a doubt, increasing economic and social inequalities in post-apartheid South Africa continues to trouble communities and intergroup interaction. It also explicitly identified the mostly Indian community as instigating racially motivated attacks against Black community members. Even those sub-disciplines - social and community psychology - that lay some claim to interest and engagement with the social and political world, must confront their own epistemological and methodological limitations. Keywords: Apartheid; Phoenix; South Africa; violence EN Apartheid Phoenix South Africa violence 481 484 4 10/26/21 20211201 NES 211201 What happens when people revolt against each other?. [Extracted from the article]

European colonialism and apartheid in South Africa included the alienation of land just as the restructuring of customary tenure. The reconstructed customary tenure vested title to land in the colonial and apartheid state in this way, merging sovereignty and property. The merger encouraged authoritative control of rural society. Customary tenure was argued to be communal and excluded individual rights. Regardless of the official rendition, customary tenure was dynamic, recognized individual use rights and "facilitated accumulation and differentiation." In the present-day, customary tenure is perceived as unregulated capital, holding back the ability of the poor people to prosper. Thus, the relevance and place of customary tenure is in dispute. This article aims to examine the efficacy for preserving customary tenure, using Vhembe district as a case study. The article uses the exploratory qualitative approach to collect data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1994, as soon as South Africa became a democratic country, the first step taken by the new democratic government was to introduce various transformative constitutional and legislative interventions that sought to redress all the past apartheid discriminatory laws. This paper looks at these interventions by critically showcasing how they are being used to transform and reform land by ensuring inclusivity and equity in South Africa where the previously denied, disposed and segregated Black majority have access and are benefitting broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production and airing of Color TV (2011–2012), a variety comedy show, on the South African Broadcasting Corporation was seemingly driven by creator, producer, and industry desire for increased representation of "coloreds," or people of mixed race, seventeen years after the end of apartheid. Although constitutional mandates and nation-building discourses support proportionate racial representations, the series was not renewed. Using critical race theory and a production studies approach, this analysis explores the apparently supportive context that engenders controversial racial representations by minority television personnel. Drawing on in-depth interviews with the creator of Color TV, and the show's commissioning editor, the study explores how the political economic context of television production constrains racial representations to favor integrative nation-building programming and construct palatable racial representations of minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-racialism is a deep-rooted ideal in the history of resistance in South Africa. It is not only the basis of the post-apartheid legal order, but also crucial to the form of capitalism. This paper reinterprets non-racialism and inequality in post-1994 South Africa by revisiting conventional understandings of the nature of the state and the rule of law. It shows that racial inequality is inscribed in the non-racial form of the state. The non-racial democratic shell correlates with the commodity form. Scholars have neglected the shift in the form of the state after 1994, partly because they focus on policy and see the state as an external structure in a racial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of clinical psychology training in South Africa shows it to have the same racist past as all other aspects of life in the country. With the inception of democracy in 1994, it had been expected that more black African clinical psychologists will be trained in an effort to correct the serious imbalance created by apartheid. This study is a follow-up of earlier research into improvements during the first 12 years post-apartheid. In the present investigation, the licencing register of the Health Professions Council of South Africa was examined for the next 12-year period (2007–2018) to ascertain the number of black Africans trained as clinical psychologists, and the universities that had provided the training. The findings showed no real change in the number trained from the previous period. Of the 2883 clinical psychologists licensed in the study period only 426 (14.8%) were black African, despite this group constituting 80.7% of the South African population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Place identity studies have attracted considerable interest in South Africa because of its history of separate racial development. However, there is a paucity of studies that have reviewed such studies in the country. This article, therefore, aims to present a selective review of place identity studies in post-apartheid South Africa. A literature search was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses. Studies published in English between 1994 and 2020, relating to changing place identities as a result of apartheid in South Africa, were included in our search. The search yielded studies from which four key themes were identified – these being identity and belonging, social identity and discursive practice, cultural symbolism and group identity, and social inclusion and exclusion. These themes attest to the social construction of place identity, with people forming cognitive and affective bonds within groups. In addition, these themes show that mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion are crucial for identity formation in which the self is contrasted with 'the other'. The studies collectively point to the