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This article is concerned with delineating the material manifestations of state violence, with a particular focus on sexual violence in immigration detention prisons in the context of two settler-colonial nation states: Australia and the United States. It draws its impetus from the projected work of the late sociolegal scholar, Penny Pether, and her outline for a large-scale project on comparative regimes of indefinite detention. In our article, we pursue an exchange between the draft of Pether's first chapter, 'Beginning Again', for her projected book, and elements of a transnational project titled 'Deathscapes: Mapping Race and Violence in Settler States' that we initiated in partnership with colleagues in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. We track these linkages in order to argue that these similar, if often different, colonial histories both inform and continue to shape contemporary regimes of detention and their reproduction of sexual violence and assault against their captive populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Current Population Surveys, the authors investigate whether sanctions against employers for hiring undocumented workers, a provision of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), adversely affected the hourly earnings of Latino workers in the southwestern United States. The analysis exploits the fact that agricultural employers were exempt from the sanctions and from employee-verification requirements for the first two years following IRCA's passage. The authors find substantial pre-post IRCA declines in the wages of Latino nonagricultural workers relative to Latinos in agriculture. They do not observe similar shifts in the relative wages among non-Latino white workers. When using non-Latino black and white non-agricultural workers as alternative control groups, they find that Latino wages declined relative to black wages but not relative to white wages. Finally, they find that the pre-post IRCA inter-sectoral and inter-ethnic relative wage declines for Latino non-agricultural workers do not reflect longer-term trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the activities of various organizations working in the field of population studies. The Center for Population Research of the U.S. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development has planned a workshop on "U.S. Immigration: Research Perspectives" on May 16-18, 1977. The workshop aims to assess present knowledge as to the magnitude, characteristics, and impact of immigration into the United States, the adequacy of current data sources, what research needs to be done at the macro- and micro-levels, and how such research might be undertaken in order to provide a better basis for making population projections and a more adequate base for informed policy. The Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission is planning to sponsor a conference on African American history in Pennsylvania. The Commission is particularly interested in receiving papers that investigate African-American migration to cities and subsequent settlement in the urban environment.

How do migration and immigration shape the political geography of American cities? In this article, we propose a mechanism of partisan sorting and demographic change which is tested using the mass migration of African Americans from New Orleans to Houston, Texas in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. We argue that differences in residential choice preferences among partisans combined with demographic changes which increase diversity can induce sorting by triggering flight (migration) among ideological conservatives. Using Hurricane Katrina evacuee data from schools in Harris Country along with a variety of empirical tools, we find evidence suggesting that African American Hurricane Katrina migration led to Republican flight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, nearly 78 million newcomers entered the United States. While about 1 million of these individuals are legal permanent residents (LPRs) with green cards and authorization to stay indefinitely, the remainder arrive on temporary statuses with authorization to stay for a finite amount of time. This reflects one part of the complex US immigration system that includes a permanent component and a temporary component. Whether newcomers enter with permanent or temporary status has profound and long-term consequences for their integration in the US, including income and job mobility. While these different statuses may have enduring effects for immigrant adults, it is unclear what the effects are for their offspring, many of whom are born in the US or arrive at a young age. This study examines whether the entry statuses of immigrant mothers and fathers (permanent vs. temporary) affects their children's occupation type and income. This study analyzes data from the 2004 Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles. Overall, the study finds that children whose mothers arrived as LPRs are less likely to be employed in blue collar occupations. However, there is no significant effect of father's entry status on children's occupation type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Severe party conflict, not a high-minded suspension of politics, now prevails “at the water’s edge.” Democrats and Republicans fight pitched battles over foreign affairs. But are the two parties polarized in their substantive preferences on foreign policy, or mainly jockeying for partisan advantage? Are they polarized on foreign policy less sharply than on domestic policy? What are the sources of party polarization over foreign policy? Using a new measure of senatorial foreign-policy preferences from 1945-2010, we explore party polarization over foreign policy. We find that foreign-policy preferences have had varying relationships with party politics and general ideology. Since the 1960s, however, the parties have become increasingly polarized on foreign policy. Using a multilevel analysis, we show that foreign-policy polarization has developed in response to partisan electoral rivalry, foreign-policy events, and general ideological polarization. The analysis indicates an increasing influence of domestic politics on foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis of data from the 5% 1980 and 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples shows that among 18-40-year-old men in the United States, immigrants were less likely than the native-born to be institutionalized (that is, in correctional facilities, mental hospitals, or other institutions), and much less likely to be institutionalized than native-born men with similar demographic characteristics. Furthermore, earlier immigrants were more likely to be institutionalized