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This paper explores the case of 1.5-generation Brazilians who migrated to Massachusetts in the 1980s and 1990s and grew up as unauthorized. Compared to unauthorized youth from other Latin American groups, Brazilians who migrated during this time are relatively privileged: they often come from Brazilian middle-class families, are relatively lighter-skinned, and as visa over-stayers who migrated pre-2001, they have been better positioned to access the very limited pathways to citizenship. Drawing primarily on in-depth interviews, I argue that “privilege without papers”—that is, the intersection of racial and/or social class privilege with (il)legality—shapes their lives in important and nuanced ways. Indeed, some 1.5-generation Brazilians are quite aware of their privilege relative to other unauthorized groups from Latin America. Many Brazilians have experienced movement toward legal inclusion in young adulthood either through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which grants partial inclusion, or through marriage or other legal dispensations that grant pathways to citizenship. Shifts in status have brought new opportunities, some peace of mind, and a degree of legitimacy. Yet, for many, including several who could pass as White, the legacy of legal exclusion has undermined their sense of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Immigrant health discussions often focus on acculturation and omit discussions on historical events that may underlie health differences among immigrant older adults. This paper provides a historical overview of immigration policy and flows to the U.S. and examines insurance access and health difficulties by sending country. Methods: We analyzed the "Immigrants Admitted to the United States, Fiscal Years 1972–2000" and 2015–2019 American Community Survey datasets to examine the number of admitted immigrants, sociodemographic profiles for current immigrant older adults, and the predicted probabilities of health insurance access and health difficulties. Results: Our results highlight alignment of immigration flows with immigration legislation and vast heterogeneity in migration, health, and healthcare access of immigrants by sending country. Discussion/Implications: Public health practitioners must consider how historical events and social factors contribute to the healthcare access and health of immigrant populations, as demographic shifts will require interventions that promote equitable healthy aging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Obama administration has developed two broad programs to defer immigration enforcement actions against undocumented persons living in the United States: (1) Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA); and (2) Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). The DACA program, which began in August 2012, was expanded on November 20, 2014. DAPA and the DACA expansion (hereinafter referred to as "DACA-plus") are currently under review by the US Supreme Court and subject to an active injunction. This paper offers a statistical portrait of the intended direct beneficiaries of DAPA, DACA, and DACA-plus. It finds that potential DAPA, DACA, and DACA-plus recipients are deeply embedded in US society, with high employment rates, extensive US family ties, long tenure, and substantial rates of English-language proficiency. The paper also notes various groups that would benefit indirectly from the full implementation of DAPA and DACA or, conversely, would suffer from the removal of potential beneficiaries of these programs. For example, all those who would rely on the retirement programs of the US government will benefit from the high employment rates and relative youth of the DACA population, while many US citizens who rely on the income of a DAPA-eligible parent would fall into poverty or extreme poverty should that parent be removed from the United States. This paper offers an analysis of potential DAPA and DACA beneficiaries. In an earlier study, the authors made the case for immigration reform based on long-term trends related to the US undocumented population, including potential DAPA and DACA beneficiaries (Warren and Kerwin 2015). By contrast, this paper details the degree to which these populations have become embedded in US society. It also compares persons eligible for the original DACA program with those eligible for DACA-plus. As stated, the great majority of potential DAPA and DACA recipients enjoy strong family ties, long tenure, and high employment rates in the United States. Nearly one-half of the DAPA population and far higher percentages of the two DACA populations speak English well, very well, or exclusively. An unknown, albeit not insubstantial percentage of both the DAPA- and DACA-eligible may already qualify for an immigration benefit or relief that would put them on a path to permanent residency and US citizenship. These mostly low-wage populations have relatively high rates of poverty and low rates of health insurance. Not surprisingly, the educational attainment, school enrollment rates, and English-language proficiency of the DACA-eligible substantially exceed those of the DAPA-eligible. Both populations enjoy high levels of computer and Internet access. The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) derived its estimates on the DAPA- and DACA-eligible from statistics on the foreign-born population collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS), as described in Warren (2016). It first derived detailed estimates for all undocumented residents, and then used the characteristics of this population (e.g., year of entry, age at