intricacies surrounding attempts at desegregation and building social cohesion in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the study of masculinity/ies in South Africa has been a point of academic interest, especially since the fall of apartheid; there has been little focus on masculinity/ies peculiar to the South African military establishment. Where there has been, this has focused on the army environment and adopted a smaller-scale qualitative approach. In contrast, this study focuses on the South African Navy. The study provides a brief report of findings from the administration of a traditional masculine ideology scale with 1,185 South African navy men, between 19 and 59 years of age (mean of 25 years). Descriptive statistics, a multiple regression analysis, one-sample t -test, and one-way analysis of variance were run to analyze the data. Results demonstrated that this sample of navy men significantly endorsed constructs of self-sufficiency, physical toughness, and emotional restrictedness, as dimensions of traditional masculine ideology. Avoidance of femininity and risk-taking were not significantly endorsed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various movements through history have appealed to Scripture for authority. These have been called supersessionist, messianist, and/or zionist, but they continue to appeal to Scripture even after they attain power and thus repress others. Power corrupts, and when this happened in ancient Israel Prophets arose to critique and denounce it. In addition Scripture as canon, both Jewish and Christian, included Wisdom thinking, making it a thoroughly dialogical compendium that questioned abuse of power. The teachings of Jesus are themselves largely prophetic critique of abuses of power. Beyond Scripture prophetic critique can be effected by empathy for the position of "the other" and loving the enemy, thus engaging in the monotheizing process by refusing to demonize those who differ but learning from them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars studying race and racial classification in post-apartheid South Africa have paid little attention to how African refugees navigate the South African racial classification scheme and how they self-identity in the face of their everyday encounters with imposed racial classification in South Africa. This paper addresses this research gap by exploring how first-generation Eritrean refugees self-identify in the context of an imposed South African racial classification system. The result reported here forms part of a broader research study that explored how Eritrean refugees in South Africa self-defined in the face of racialization. The broader study identified various themes but this paper only reports on those who defined their race as Habesha in the face of their experiences with racial classification. I argue that by defining their race as Habesha, participants re-defined race as a pan-ethnic identity dissociating racial identity from physical appearance and skin colour. Some refugees who never self-identified in terms of phenotype-based racial categories are nuancing traditional definitions of racial identity in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores debates and politics over the place of regulatory democracy in contemporary South African constitutionalism. Twenty-five years after the formal legal transition from apartheid, regulatory institutions – by and large not the focus of negotiations in the early 1990s – have increasingly assumed prominence within the South African state. Such organisations and their functions do not fit easily within one 'branch' of the classic legal theory of the separation of powers into three parts, namely the judiciary, the legislature, and the executive. A typology of regulatory institutions in the South African polity includes at least four distinct types. The work of these regulatory organisations in formulating and implementing law in post-apartheid South Africa has become significant in politics, especially over the past decade. While the existence and operation of regulatory institutions does not itself comprise the whole of regulatory politics, such organisations do constitute a crucial component of and locus for such politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sound portraiture blends audio-documentary techniques and qualitative arts-based and narrative methods, privileging participants' voices and conveying the complexity of their stories through the layering of sound. We created sound portraits that negotiated the multiple and often conflicting voices, histories and subject positions for South African migrants who psychologically straddle home and host lands. Sound portraits speak to the history of colonialism, Apartheid, displacement, and the continuities of power and privilege in people's lives. We argue for the use of sound portraits as an aesthetic representation of lived experience and as a medium through which research knowledge becomes democratised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a series of insights into the structures and scaffolding of militarising White South African adolescents during the 1980s, including the processes of militarisation from childhood up until induction into the former South African Defence Force. Although this article traces the process and presents personal accounts of militarised childhoods, it ultimately questions how these indeterminate memories attempt to navigate a contested present, namely, a post-apartheid space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final years of legal apartheid, the small community of Quakers in Cape Town, South Africa sought to apply their tradition of political and theological nonviolence to the systematic injustice of their social context. Drawing on archival evidence, this article examines the writings of Hendrik W van der Merwe, a prominent white Afrikaner sociologist, activist, and Quaker. I argue that van der Merwe developed an unusual account of Quaker pacifism that cast nonviolence in terms of engaged mediation rather than civil resistance or critique, and I demonstrate how this ethical and