than were more recent immigrants. Although all immigrant cohorts appear to have assimilated toward the higher institutionalization rates of the native-born as their time in the country increased, the institutionalization rates of recent immigrants did not increase as quickly as would be predicted from the experience of earlier immigrant cohorts. These results contradict what one would predict from the literature on immigrant earnings, which suggests that more recent immigrants have worse permanent labor market characteristics than earlier immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 1970, 1980, and 1990 U.S. census data, the author examines the life-cycle patterns of immigrant women's labor force participation. He finds that the cross-sectional approach that has been used in all previous studies leads to a substantial over-estimate of the degree to which immigrant women's assimilation increases their labor force participation. The effect of assimilation found by using the cohort approach, however (which acknowledges the possibility that patterns of labor force participation partly reflect the year of immigration), is still sizable. The effect is concentrated within the first 10 years after arrival. There are substantial differences in participation and assimilation by country of birth. Immigrants from Japan, Korea, and China are found to have experienced the greatest degree of assimilation, with an effect that raises the probability of working by 20 percentage points during the first 10 years after arriving in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the development of the Swiss system of immigration control, which is designed to ensure that foreign workers neither take jobs away from domestic workers nor lower Swiss wages and working standards. Swiss controls have been particularly effective in preventing the immigration of illegal foreign workers by making the employer the key instrument in the control process. During the 1945-62 period, the Swiss attempted to exploit the short-run economic advantages of foreign workers by admitting large numbers of such workers, a policy that produced many social, cultural, and political problems. By imposing tighter controls during the next twenty years, however, the Swiss were able to maximize the advantages of immigration, and minimize its disadvantages. The author argues that the Swiss experience offers valuable lessons to those currently debating immigration policy in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public beliefs about the frequency of voter fraud are frequently cited to support restrictive voting laws in the United States. However, some sources of public beliefs about voter fraud have received little attention. We identify two conditions that combine to make anti-immigrant attitudes a strong predictor of voter fraud beliefs. First, the recent growth and dispersion of the immigrant population makes immigration a salient consideration for many Americans. Second, an immigrant threat narrative in political discourse linking immigration to crime and political dysfunction has been extended to the voting domain. Using new data from a survey module in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and the 2012 American National Election Study, we show that immigrant resentment is strongly associated with voter fraud beliefs. Widespread hostility toward immigrants helps nourish public beliefs about voter fraud and support for voting restrictions in the United States. The conditions generating this relationship in public opinion likely exist in other nations roiled by immigration politics. The topic of fraudulent electoral practices will likely continue to provoke voters to call to mind groups that are politically constructed as “un-American.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of heightened enforcement, hundreds of thousands of immigrants have returned to their countries of birth by force, and others have left by (constrained) choice. Drawing on interviews with 1.5-generation return migrants in Mexico, this article examines how young adults navigate incorporation in various states and localities on both sides of the border. After facing barriers in the US because of unauthorized immigration status, return migrants continue to face challenges in Mexico due to social stigmas associated with immigrant populations and bureaucratic obstacles that block access to educational institutions and labor market opportunities. The data suggest that exclusionary immigration laws have enduring and transnational impacts over the experiences of both “voluntary” return migrants and deportees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue features carefully selected case studies that document and analyze the experiences of Latino youth and young adults as they struggle for inclusion in the United States. Articles draw from qualitative research with Latinos/as who reside in different regions of the United States, hail from or trace their origins to various countries, and embody distinct experiences of incorporation and inclusion. Special emphasis is placed on the 1.5 generation, young people who immigrated to the US as young children but have spent the majority of their lives there—some of whom hold temporary protection under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. This introduction presents a conceptual framework for analyzing the experiences of Latino youth and young adults. We argue for an approach that centers intersecting social locations of youth and the specificity of place for understanding the dynamics and implications of Latino youth’s struggles for inclusion in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The steady increase in immigration in the United States over the past few decades has focused attention on the necessity for school districts to provide English language services in order for children with diverse language backgrounds to participate fully in public education. In this study, we utilize a large state-representative sample of elementary-aged students from culturally diverse backgrounds to examine gaps in the reading achievement of English learners versus their native English-speaking peers. Our inquiry examines the theoretical importance of micro–macro linkages to assess the relative impacts of school contexts and ethnic/cultural backgrounds on students’ reading achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the first author narrates his experiences of the challenges of integration into several Chinese universities as a PhD graduate after returning from Australia. His patterns of communication and psychological changes are examined in terms of identity construction and transformation. His insider position as a Chinese native and academic returnee enables him to see the realities of practice in average Chinese