entry, etc.) to tabulate the numbers of those who would be eligible for DAPA and DACA in 2014, which is the most recent year available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When signing into law the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA, or "the Act"),1 President William J. Clinton asserted that the legislation strengthened "the rule of law by cracking down on illegal immigration at the border, in the workplace, and in the criminal justice system--without punishing those living in the United States legally" (Clinton 1996). In fact, the Act has severely punished US citizens and noncitizens of all statuses. It has also eroded the rule of law by eliminating due process from the overwhelming majority of removal cases, curtailing equitable relief from removal, mandating detention (without individualized custody determinations) for broad swaths of those facing deportation, and erecting insurmountable, technical roadblocks to asylum. In addition, it created new immigration-related crimes and established "the concept of 'criminal alienhood,'" which has "slowly, but purposefully" conflated criminality and lack of immigration status (Abrego et al. 2017, 695). It also conditioned family reunification on income, divided mixed-status families, and consigned other families to marginal and insecure lives in the United States (Lopez 2017, 246). Finally, it created the 287(g) program that enlists state and local law enforcement agencies in immigration enforcement and drives a wedge between police and immigrant communities. The trend of "cracking down" on immigrants did not begin with IIRIRA. The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, and the 1990 Immigration Act, for example, expanded deportable offenses (Abrego et al. 2017, 697; Macías-Rojas 2018, 3-4). IIRIRA, however, significantly "ratchet[ed] up" the "punitive aspects of US immigration law already in place" (Abrego et al. 2017, 702), and erected much of the legal and operational infrastructure that underlies the Trump administration's plan to remove millions of undocumented residents and their families, to terrify others into leaving "voluntarily," and to slash legal immigration. In 2016, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) issued a call for papers to examine IIRIRA's multifaceted consequences. 2 Between March 2017 and January 2018, CMS published eight papers from this collection in its Journal on Migration and Human Security (JMHS). The papers cover the political conditions that gave rise to IIRIRA, and the Act's impact on immigrants, families, communities, and the US immigration system. This article draws on these papers -- as well as sources closer to IIRIRA's passage and implementation -- to describe how the Act transformed US immigration policies and laid the groundwork for the Trump administration's policies.3 After a brief discussion of IIRIRA's origins, the article discusses the law's effects and subsequent policies related to the growth of the US immigration enforcement apparatus, removal, asylum, detention, the criminal prosecution of immigrants, the treatment of immigrant families, and joint federal-state enforcement activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The governance of immigration has a checkered past, and policy makers' efforts at reform rarely meet expectations. Critiques have echoed over the years and across the political spectrum. The current system of immigration governance is scattered around the federal government, with no clear chain of command. No single government department or agency captures the breadth of the Immigration and Nationality Act's reach. At the crux of understanding immigration governance is acknowledging that immigration is not a program to be administered; rather, it is a phenomenon to be managed. The abundance of commissions that have studied the issues and the various administrative structures over time offers some wisdom on ingredients for successful governance. Based upon this research, options for effective immigration governance emerge. This paper studies the administration of immigration law and policy with an eye trained on immigration governance for the future. It opens with a historical overview that provides the backdrop for the current state of affairs. It then breaks down the missions and functions of the Immigration and Nationality Act by the lead agencies tasked with these responsibilities. The paper concludes with an analysis of options for improving immigration governance. Each of these options poses unique challenges as well as political obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an empirical analysis of immigrant participation in the welfare system using the 1970 and 1980 U.S. Censuses. The availability of two cross-sections allows for identification of cohort and assimilation effects. The data indicate that recent immigrant cohorts use the welfare system more intensively than earlier cohorts. In addition, the longer an immigrant household has been in the United States, the more likely it is to receive welfare. The analysis also suggests that a single factor, the changing national origin mix of the immigrant flow, accounts for much of the increase in welfare participation rates across successive immigrant waves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively little work has been done on the contributions made to the American trade union movement by specific religious or ethnic groups. In the past we have published several papers dealing with the Catholic trade union movement in the United States. In this article the author analyzes the cultural, political, and ideological factors in the Jewish labor unions and other workers' organizations and