Search

Through an examination of the relationship of politics and aesthetics this paper challenges outdated human-centered modes of design in order to offer a new framework—Design & Society—which accounts for the role that politics, ideologies, systematic relationships, context and narratives play and have played in shaping the lived reality of past, contemporary and future life. Through a deep examination of the politico-design economy of Astana (since renamed Nur-Sultan) championed by former president of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev this paper peels back the strategic layers for the creation of Astana. Relevant to designers, policy-makers, futurists, business interests, and those studying the urban environment in general as well the nation of Kazakhstan in particular, this paper unravels the layers of history, demographic pressures, and geopolitical posturing that have intentionally placed Astana as a force changing Kazakh society forever by causing behavioral change at scale. This paper outlines a three-stage process of creation: conceptualization, materialization, and realization to track the design process of Astana and its effects at large on a personal level for millions of Kazakhs. In the conceptualization stage, the paper tracks the motivators from the past, the present considerations and future goals for the design of Astana. In the materialization stage, the threads are weaved together into the architecture of the three most prominent buildings in the Kazakh Capital: The Palace of Peace and Accord, Khan Shatyr Shopping Center and Baiterek tower. In the realization stage, the impact on the individuals of Kazakhstan is considered. Through this study, the dance of Design & Society and the ever evolving impact of one onto the other is presented as a key lens for all future studies of design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent economic diversifications of Kazakhstan from over-reliance on the extraction of natural resources are mainly based on increasing the quality of human capital by building a knowledge-based economy as an instrument for long-term sustainable development. In this regard, the paper explores the level of cognitive skills of the adult population in Kazakhstan and their associations with important life outcomes. Research is based on one of the prominent studies in adult literacy — The Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC), and revealed that the performance of Kazakhstanis in information-processing skills is below the average; smaller differences in competencies between the top and bottom performers, which indicates small inequalities in skills acquisition; and a low level of variance between adults with tertiary and secondary education, demonstrating the low education quality. Multiple linear regression of the research indicates that the educational attainment of the population has the highest association with all three information-processing skills, while labour force participation negatively affects the growth of literacy, numeracy, and problem-solving in technology-rich environment (PS-TRE) skills. The main recommendations of the paper are to profoundly transform social institutions, enhance national educational quality, and exercise continuous learning in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth have always been one of the central target audiences of the European Union's (EU) policies towards Central Asia, which was once again emphasised in the recent EU Strategy for the region. This paper scrutinises how youth representatives in Kazakhstan, Brussels' closest partner in the region, perceive the EU and its policies. By doing so, the paper shifts the focus from the EU-centric assessment of its external activities, which has long dominated the academic literature, and provides a 'voice' to the targets of the EU's various initiatives. Examining data obtained through the method of pictorial test and focus group discussions with students of leading Kazakhstani universities, the paper argues that the issue Brussels faces among youth is not an image problem, rather it is a visibility issue. Although Kazakhstani youth are aware of the EU's main 'attributes' at the basic level, they have little knowledge that goes beyond stereotypical, yet positive, images of it. This stereotyped admiration towards the EU, however, is not necessarily an outcome of Brussels' successful policies, rather it is partly inherited from the historically idealised image of Europe. The paper suggests that increasing its visibility and better communicating its policies and messages need to be a priority for the EU in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an initial attempt to evaluate the challenges of promoting a new national language as a medium of instruction (MOI) in a post-socialist higher education (HE) context. In the case of Kazakhstan, the choice of MOI is perceived as a key tool to strengthen national identity and resist domination of Russian; in higher education sector language policies are constructed to foster cultural independence which translates into establishing Kazakh as a full-fledged medium of academia. Drawing on the historical-structural approach (Tollefson, 1991, 2013), we analyze the ideologies and practices of university students studying in Kazakh. Findings from audio-recorded interviews suggest that implementing Kazakh-medium instruction policies face numerous pragmatic and ideological challenges, such as a dearth of teaching and learning resources in Kazakh and