universities at close range, yet with the altered vision gained from his overseas experience. This study highlights the challenges for academic returnees in Chinese higher education institutions and may also have resonances for academic returnees in other countries. Wider questions about the assessment of English research writing and the attitudes to academic returnees in Chinese universities are raised, contributing to debate over the future development of Chinese higher education institutions in a globalizing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election was the biggest upset in American history. Trump propelled himself to victory by running a racist campaign that targeted the White working-class voters by assuring them that he would be their agent and would redeem the country on behalf their shared Whiteness by deporting Mexican immigrants, banning Muslims, and stopping and frisking African Americans. The racial wedge that Trump used was the result of the enduring legacy of Bacon's Rebellion in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of research connects diversity to anti-welfare attitudes and lower levels of social welfare expenditure, yet most evidence comes from analyses of US states or comparisons of the United States to Europe. Comparative analyses of European nation-states, however, yield little evidence that immigration-measured at the country-level-reduces support for national welfare state programs. This is not surprising, given that research suggests that the impact of diversity occurs at smaller, sub-national geographic units. Therefore, in this article, we test the hypothesis that immigration undermines welfare attitudes by assessing the impact of immigration measured at the regional-level on individual-level support for redistribution, a comprehensive welfare state and immigrant's social rights. To do this, we combine data from the European Social Survey with a unique regional dataset compiled from national censuses, Eurostat and the European Election Database (13 countries, 114 regions and 23,213 individuals). Utilizing multilevel modeling, we find a negative relationship between regional percent foreign-born and support for redistribution as well as between regional percent foreign-born and support for a comprehensive welfare state. Objective immigration, however, does not increase opposition to immigrant's social rights (i.e. welfare chauvinism). We discuss the implications of these results and conclude that traditional welfare state attitudes and welfare chauvinism are distinct phenomena that should not be conflated in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For years, noncitizens who fail to abide by the terms of their nonimmigrant (temporary) visas were not widely recognized as major contributors to the US undocumented population. Yet since 2005, the ratio of overstays to illegal entries across the border has increased rapidly as the number of border crossings dropped to 1970s levels. As a result, the inflow of overstays has exceeded border crossers for nearly a decade. These developments highlight the importance of accurate and timely estimates of overstays. In 2017, the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) released a report, Fiscal Year 2016 Entry/Exit Overstay Report, showing estimates of overstays, by country, for the 50.4 million nonimmigrants admitted in fiscal year 2016 (DHS 2017). At the end of the fiscal year, DHS had not verified the departure of 628,799 nonimmigrants.1 The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) compared the DHS overstay estimates to CMS's estimates of the number of undocumented residents that arrived in the past few years. Data were available to make the comparisons for 133 countries; these countries account for 99 percent of all overstays. The major findings include the following: •For 90 of the 133 countries, the DHS and CMS estimates differ by less than 2,000, and the correlation between the estimates for those 90 countries is .97, which indicates a very close mutual relationship. •The DHS estimates of overstays for Canada are far too high. •The DHS estimates greatly exceed the CMS estimates for about 30 countries, half of them participants in the US Visa Waiver Program (VWP).Slightly more than half of the 628,799 reported to be overstays by DHS actually left the country but their departures were not recorded. •After adjusting the DHS estimates to take account of unrecorded departures, as well as departures in 2016 of overstays that lived here in 2015, overstay population growth was near zero in 2016. •Thus, while overstays account for a large percentage of the newly undocumented, they represent less than half (44 percent) of the overall undocumented population, and they are less likely than illegal border crossers to be long-term residents. •The country-specific figures shown here should help DHS focus its efforts on improving the verification of departures of temporary visitors. •Finally, these comparisons indicate that the DHS estimates do not provide a sound basis for making decisions about admission to, or continuation in, the VWP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine variation in nativist organizing through an analysis of the number of nativist organizations in U.S. counties. I make two primary contributions to literatures on anti-immigrant phenomena and right-wing mobilization. First, I investigate the extent to which theories of threat, in addition to resource mobilization and political opportunity theories, further our understandings of nativist mobilization. Pro-immigrant oppositional activism and racist hate resource and organizational bases facilitate this mobilization, whereas a weak economic base, growing working-class base, and increasing Latino political representation constrain it. In addition, the association between nativist mobilization and Latino population change, as well as conservative voting, is curvilinear (inverted U). Nativist mobilization thrives in the presence of low-to-moderate levels of demographic threat, as well as in contexts in which political conservatism is present but weak enough to make the conservative, nativist identity nonnormative. Second, few studies examine nonattitudinal or noninstitutionalized anti-immigrant phenomena. There is little understanding of whether or not social structures facilitating anti-immigrant attitudes and institutionalized anti-immigrant activity similarly influence the presence of anti-immigrant mobilization. Although results suggest that political and cultural threats shape diverse anti-immigrant phenomena, I also point to a unique set of structural conditions beyond threat to explain nativist mobilization in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assimilation is theorized as a multi-stage process where the structural mobility of