their impact on the American scene generally, In the October issues a second article by the author will present an analysis of the history from World War I to our own day. This study was made possible by a grant from the American Jewish Committee and is published in this Review with the permission of the committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of 9/11 on the self-employment outcomes of Arab and Muslim immigrants. Using CPS Data 2000–2005 and a difference-in-differences approach, I analyze the changes in their self-employment entry/exit decisions and earnings after 9/11 using native whites as the main comparison group. I find that the Arab and Muslim immigrants are less likely to enter self-employment after 9/11, especially into industries that require higher levels of capital investment. However, there is no evidence that 9/11 has negative impacts on their exit decisions or earnings. The paper further documents a shift of Arab and Muslim immigrants’ businesses toward industries such as construction, finance/real estate/insurance services, and professional services after 9/11, areas in which they have performed well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the means for the exclusion of groups deemed undesirable within the Lockean liberal tradition, particularly as the American Federalists modified it. It further explores the consequences of the practical application of this vision for immigration in the American case. The author contends that controversies about immigration in America demonstrate a deeply communitarian strain within Lockean liberalism that feeds rationalized exclusionary practice. This argument turns on an analysis of liberal theories of consent in Locke and early American thinkers. The goal of the paper is to make the Lockean tradition and its American adaptations speak more clearly about immigration, so that the issue can be better defined. In framing both the use and abuse of immigrants and the foundations of such behavior as problematic, the author hopes to provoke fresh thinking about the nature of and possible solutions to American exclusionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two outstanding studies of historical trends of internal migration in the United States were both made some years ago. C.J. Galpin and T.B. Manny made their study in 1934 and C.W. Thornthwaite's study was also made in that year. Both of these studies used state-of-birth data from the Census. The present study, for which this paper is merely a progress report, is using the survival method for estimating net migration. In this method survival rates are computed for each age-sex-color-nativity group for each decade. These survival rates are applied to the number present at the beginning of a decade, in order to get an expected number present at the end of the decade. This expected number is compared with the observed number present at the end of the decade and the difference is considered to be due to net migration. Obviously the accuracy of this method is determined by both the accuracy of enumeration of the population and the accuracy of the survival rates. Since enumeration is generally fairly accurate and since there is little one can do about errors here, efforts are turned to the computation of survival rates.

This paper examines the experiences of Latino adults in South Phoenix, Arizona, during a time of changing immigration policy, through the theoretical lenses of structural vulnerability and macro- and microaggression. The analyses describe how U.S.- and foreign-born Latinos experience the effects of local immigration laws and anti-immigrant sentiment. The results suggest that while there are differences between the U.S.-born and foreign-born in perceived impacts of immigration enforcement, there are few differences in perceptions of vulnerability and no evidence of lesser psychological distress among those who are not the direct targets of immigration enforcement activities. Even if they do not feel directly at risk, most respondents express concerns for family members and others in their social networks as a result of increased attention to immigration enforcement or anti-immigrant sentiment. These shared impacts may have long-term implications for Latino communities in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although several studies have examined popular culture, the perspectives of young children from various cultures still have not been discussed at length in such studies. In order to listen to these children's voices, this paper focuses on young immigrant Korean girls in the United States. It particularly examines their interpretations of marriage in American popular culture - in this case as marriage presented in Disney animated films. It explores the Korean cultural value of family, which significantly influenced the informants' points of view toward marriage. Finally, the paper provides some suggestions and implications for research on popular culture and young children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an empirical assessment of the prevalence and determinants of cross-state social exchanges and attachments among Latin American immigrants living in the United States. As we shall show, using data from a recent survey of Latin American migrants living in the United States, migrant cross-state social action comes in a variety of types, with the direction of conditioning factors differing from one type to another. Moreover, social and political incorporation in the United States reduces affective ties and provision of material support, all the while facilitating other forms of cross-state social action. Consequently, while international migrants