lack of Kazakh-speaking faculty. This study contributes to scholarship on language revitalization in the context of tertiary education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Although recommended for all member states of World Health Organization, there is no national human papillomavirus vaccination program in Kazakhstan. Furthermore, there are no studies in Kazakhstan that evaluate the mothers' perception of human papillomavirus vaccines. Objectives: This study aims to assess the knowledge and attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination among mothers in Kazakhstan and the factors associated with their attitudes. Design: A cross-sectional study was performed during the period of December 2021—February 2022. The STROBE guideline for cross-sectional studies was applied. Methods: Paper-based structured questionnaires were filled out by 191 mothers, 141 of whom had daughters. The attitude score was assessed as per the Likert-type scale. The Chi-square and Fisher's exact tests, with a significance value of < 0.05 were used to analyze the relationships between the characteristics of mothers and their attitude scores. Results: The following factors were significantly associated with mothers' attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination: a place of residence, family income, number of children, and refusal of vaccination for themselves (p < 0.005). Of all participants, only 45% of all mothers, 41% of mothers with a female, and 46% of mothers with male children had positive attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccination. The child's gender was not a significant determinant. Overall, the level of knowledge about human papillomavirus vaccination was found to be low. The median total score is 0 out of 12 for women who have negative and neutral attitudes toward human papillomavirus vaccines. Among women who have positive attitudes toward HPV vaccines, the median score is around 3 points. Conclusion: Before the implementation of the human papillomavirus vaccination program into the Kazakhstani national vaccination calendar, comprehensive and adequate information and education campaigns are required on the national level for parents and the population in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to reveal the impact of the war unleashed by Russia against Ukraine on the foreign policy of Kazakhstan, as well as to consider the potential development of Kazakhstan's relations with China, Turkey, the United States and others. Analysis, induction, deduction and synthesis serve as the main methods of research on this problem. The article discloses the problem of preservation by Kazakhstan of a multi-vector, neutral policy in relation to its partners in modern conditions. The strategic programme documents adopted by the government of Kazakhstan were also studied. The analysis of interstate trade turnover for 2022 was used to determine relations between Kazakhstan and Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. Separately, it was considered whether the Russian Federation poses a military threat to Kazakhstan. The materials of the article are of practical and theoretical value for political scientists and specialists in the field of international relations, and researchers of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan interested in the features and aspects of the implementation of a multi-vector policy by its leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper examines differences in attitudes, stigma, and discrimination towards people living with HIV (PLWH) in needle and syringe programs (NSPs) in Kazakhstan to help inform HIV care interventions in these settings. Method: We collected data on HIV/AIDS attitudes using a modified Health Policy Project Standardized Brief Questionnaire with two subscales: attitudes within the health facility environment in a facility caring for PLWH, and opinions about PLWH. Results: Outreach workers were significantly more likely than nurses to report health professionals disparaging PLWH, and having stigmatizing attitudes towards PLWH. Outreach workers LWH were significantly more likely to report HIV discrimination in the NSP, and male staff was significantly more likely to have negative opinions of PLWH. Conclusions: Assessing different staff attitudes of nurses versus outreach workers, male versus female staff, and HIV positive versus negative staff and conducting follow-up training may decrease stigma and improve attendance at harm reduction programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: HIV-positive people who inject drugs (PWID) in Kazakhstan face many challenges to antiretroviral therapy (ART) adherence. Interventions that leverage social support from an intimate partner, family member, or friend may be effective in improving ART adherence among this population. The purpose of this paper is to describe the implementation process of a dyad-based intervention among HIV-positive PWID and their treatment support partners. Method: Sixty-six HIV-positive PWID and 66 of their treatment support partners will be enrolled in this pilot randomized controlled trial in Almaty, Kazakhstan, and randomized as dyads to receive an adapted version of the SMART Couples intervention or standard of care. Results: Several implementation strategies were used to facilitate intervention delivery, including remote delivery, training of staff, supervision, technical assistance, quality assurance, and collection of assessments through diverse sources. Discussion: This trial responds to a need for dyad-based ART adherence interventions adapted specifically for HIV-positive PWID. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the cases of denuclearized countries, namely Belarus, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Ukraine and primarily intends to answer the questions of how (process), why (reasons for denuclearization), and for what (benefits and gains) did these four countries abandon their strategically advantageous nuclear arsenals. For conceptual analysis, 'a trading state' is employed, for they commonly faced the imminent need of guaranteeing state sovereignty and the influence of changing security dynamics. The four cases exhibit both generalizable commonality and distinctive experience in the process of denuclearization. They demonstrate that two mutually-reinforcing forces, 'global-scale structural change in world politics' and 'pressure for regime creation or change', interactively led to the final decision to enact complete denuclearization, albeit not effortlessly. Furthermore, unveiling the differences in the process of denuclearization – in terms of resistance, negotiation tools and leverage, stage of nuclear development, domestic-grown technology, internal justification for legitimacy – helps to clarify the gains and benefits received in return for denuclearization. Shedding light on these four countries, under pressure from nuclear weapons states, complements conventional realism-leaning interpretations of nuclear politics and offers policy insights to understand countries with nuclear ambition in contemporary world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Futures studies and foresight are new disciplines for Central Asia. Their methodology is making the first steps in the region. The present paper tests how narrative foresight can be applied in the field of religious education reform. For Kazakhstan, Islamic education has become a critical aspect of socio-cultural life. Its present situation requires radical changes, and the seven core questions of narrative foresight methodology help to research the vital dimensions of the problem in the quest for a solution. Going through the history of the issue, the forecast for current trends, identifying critical assumptions, and building alternative futures helps to arrive at the preferred future for Islamic education in Kazakhstan. With a new vision, some practical steps come forward that can guide to that new reality embodied in a new metaphor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grappling with the contemporary topos of a Sino-Russian Entente, Kazakhstan is caught between a delicate long-term peer-competition and potentially a structural rivalry involving the two Eurasian Leviathans, China and Russia. Acknowledging this perspective, Nur-Sultan is inducing hedging dynamics, fishing for a better range of net benefits, while playing a significant fulcrum role central to the regional geopolitical and geo-economic matrix. Although Russia is retaining the prevailing role in the security domain, China is catching up with Russia in various economic indices, notably generated by the Belt and Road Initiative. Utilizing the conceptualization of hierarchy in international relations adapted from the work of David A. Lake, this paper outlines how Nur-Sultan's interests and preferences are acknowledged by the respective dominants, as a basis for social contracting processes to generate a dual hierarchical order in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Very little is known about the status of autism research in Central Asia. The purpose of this scoping review was to examine the scope and focus of the peer-reviewed research studies conducted with autistic people and their families in five Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The electronic databases of EBSCO Host and Web of Science were used for systematic search of literature. Eleven articles that met eligibility criteria were included in the review and analyzed for topics and research areas outlined in the Interagency Autism Coordinating Committee Strategic Plan. Ten of these studies were conducted in Kazakhstan and one in Uzbekistan using qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-methods research designs. Five of the seven research areas—Diagnosis, Biology, Risk Factors, Services, and Treatment and Interventions—were represented in these studies, while there were no studies identified in the areas of Lifespan Issues or Infrastructure and Surveillance, highlighting a gap in research. None of the studies reported co-authorship of scientists from Central Asian countries. The review identified knowledge gaps and research needs to guide future research in autism in Central Asia to address the needs of autistic individuals and their families living in this region. Very little is known about the status of autism research in Central Asia. Through the library databases, we identified and reviewed 11 scientific studies conducted with autistic people and their families in five Central Asian countries—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Of the 11 studies, 10 were conducted in Kazakhstan and 1 in Uzbekistan. Within these limited number of research studies, different topics such as diagnosis, risk factors of autism, biology, and various service and intervention areas were addressed. We identified several knowledge gaps and research priorities to address the needs of autistic people, their families, and professionals