immigrants and their descendants ultimately leads to established and immigrant-origin populations developing a subjective sense of social similarity with one another, an outcome I term symbolic belonging. Yet existing work offers little systematic evidence as to whether and how immigrants’ gains—in terms of language ability, socioeconomic status, neighborhood integration, or intermarriage—cause changes in the perceptions of the native-born U.S. population. I use a nationally representative conjoint survey experiment to explore whether and how immigrants’ mobility gains shape native-born white citizens’ perceptions of symbolic belonging. I find that white natives are generally open to structural relationships with immigrant-origin individuals (e.g., friends and neighbors), with the exception of black immigrants and natives, and undocumented immigrants. Yet, white Americans simultaneously view all non-white people, regardless of legal status, as dissimilar and far from achieving symbolic belonging in U.S. society. The results offer optimism about the potential structural mobility of legal immigrants and their descendants, yet simultaneously suggest that explicitly racialized lines of division remain just below the surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long noted how migration streams, once initiated, obtain a self-feeding character. Studies have connected this phenomenon, called the cumulative causation of migration, to expanding social networks that link migrants in destination to individuals in origin. While extant research has established a positive association between individuals’ ties to prior migrants and their migration propensities, seldom have researchers interrogated how multiple social mechanisms—as well as exposure to common environmental factors—might account for these interdependencies. This article uses a mixed-methods strategy to identify the social mechanisms underlying the network effects in Mexico–U.S. migration. Three types of social mechanisms are identified, which all lead to network effects: (a) social facilitation, which is at work when network peers such as family or community members provide useful information or help that reduces the costs or increases the benefits of migration; (b) normative influence, which operates when network peers offer social rewards or impose sanctions to encourage or discourage migration; and (c) network externalities, which are at work when prior migrants generate a pool of common resources that increase the value or reduce the costs of migration for potential migrants. The authors first use large-sample survey data from the Mexican Migration Project to establish the presence of network effects and then rely on 138 in-depth interviews with migrants and their family members in Mexico to identify the social mechanisms underlying these network effects. The authors thus provide a deeper understanding of migration as a social process, which they argue is crucial for anticipating and responding to future flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are attitudes toward Latinos associated with public views of immigration policies more generally? In this study, we examine whether measures of derogation, disrespect, and discomfort toward Latinos shape support for restrictive immigration policies. We analyze the opinions of Anglo (non-Hispanic White) and African American respondents from the 2000 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) General Social Survey (GSS), which contained a special module on ethnicity and diversity issues. Our findings reveal that prejudicial attitudes toward Latinos (as measured by the derogation, disrespect, and discomfort variables) are the most consistently significant factors in shaping opinions about the number of immigrants to admit and the consequences of immigration. However, individual-level economic factors and group threat measures are insignificant. In addition, personal contact with Latinos is insignificant in the models. This study suggests that support for immigration restrictions stems in large measure from a common source: negativity toward Latinos. Policy opinions are therefore not solely shaped by evaluations of policy qua policy but also by attitudes toward the group most commonly associated with immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2006 immigration marches have become emblematic of Latinos’ united position on immigration. However, solidarity and collective action is only one group formation outcome of sociopolitical exclusion. By ignoring those Latinos who disrupt the tenet of ethnic solidarity against immigration restriction, research has failed to specify the mechanisms that lead some Latinos to depart from their own on a racially bifurcated debate. Drawing on interviews, I document the boundary-making strategies that Mexican-origin Latinos who are “anti-illegal immigration” deploy to formulate us and them groupings vis-à-vis immigrants. I show that respondents are politically conservative, highly nationalistic, and express a sense of nostalgia for “the past” in broad terms. They differentiate “us” from “them” in terms of national membership, distinguishing those who are deserving of the material and symbolic resources of the nation-state from those who are outsiders. Because they share racial/ethnic markers with immigrants, they engage in boundary-making strategies to split the Latino/Hispanic panethnic category from the Mexican national-origin category, thereby differentiating us (Americans) from them (foreigners). They deploy multicultural discourse that establishes the compatibility of national loyalties and ethnic affinities to reconcile their background with their political position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants and their children come to the U.S. in search of upward mobility, but in many contexts they experience discrimination and restrictive political climates. Contexts vary widely, however, given the growing number of new immigrant destinations. Past studies tend to focus on what immigrants and their children are (or are not) doing to adapt to local contexts, a focus that strengthens the perception that immigrants are a “problem” group. In this article, we move the debate away from more familiar economic analyses to assess how destination type and exclusionary ordinances, defined as laws that restrict the rights of and services accorded to immigrant groups, influence “subjective” outcomes, including reports of discrimination among Mexican Americans. Our results reveal three main findings that illustrate the importance of local context. First, individuals living in a county with a greater share of co-ethnics report fewer experiences with discrimination. Second, in counties with an exclusionary ordinance, share of co-ethnics increases reports of discrimination. Finally, being born in the U.S. and speaking English do not provide protection from discrimination; rather, such characteristics shield Mexican Americans from discrimination only in contexts with larger shares of co-ethnics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Hispanic immigrants have moved beyond traditional immigrant gateways in recent years, local restrictive immigrant ordinances have proliferated. Although scholars have studied the determinants of these policies, we still know little about their social consequences. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data with 103 white, black, and Hispanic residents, collected in 2007 and 2011 in Hazleton, Pennsylvania, which passed an anti-immigrant ordinance in 2006, the author found that the law motivated anti-immigrant activism, hardened native views of Hispanics (regardless of documentation status), and increased native whites’ fears of lawlessness and crime. By 2011, however, locals reported significantly lower ethnic animosity, and the Latino population, led by Dominicans, continued to grow. This research reveals the unintended consequences of symbolic exclusionary laws and also highlights their limitations. It also demonstrates the capacity that microlevel political factors have to affect immigrant incorporation and intergroup relations and shows that the recent spread of local and state immigrant restrictionist policies may negatively affect immigrants’ ability to incorporate in new destinations of settlement at least in the short term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a novel data set created from police narratives between 2005 and 2010, this article examines whether and how police reporting varies before and after the implementation of 287(g), a local enforcement program located in Nashville’s Davidson County, a new immigrant gateway city. We examine patterns of symbolic language used by police officers related to arrests of immigrants and U.S. natives, and examine whether differences emerge before and after May 2007, when the 287(g) program began. Results show significant shifts in the reasons given for arrests before and after implementation of 287(g), and characteristics about foreignness such as country of origin, language use, and legal status that became more salient after 287(g). We argue that the 287(g) program—coupled with the political climate in which it was embedded—bestowed salience on traits that, in the past, were not relevant. That is, our findings suggest that anti-immigrant laws, such as 287(g), play an important role in the social construction of legal status among police officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. comprehensive immigration reform from 2013, known as Senate Bill 744. Attention is paid to the immigration quotas, the impact of immigration on U.S. workers, and the point system that would assess the economic qualities of the prospective migrants, such as academic degrees or position availability in their field of occupation. The author suggests that the U.S. government tends to accept the migration as an economic tool instead of a human right.

In this article the authors examine the impact of recent immigration on rates of serious property crime across communities in Austin, Texas. The greater Austin foreign-born population has increased by more than 580 percent since 1980, and Austin is considered a "pre- emerging" immigrant gateway city to the United States. The changing population dynamics in Austin provide an excellent opportunity to study the effect of recent immigration on crime in a target destination for recent immigrants. Although interest in the relationship between violent crime and immigration to new locales is evidenced by recent studies that show less favorable outcomes for Latinos in new destinations, little attention has been directed to the relationship of recent immigration with serious property crime in new destinations. Negative binomial regression models with corrections for spatial autocorrelation indicate that recent immigration is not associated with an increased rate of burglary, larceny, or motor vehicle theft once important structural predictors of crime are controlled for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do Salvadomns' varying responses to nationwide neoliberal restructuring affect their experiences and perceptions of crime? Official rhetoric regarding crime in El Salvador privileges highly individualized understandings over ones that would interrogate the relationship between crime and changing socioeconomic and political conditions. Nonetheless, several scholars have begun to examine the relationship between neoliberalism in war-torn Central America and the region's high crime rates. Building on this work, the authors find that while neoliberalism's structural and ideological components both reflect and further contribute to the conditions and growing sense of estrangement that influence how Salvadorans perceive and experience crime, these perceptions and experiences vary across local contexts. Drawing on 102 in-depth interviews and months of field research in two towns with similar population sizes, amenities, and patterns of migration to the United States, but differing local responses to national neoliberal restructuring, the authors examine the bases for such variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on immigration, educational achievement, and ethnoraciality has followed the lead of racialization and assimilation theories by focusing empirical attention on the immigrant-origin population (immigrants and their children), while overlooking the effect of an immigrant presence on the third-plus generation (U.S.-born individuals of U.S.-born parents), especially its white members. We depart from this approach by placing third-plus-generation individuals at center stage to examine how they adjust to norms defined by the immigrant-origin population. We draw on fieldwork in Cupertino, California, a high-skilled immigrant gateway, where an Asian immigrant-origin population has established and enforces an amplified version of high-achievement norms. The resulting ethnoracial encoding of academic achievement constructs whiteness as having lesser-than status. Asianness stands for high-achievement, hard work, and success; whiteness, in contrast, represents low-achievement, laziness, and academic mediocrity. We argue that immigrants can serve as a foil against which the meaning and status of an ethnoracial category is recast, upending how the category is deployed in daily life. Our findings call into question the position that treats the third-plus generation, especially whites, as the benchmark population that sets achievement norms and to which all other populations adjust. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In American immigration cases, the courts have simultaneously imagined different kinds of situations in which immigrants are regulated: situations where the plenary power doctrine suspends the ordinary operation of the law and situations where everyday legal norms are operative. Focusing on the exclusionary era between 1882 and 1905, this article demonstrates how legal discourse imagines and describes the situations in which particular kinds of administrative action are to occur. These situations were fraught with an ambivalent tension between the extraordinary and the ordinary that corresponded to popular literary conventions in the late nineteenth century. Genres like naturalism and the western similarly demarcated ordinary and extraordinary situations, and the law’s composite sense of situation simultaneously drew upon and disseminated narrative conventions that existed in a wider cultural milieu. These correlations can inform our understanding of the connection between sovereignty and administrative discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border politics became a high priority for the U.S. government following the terrorist attacks of 9/11, and illegal immigration became the “problem” of the southern border dominating the news. The perceived loss of Americans’ safety, jobs, and health care was pinned to the “problem” of illegal immigration. The new border/security policies, with the onset of the War on Terror, further criminalized immigration law and heightened enforcement of illegal immigration. The authors examine the administration of “illegal” immigration policies to test Agamben’s State of Exception and Homo Sacer theories—used here to describe and explain U.S. immigration and deportation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The title of this article is inspired by a question raised by Herman Melville in the face of the first American “immigration crisis” occasioned by the Irish potato famine of the 1840s. On this basis, this article discusses arguments on behalf of “open borders.” Although under present world circumstances this is not realistic, this stance remains vital for a normative discussion of immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Early childhood education and care has become the norm for children in the United States and most European countries. In the United States, immigrant children, a growing demographic, are under-enrolled, particularly in formal settings. This research revealed that younger children of immigrant mothers were less likely to be in non-parental care, but immigrant status did not affect enrollment of three—five-year-old children when various parental and child characteristics were controlled. Socio-economic factors were more important predictors of early childhood education and care use than immigrant status in the older group, which suggests that policies aimed at increasing enrollment among immigrants must consider the primacy of these variables. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do Latino immigrants in the United States understand existing racial categories? And how does the existing U.S. racial order influence this understanding? Using data from the New Immigrant Survey (NIS), our analysis points to changes in how the U.S. racial order might operate in the future. We find that most Latino immigrants recognize the advantages of a White racial designation when asked to self-identify, but wider society is not often accepting of this White expansion. Our findings suggest that relatively darker-skinned Latino immigrants experience skin-color-based discrimination in the realm of annual income. Furthermore, Latinos who are most integrated into the United States are the most likely to opt out of the existing U.S. racial categorization scheme. We predict that a racial boundary is forming around some Latino immigrants: those with darker skin and those who have more experience in the U.S. racial stratification system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The influenza pandemic of 1918-1919 coincided with a major wave of immigration to the United States. More than 23.5 million newcomers arrived between 1880 and the 1920s, mostly from Southern and Eastern Europe, Asia, Canada, and Mexico. During earlier epidemics, the foreign-born were often stigmatized as disease carriers whose very presence endangered their hosts. Because this influenza struck individuals of all groups and classes throughout the country, no single immigrant group was blamed, although there were many local cases of medicalized prejudice. The foreign-born needed information and assistance in coping with influenza. Among the two largest immigrant groups, Southern Italians and Eastern European Jews, immigrant physicians, community spokes-people, newspapers, and religious and fraternal groups shouldered the burden. They disseminated public health information to their respective communities in culturally sensitive manners and in the languages the newcomers understood, offering crucial services to immigrants and American public health officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on original qualitative research, this article investigates how natives and institutions in rural America's “new immigrant destinations” are adapting, if at all, to Hispanic newcomers and whether corresponding interaction should be viewed as substantively responsive. In contrast to predictions made by traditional political incorporation theories, results based on semi-structured interviews and ethnographic fieldwork suggest that Hispanic newcomers are undergoing a process of bureaucratic incorporation whereby public service bureaucrats, rather than elected politicians, are initiating substantive responsiveness. Yet I also identify a continuing interaction between immigrant bureaucratic and political incorporation in rural America. I conclude by connecting my findings to more general sociological perspectives regarding population needs, electoral bodies, and public bureaucracies in democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientists generally seek to explain welfare-related behaviors in terms of economic, social structural, or culture of poverty theories. Such explanations, however, do not account for nativity differences in public assistance receipt among immigrants of Mexican origin. This article draws on the sociology of migration and culture literatures to develop a materialist-based cultural repertoire account and attendant hypotheses to explain the welfare behaviors of Mexican immigrants. We argue that such immigrants arrive and work in the United States under circumstances that foster employment-based cultural repertoires that, compared with natives and other immigrant groups, encourage less welfare participation (in part because such repertoires lead to faster welfare exits) and more post-welfare employment. This