regularly engage in trans-state social action, the paper shows that neither transnational ism as condition of being, nor transmigrants, as distinctive class of people, is commonly found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes the history of U.S. immigration policy and the impact of this policy on African American economic status. It describes the direct effect of greater economic competition for jobs, housing and social services and the indirect effects of immigration on politics and public policy. Immigration policy has adverse long-term implications for the economic interests of black Americans. The paper concludes that unless policy changes are forthcoming, the pace of progress for black citizens and workers will be hampered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Stress during pregnancy can lead to significant adverse outcomes for maternal mental health. Early evaluation of prenatal stress can help identify treatment needs and appropriate interventions. Disparities in the social determinants of health can contribute to stress, but what constitutes stress during pregnancy within the social determinants of health framework is poorly understood. Objective: To scope how prenatal stress is defined and measured among pregnant people exposed to three prominent social stressors in the United States: insecurity pertaining to food, housing, and immigration. Eligibility Criteria: We included all studies that focused on stress during pregnancy in the context of food insecurity, housing instability, and immigration, given their recent policy focus due to the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing political discourse, in addition to their importance in American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG's) social determinants of health screening tool. Sources of Evidence: We searched PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science for articles published between January 2012 and January 2022. Charting Methods: Using a piloted charting tool, we extracted relevant study information from the selected articles and analyzed the content pertaining to stress. Results: An initial search identified 1,023 articles, of which 24 met our inclusion criteria. None of the studies defined prenatal stress, and only one used the Prenatal Distress Questionnaire, a prenatal stress-specific tool to measure it. The Perceived Stress Scale was the most common instrument used in seven studies. Fifteen studies measured over 25 alternative exposures that researchers theorized were associated with stress, and 4 of the 15 studies did not explain the association between the measure and stress. Conclusions: Our findings demonstrate a fundamental inconsistency in how prenatal stress is defined and measured in the context of social determinants of health, limiting the comparison of results across studies and the potential development of effective interventions to promote better maternal mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the hypothesis that 1935-80 U.S. migration patterns both within and between metropolitan nonmetropolitan areas and regions and migrant/nonmigrant educational differences reflect tregional changes in socioeconomic development and settlement patterns. Gross migration flows support the mobility transition hypothesis and the idea that developmental changes in metropolitanization structure the context of migration. Since the Great Depression, socioeconomic transformations of the periphery have reduced differences in migration patterns between the periphery and core regions. While migrants still have more education than nonmigrants, their differences vary systematically by regional socioeconomic development. Specifically, migrant/nonmigrant educational differences are (1) similar at origin and destination when both are at similar levels of socioeconomic development; (2) lower at the origin if the origin is higher in socioeconomic development; and (3) higher at the origin if the destination is higher in socioeconomic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the acculturative process of one Dominican family, focusing on the adaptation of extended families to United States immigration policy, and the implications these adaptations may hold for the traditional Dominican family. It is the contention of this paper that the definition of "family" according to United States immigration regulations does not reflect the cooperating kin group which is the "family" in Dominican culture and this gives rise to the need for a variety of extra-legal immigrant adaptive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the meeting held. The International Newsletter on Migration is a publication of the Research Committee on Migration, International Sociological Association. The annual meeting of the Population Association of America, held April 13-15, 1978 in Atlanta, Georgia, included its usual share of migration papers. A session on Migration Types and Their Correlates, organized and chaired by Sidney Goldstein consisted of "Repeat Migration in the United States: Who Moves Back and Who Moves On", by Julie Da Vanzo. "Black Migration in the Deep South, 1960-1970", by Eui Hang Shin and others. A number of other migration papers were scattered throughout the program. Among these were several on interrelationships between migration and other sociodemographic variables, including: retirement, adolescence in historical perspective, the religious factor, and fertility in the Philippines. Policies and official data received attention in presentations by George R. Demko who examined the effectiveness of population redistribution policies in Hungary. Other details are also included in the article.