in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The clean energy transition has entered the policy discourse and government agenda of the Caspian oil-producing countries of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Both countries have set a target to increase the share of renewable energy sources (RES) in total energy production by 2030. This article presents a comparative analysis of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan in their paths to a low-carbon sources of energy covering the status of RES, renewable energy targets, and the role of government policy schemes in promoting renewable energy (RE) deployment. The study shows that despite some commonalities in the initial conditions (such as Soviet-era legacies of fossil-fuel-based infrastructure, a high degree of dependence on oil and gas rents, and dominance of state-owned enterprises), Kazakhstan adopted a more targeted regulatory framework and more elaborate policy schemes with regards to renewables than Azerbaijan did. In the latter case, the introduction of relevant renewable legislation has been significantly delayed or implemented only partially. As a result, Kazakhstan has performed relatively more successfully on advancing non-conventional renewable energy targets: non-hydro renewable sources accounted for 3% of total electricity generated in Kazakhstan and made up only 1% of electricity produced in Azerbaijan (as of 2020). This article highlights the following factors that stand out in explaining these variable outcomes: the degree of economic liberalization, quality of governance of the oil and gas sector, regulatory frameworks, and policy support schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposes of this research are threefold. First, it revisits the "normative powers in Central Asia" debate, which largely ignores an important stalwart supporter of the rule-based international order—Japan. The traditional exclusion of Japan often appears to be related to the belief that Japan plays second (if not third) fiddle at best and has limited power to influence developments in the region. While this thinking for the most part continues to organize much that is written about Japan–Central Asia relations, this article asserts that Japanese normative power should be taken more seriously than many studies understand. Second, using a combination of document analysis (in Japanese, Kazakh, Russian and English) and key stakeholder interviews, it examines how Japan socializes Kazakhstan into a set of norms of appropriate behavior in the field of foreign aid. Finally, highlighting that Kazakhstan embraces a hybrid identity as an official development assistance provider, this study asserts that Japan's ODA has become a key reference model for Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since becoming an independent country in 1991, Kazakhstan has demonstrated a strong desire for international status and recognition by, for example, hosting numerous international events, such as chairing the OSCE and hosting EXPO 2017; creating the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia; and, most notably, presenting the abandonment of its nuclear weapons as a model for other states to emulate. Surprisingly, Kazakhstan has received scant attention by scholars regarding its desire for status, especially considering how the government has framed its decision to relinquish its nuclear weapons in terms of advancing international peace at the expense of its own security self-interest. Kazakhstan's status-seeking raises two questions. First, how can a mid-level power strategically frame its foreign and domestic policies in order to improve its global status? And second, how can it improve its international status when domestic priorities (such as economic development and political stability) lead to policies that meet disapproval abroad? In this article, we answer these questions by examining issue areas (security, democratization, and the environment) that contain variation in our dependent variable, Kazakhstan's quest for status. In doing so, we reveal patterns of how a secondary or mid-level state lacking substantial material capabilities can, through its words and actions, construct an image that may enhance its international status. We also show variation by issue area in the reception of these efforts by developed and developing countries. Lastly, we reveal in what issue areas Kazakhstan's desire for status internationally is constrained by the government's desire to maintain power domestically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political implications of the practice of framing mega urban development projects with the language of 'utopia' or 'Disney'. Through a case study of Kazakhstan's new capital, Astana, I argue that the stigmatizing language of 'utopia' is a highly political bordering practice, defi ning the 'imaginary' and the 'real.' Coupled with ethnographic data from fi eldwork in Kazakhstan between 2009 and 2011, I perform a textual analysis of English and German language press coverage of Astana, and demonstrate how narratives of 'false modernity' and 'utopia' have become the dominant way of reading and writing about the city. Although often critical of the project as a sign of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev's 'megalomania,' this coverage obscures more complex geographies of power and state-society relations in the independent state. Symptomatic of liberal (ie, top-down, one-dimensional) understandings of power, the hegemonic discourse