is particularly true in states with relatively more generous welfare policies. Using individual-level data predating the Welfare Reform Act, from multiple panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) merged with state-level information on welfare benefit levels, we examine immigrant-group differences in welfare receipt, retention, and transition to employment across locales with varying levels of welfare benefits. Findings are largely consistent with our cultural repertoire account: Mexican immigrants tend to utilize welfare not primarily to avoid work, cope with disadvantage, or perpetuate a culture of dependency, but rather to minimize the effects of employment discontinuities. Such findings carry important theoretical and policy implications—implications we outline in our conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of the financial crisis on Caribbean and Latin American immigrants in the U.S. Such immigrants are working less hours, earning less money, and sending less remittances to their relatives in other countries. Topics include Haiti's need for remittances from Haitian immigrants in the U.S., the impact of the recession on immigrant workers who live in Florida, and the decrease in the U.S. tourist industry due to the economic slowdown. Also discussed is the political instability in Haiti.

The current xenophobic cultural environment in the United States makes it imperative that psychologists understand the nature of xenophobia and recognize its consequences. This article explores sociological, social psychological, and multicultural research to examine the causes of negative attitudes toward immigrants. Xenophobia is presented as a concept descriptive of a socially observable phenomenon. Historical and contemporary expressions of xenophobia in the United States are examined and compared with cross-cultural scholarship on negative attitudes toward immigrants. Last, suggestions are provided for how counseling psychologists can integrate an understanding of xenophobia into their clinical practice, training, research, and public policy advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist criminologists have helped to criminalize domestic violence in the United States and elsewhere. With this significant accomplishment, scholars also have critiqued the intended and unintended consequences of such reliance on the state for women's safety. One such critique reveals the intersectionality of social inequalities, social identities, and domestic violence. Here, the authors analyze the relationship between immigration and domestic violence based on interviews with 137 immigrant women in the United States from 35 countries. They find that immigration shapes how women understand domestic violence, their access to resources, and responses to domestic violence. This project documents observed dynamics of structural intersectionality for immigrant women as national origin and citizenship status are considered as another layer of identity politics and marginalization in relation to domestic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the long history of racism in the United States, observers have been concerned that labeling the children of immigrants as "nonwhite" could lead to their downward assimilation. The success of at least some members of the contemporary second generation points to another possibility. The institutions and strategies developed by previous waves of immigrants, the struggles for equality by long-standing minorities, and changing attitudes about race have become a source of opportunity and constraint for immigrant children. Drawing from the New York Second Generation Study, the author of this article argues that programs originally intended to address the needs of earlier immigrant waves and those of native minorities, particularly African Americans, have become increasingly multicultural in focus. These programs have broadened their definition of what minority means and have, however unintentionally, come to serve as an aid to incorporation for members of today's second generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It would seem to be ridiculously obvious that industries in the South employed an African American labor force. However, the hegemony of the immigration discourse-"they take jobs that nobody wants"-indicates the need to reiterate some historical facts. Do immigrants take jobs that nobody wants? The author reviews the assumptions of media reports and advocacy groups regarding labor market niches of immigrants. They portray a labor force that is immutably segmented into a primary and secondary sector. This notion is inconsistent with (a) early work theorizing a shifting labor market frontier, (b) earlier empirical work analyzing fluctuating boundaries, and (c) the contemporary labor market that exhibits decreasing segmentation. The author examines the poultry industry in five Southeastern states from 1980 to 2000. Although those jobs fit the profile of the secondary sector (that "nobody wants"), a decade earlier they were occupied by African Americans. We must revise the immigration debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational marriages account for a significant proportion of family-based immigration to North America. An increasing number of immigrant men are choosing to marry women from their countries of origin, and an increasing number of nonimmigrant men are choosing to marry women from other countries. Existing studies on the experiences of foreign brides entering North America have highlighted their vulnerability to spousal maltreatment, including unique forms of immigration abuse (e.g., threats of deportation). Their vulnerability to maltreatment has been attributed to the gender-insensitive nature of family immigration policies, the women's lack of awareness of their rights and immigration status, and their husbands' cultural beliefs about women's roles. This article describes three interrelated theoretical frameworks that can inform further research, practice, and policy development related to female marriage migrants. The frameworks draw on cross-cultural models of gender-based violence, seminal work on the psychology of women, and international human rights research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of Cuban refugees during the 1960s and 1970s in the USA. Positioning the Cuban refugees as 'ideologically' valuable, the US government undertook a substantial public relations campaign that sought to secure public mandate for incoming refugees. In order to avoid a national anti-Cuban backlash, the US government and the popular media alike constructed 'positive' portrayals of incoming Cuban refugees. These representations played up the refugees' purportedly universal anti-communist stance and the socially and racially desirable qualities