political position required a specific conceptualization of "violence" as an idea in order for its account of peacemaking to be intelligible as an interpretation of that Quaker tradition. The study of the development of van der Merwe's ideas has a twofold significance: it uncovers a form of anti-violence politics that has been widely neglected within political theories of nonviolence and pacifism, and it illuminates the concrete political stakes of ongoing debates about "narrow" and "wide" definitions of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies Cape Town's new slum "reblocking" paradigm, in which settlements are reorganized, housing upgraded, and services delivered in situ. Though not without structural and long-term challenges, research shows that for those waiting for post-apartheid housing, reblocking provides an alternative to eviction and resettlement. Through primary and secondary research over 2014–2016 on four reblocking pilot projects covering six hundred households, we argue that reblocking hinges not on consensus but rather the "productive tension" generated in the negotiation of visions and outcomes. We draw on critical theories of agonism and participation to suggest that such tension plays a role in producing legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current conceptualisations of citizenship in South Africa are embedded in the egalitarian discourse of the Constitution, lauded for its recognition of historically marginalised groups, including sexually and gender diverse people. Within the paradox of progressive legal advancements and the legacy of colonialism and apartheid, we use a decolonial feminist lens to critically engage with the notion of citizenship for black lesbian women in contemporary South Africa. We adopt a social-psychological perspective of citizenship as an active practice, embedded within the dynamic intersections of historical, structural and discursive patterns of power-knowledge relations in everyday life. We draw from five focus group discussions that were part of a study that explored the intersections of identity, power and violence in the lives of black lesbian women in South Africa. Focusing on the enactments of citizenship in public spaces, we contend that black lesbian women's lived experiences of citizenship point to the enduring manifestations of the coloniality of power, in which the centrality of race underpins the intersections of class, gender and sexuality. We conclude by arguing that current conceptualisations of full citizenship in contemporary South Africa require a reframing that recognises the coloniality of power and the heterogeneity of marginalised and invisibilised subjectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Cape Town, as in other cities of the Global South, the paradigms of millennial development are continuously mobilized in specific material ways. The idea that poverty can be fought with profit is manifest in a series of urban experiments that involve informal entrepreneurs, corporations, real estate developers, local architects, economists, non-governmental organizations and state agencies, in the search for market solutions to economic marginality. To illustrate this argument about the spatial politics of development, this paper charts the architectural, organizational and pedagogical making of Philippi Village, a building complex in one of Cape Town's poorest neighbourhoods. A former cement factory turned into an entrepreneurial hub, Philippi Village is a material inscription, at the so-called bottom of the pyramid, of the possibility of expanding the frontiers of accumulation. However, while this entrepreneurial village may be a brownfield site for new forms of profit, its architectures also reveal the diverse economic rationalities that emerge from the quest of good entrepreneurship, including the politics of seeking spatial justice amid the urban legacies of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of segregation is usually concentrating on modern racial forms of it, in colonial settings or in large urban conglomerates. Mathematical definitions of segregation refer to the ratio between the type of segregated element (e.g. Blacks) in a given larger area and its sub-area. We are suggesting that pre-modern as well as postcolonial forms of segregation are far less determined by this space/race-alignment. For a long-term history of segregation concerned with many other dominating themes and objects of segregation (such as religion, non-racist ethnicity), we propose to concentrate on the fluid cognitive dimension of what segregation is, close distance: 'distance' can refer to physical space, but it is also far more open to cognitive forms of distance. 'Closeness' aims to draw attention to the fact that both the processing and enacting of separation and difference, from the early to the late period of colonialization, may have nothing to do with how far away or how close together people actually live. Ignorance and ignoring are one of the most important elements of this epistemic core of segregational behaviour and of what creates close distance in societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, Canada does not maintain diplomatic ties with Iran or Saudi Arabia partly owing to their human rights violations—a choice which has eroded its capacity to act meaningfully in these countries. Thirty years ago, the Brian Mulroney government was faced with a similar decision: to sever relations with the white minority regime in South Africa or use its limited but real influence to contribute constructively to an end to apartheid. This article examines how Canada "punched above its weight" on an issue seemingly peripheral to its national interests from 1987 to 1990. It was during these oft-overlooked years—South Africa's "darkest days"—that Canada engaged through multilateral fora, bilaterally, and its embassy to sustain global pressure and attention on apartheid. In so doing, the Mulroney government became a diplomatic battleground between its major allies, Pretoria, and its African Commonwealth partners. Such efforts were not without costs, but Canada's "advanced middling" role helped to bring about a peaceful transition towards majority rule in South Africa and thus holds contemporary lessons for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1963–64 trial of Nelson Mandela and other leading members of the liberation movement was a political trial par excellence. In the courtroom, the Apartheid government was trying the accused for the crime of sabotage but in the court of public opinion, it was using the event of the trial to produce images and ideas aimed at slandering and discrediting the African National Congress (ANC) and the movement for a free and democratic South Africa. The defendants, on their part, used their trial to denounce the racist policies of Apartheid and to outline their vision of a post-Apartheid society. In this article, I want to read Nelson Mandela's counter-historical mobilization of lived experiences and memories of Africans – the scars, chains, the rage and Apartheid's unlivable juridical bind – as an act of epistemic resistance that re-opened epistemic battles and effected epistemic renegotiations. By submitting himself to the very law he denounces, strategically positioning himself at law's aporetic sites and moments – those most fragile frontiers that are so heavily policed from transformative interventions – he bears witness to Apartheid's rotten foundation. Drawing on modes of critique that are performative and genealogical, those that are possible within law's frameworks and categories, Mandela both obeys and defies the law, uses and critiques it, resists and claims authority, at the very site he is called to account for charges of sabotage. The article will show, how, by attending to contradictions, discursive dynamics, and points of tension, Mandela the accused creates conditions of possibility for forms of critique that register without being co-opted or domesticated by the discourse and the system it resists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the 2015 student mobilizations in South Africa (SA), which arose in opposition to a 10% hike in tuition fees planned for 2016 at the University of Witwatersrand (WITS) and spurred a massive student reaction across all the universities of the country. After only 10 days of mobilization, the protest, also known as #FeesMustFall by virtue of the most popular Twitter hashtag associated with it, succeeded in halting the hike. How and why did the protesters win? To answer this question, this study combined various qualitative methods of analysis. The author carried out in-depth interviews with all the relevant actors involved in the issue, and analysed documents relating to the movement elaborated by the students in the year of the protest (2015), as well as the main policy documents on higher education in post-apartheid South Africa (1994–2016) released by the government. The author argues that massive and disruptive student protests play a crucial role in 'young' democracies, as is the case of today's South Africa, in which higher education is still considered an important societal issue, and university-level students a legitimate political actor. Where students are perceived as a legitimate element of the political system, it is more likely for them to have an impact on society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines A Human Being Died that Night: A Story of Forgiveness by Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela and Red Ink by Angela Makholwa, which are, respectively, auto/biographical and fictional narrative representations of the contemporary South African prison. Both narratives foreground gender because their female authors consciously posit their own femininity, in the case of Gobodo-Madikizela, and of her protagonist, in the case of Makholwa, as significant to the prison they portray. Although the way non-fiction and fiction operate cannot be conflated, Makholwa's novel seems to mirror the structure of Gobodo-Madikizela's auto/biography in obvious ways; an observation that helps justify why I analytically compare these narratives in this article. Most apartheid prison narratives, by authors of all genders, largely adopted an unambiguously political frame in articulating the subject positions of characters. The personal was deliberately subsumed in what appeared to be an urgent political need to dismantle the oppressive apartheid system. By contrast, there is a clear shift to the individualization of the prisoner at the expense of politicized collectivity in the selected narratives. However, my reading seeks to demonstrate that the ostensibly apolitical stance adopted by Makholwa and the personal and psychological approach taken by Gobodo-Madikizela are in fact deeply political and community-engaged processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1970s, the Black Consciousness movement called on black radicals to dissociate themselves from dissident white South Africans, who were accused of frustrating the anti-apartheid cause in order to safeguard their ill-gotten privileges. In turn, liberal whites condemned this separatism as a capitulation to apartheid's vision of "separate development", despite the movement's avowed aspiration towards a nonracial South Africa. This article considers how black separatism affected Nadine Gordimer's own perspective on the prospect of achieving this aspiration. For Gordimer, Black Consciousness was necessary for black liberation, and she sought ways of reconciling white dissidents with black separatism. Still, these efforts didn't always sit well together with her continuing belief that if there were to be a place for whites in a majority-ruled South Africa, then they needed to join blacks in a "common culture". I consider how this tension marks Gordimer's portraits of whites responding to being rejected by blacks in Burger's Daughter and July's People. In both novels, white efforts to resist apartheid's racial segregations appear to be at odds with black self-liberation, with the effect that whites must find a way of doing without the as-yet deferred prospect of establishing a "common culture" in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]