simultaneously reinscribes the state's 'coherence' and erases the lived realities and agencies of ordinary citizens, while obscuring the more complicated political- economic relations that condition and give rise to 'spectacular' urban development projects [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Limited research has examined predictors of anti-gay victimization among men who have sex with men (MSM), despite anti-gay violence continuing to be a global problem. We conducted a secondary analysis of data from structured interviews with 600 MSM adults to examine anti-gay victimization and earlier sexual debut among MSM in Kazakhstan. Multiple linear regression was used to test for associations between earlier sexual debut—categorized as age of sexual onset between 13 and 15 years of age and prior to 13 years old, with ages 16 and older as the reference group—and recent and lifetime anti-gay victimization. Adjusted logistic regression models were used to assess earlier sexual debut and specific types of victimization. The majority of MSM reported lifetime (89%) or recent (68%) experiences of anti-gay victimization. Earlier sexual debut prior to 13 years of age was significantly associated with greater number of types of lifetime and recent reports of anti-gay victimization. Among specific types of anti-gay victimization, earlier sexual debut was associated with higher odds of experiencing verbal, physical, and sexual violence. Anti-gay violence in Kazakhstan is a significant and prevalent public health issue. Future research and clinical interventions addressing anti-gay victimization among MSM populations should consider the lifetime and current implications of consensual and non-consensual childhood and adolescent sexual experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines perceptions of China and contributes to the ongoing academic debate on Sinophobia in Central Asia. However, unlike existing studies, it specifically focuses on perceptions of those, who have first-hand China experience – Kazakh students/graduates of Chinese universities. Based on in-depth interviews with them, the article argues that those with first-hand China experience tend to reject the China threat theory, found to be widespread among the general population. Instead, China-educated Kazakh youth perceive China mostly as an economic opportunity for their own country. Yet, this does not necessarily make them Sinophiles in the sense that they still express certain concerns related to their country's potential over-dependence on China. But more interestingly, they see China as the "civilizational other." This perceived civilisational abyss even among the more-informed segments of the population appears to be one of the main causes of the alienation of China and the Chinese in Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study examined the impact of family size and type on maternal rejection and its relationship with emotional-behavioral difficulties in children with ADHD compared to those typically developing. Method: The participants were mothers of 7- to 12-year-old children with ADHD (n = 102) and mothers of typically developing children (n = 102) in Kazakhstan. In this cross-sectional study, multiple linear regression analysis was performed to explore the relationship between variables. Results: Family size affected maternal rejection after accounting for children's emotional-behavioral difficulties only in mothers of children with ADHD. The effect of family type on maternal rejection was statistically significant in both groups. Family size exacerbated the relationship between children's emotional-behavioral difficulties and maternal rejection only in children with ADHD. The moderating effect of family type was not found in either group. Conclusion: Our findings suggest that family size and type contribute to maternal rejection of children with ADHD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the functioning of the lowest elected tier of local government in Kazakhstan that governs villages, towns and small cities. While the existing literature on this issue mostly relies on quantitative data, document reviews and comparative analysis with foreign countries, this study explores new angles on the subject through the qualitative interview method. In so doing, this investigation evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the lowest elected tier of local governments, their vertical interaction with higher-level local government and social engagement. The following conclusions have been obtained. First, providing authority to aul akims (heads of the lowest elected tier of local government) to develop budgets from locally collected revenue creates unequal opportunities for service provision. This is because the capacity of such local governments to collect taxes varies by population size, geographical features and remoteness from large cities. Second, aul akims now allocate more funds than before, but financing conditions still make them dependent on higher authorities. Third, recent requirements stipulating that aul akims discuss local issues in a local community meeting have made the heads much more socially accountable. Finally, legislation that regulates the functioning of aul akims is complex and incomplete. Based on these findings, this study suggests a number of practical recommendations for policymakers, contributes to existing knowledge via enhancing contextual information and provides directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]