of these 'good immigrants', who were perceived as 'white' and middle to upper class. In order to contextualize these representations, a history of US-Cuban relations and mid-20th-century refugee policies are discussed. Thus anti-communism, whiteness, and middle-class attributes were strategically linked and broadcasted by the US government and public media sources alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of U.S. public policy, battered immigrant signifies a person who is eligible to adjust his or her status under immigration law if he or she can demonstrate they have suffered domestic violence in the United States perpetrated by a U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident. Among community organizers, the term battered immigrant signifies a broader range of people for whom legal immigration status plays a role in their options for safety planning and/or leaving an abuser, the potential threat of deportation, and the eligibility for public benefits. Based on an ethnographic study of domestic violence advocacy with South Asian immigrants in Seattle and around the United States, this article examines how the difference in signification has direct social and political consequences with regard to who may access the benefits and protection offered to victims of domestic violence in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article informs students of urban religion about ‘segmented assimilation theory’ and urges theorists of this persuasion to incorporate religion in their models. Segmented assimilation theory acknowledges the undeniable fact that children of post-1965 immigrants to the United States typically become American, but unlike older concepts of assimilation, the new theory recognizes diverse paths to assimilation, with the immigrant second generation assimilating to one or another segment of the highly unequal U.S. social structure. Heretofore, religion has played at best an implicit role in the theory. This article proposes ways that religion can be incorporated explicitly and complexly into the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Length of residence has been viewed as an indicator of acculturation among immigrants and refugees in their host society. This study aims to test an inverted U relationship between length of residence and depression in a community-based sample of Vietnamese Americans. Methods: Data were collected from a community-based survey of adult Vietnamese Americans living in an East Coast metropolitan area consisting of 349 respondents aged 18 and older. However, due to missing data, the actual sample in our regression analysis using listwise deletion method is 311. Among the participants, 52.1% are female (n = 182), and 47.9% are male (n = 167). The age of the respondents ranges from 18 to 73 years with the average age being 38.76 (SD = 13.76). The average number of years that the participants lived within the United States was 7.01 years (SD = 5.22). Results: Findings from a polynomial regression analysis support the hypothesis that depression levels tend to be high during the first decade of initial resettlement. However, after approximately 12.5 years, depression levels decrease. Conclusion: As revealed by the data and community experts, immigrants/refugees tend to suffer from higher levels of psychological problems during their first decade of resettlement. It takes more than a decade for a non-English-speaking immigrant or refugee to adjust psychologically into his/her host society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of research by scholars of religion and immigration analyzes the religious organizations started by post-1965 immigrants to the United States. Little research, however, focuses on patterns in religious service attendance. The authors use pilot data from the New Immigrant Survey, a nationally representative sample of new legal immigrants to the United States, to systematically consider, for the first time, how demographic, familial, employment, household language, and migration factors influence regular religious service attendance for new immigrants from different religious traditions. Findings lend some support to the theory that immigrants who are less integrated into American society are more likely than others to regularly attend religious services. These preliminary conclusions generate broader hypotheses and potential theories about ways in which the norms of different religious traditions, the availability of religious centers, and the extent of immigrants' ties to their ethnic communities influence their regular religious service attendance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that decentralization and deconcentration in the United States be measured by tracking the proportion of people or jobs in fixed categories of places across census years, using metropolitan areas designated in each year rather than the fixed-year standard employed in studies that measure growth or migration rates. Measured this way there was continuous centralization to metropolitan areas from 1970 to 2000 as well as a marked preference for very large metropolitan areas after 1980. This period of rapid economic transformation has generated theoretical explanations not only of decentralization, but also of recentralization (e.g., in the 1980s). Most of these explanations rely on fundamental shifts in society's preferences for metropolitan or nonmetropolitan settings. The data suggest that decentralizing behavior, like the ‘nonmetro turnaround’ of the 1970s, can instead be explained as an attempt to maintain the status quo. The essence of this behavior is captured in the phrase ‘running down the up escalator.’ A related argument from the literature on metropolitan deconcentration is also analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "new second generation," the children of post-1965 immigrants, is the focus of scholars who recognize that it is the critical generation who will determine the future patterns of race and ethnicity in the United States. Based on a case study of a Hindu Student Council chapter at "Western University" in California, this article looks at how the attempts by second-generation Indian Americans to deal with issues of race brought many of them to the organization but also produced conflicts and cleavages within it. The purpose of my analysis is to argue that religious institutions often play a crucial role in the identity construction of new Americans and that the complex interplay between race, ethnicity, and religion has been ignored by the dominant sociological models of immigrant incorporation. I also show how and why conventional American categories of race and ethnicity are often inadequate for understanding the experiences of contemporary immigrants and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]