The article discusses Chinese family life in America. When the Chinese first came to America about the middle of the nineteenth century they came as contract laborers to work on the railroads, in the mines and on the farms. This migration was largely a male enterprise. In addition to the obligations of the daughter-in-law in a big Chinese family, foot-binding was at that time a common practice in most of the districts from which Chinese came and a woman with bound feet could not help her husband earn a living in the new country. Between 1890 and 1930 the total number of Chinese males in the United States 15 years of age and over, decreased about one-half, however, and the total number of females of the same age increased almost three times town remains predominantly a community of men. It is significant that the American-born Chinese were reported as having twice as many males as females in 1930. In spite of the so-called exclusion acts there are ways of juggling passports and citizenship papers, known best to certain well-paid immigration go-betweens that are attached to the more important clans, whereby children born in China can be brought to America.

This study examines the emotion work of non-migrant women as they seek to sustain family life across borders. We draw on in-depth interviews with 59 non-migrant women in Guanajuato, Mexico who had immigrant spouses in the USA to assess emotion work dynamics between partners. Our analysis reveals that non-migrant women do emotion work that entails imagining lives abroad and then tailoring emotional support that addresses the needs of spouses. We also discuss how the difficulties associated with prolonged separation leads women to suppress their own needs and feelings, which can lead to emotional burnout and marital conflict. Putting non-migrant women and their activities at the center of our analysis highlights the emotional costs of migration for those who remain behind and the ways in which emotion work is a highly gendered activity that reinforces inequality through communication. We highlight how women's subordinated status in transnational Mexican families and the need to keep the remittances flowing help explain why emotion work falls largely on women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To examine the need for and arrangements pertaining to personal care assistance among individuals 65 and older, and how life stage at migration impacts nativity differences in aging-related care. Methods: Using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (2001, 2004, and 2008), I examine the odds of needing care assistance, who provides care assistance, and the duration of time care assistance is needed, comparing U.S.-born individuals to migrants who arrived before age 50 ("earlier-life migrants") and those who arrived after age 50 ("later-life migrants"). Results: While earlier-life migrants showed similar patterns to U.S.-born, later-life migrants showed higher care needs, were more likely to receive care from an adult child, and were particularly likely to need care for longer durations compared to U.S.-born. Discussion: Aging later-life migrants have strikingly distinct care needs and arrangements, with implications for individual and family well-being, especially considering their barriers to public support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this presidential address, I argue for the importance of state-created categories and classification systems that determine eligibility for tangible and intangible resources. Through classification systems based on rules and regulations that reflect powerful interests and ideologies, bureaucracies maintain entrenched inequality systems that include, exclude, and neglect. I propose adopting a critical perspective when using formalized categories in our work, which would acknowledge the constructed nature of those categories, their naturalization through everyday practices, and their misalignments with lived experiences. This lens can reveal the systemic structures that engender both enduring patterns of inequality and state classification systems, and reframe questions about the people the state sorts into the categories we use. I end with a brief discussion of the benefits that can accrue from expanding our theoretical repertoires by including knowledge produced in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Much research has investigated the complex interplay between education and migration. Education has been alternatively conceptualized as playing an important role as motivator or deterrent of future migration. This relationship, however, is often investigated in terms of coarse indicators of educational attainment. Purpose: In this paper we investigate a less commonly explored side of the link between education and immigration. Our study estimates the relationship between immigration and educational quality and opportunity for the case of Mexico and the United States. Using these indicators we are able to delve deeper into how education affects migration decisions. Studying the relationships between immigration rates and aggregate indicators of education quality and opportunity can shed light into the ways in which education systems and governmental structures may influence or react to immigration patterns among school-age children. Research Design: Data for this study come from three different sources: The Mexican Family Life Survey (MXFLS), which contains information on individual migration decisions; the Oportunidades program, which contains extensive family socio-economic characteristics and school quality indicators; and data from the National Population Council of Mexico, which contains socio-economic and demographic information about communities. Taking advantage of this data, we use logistic and linear regression models to estimate the relationship between education quality and migration. Results: Our results suggest significant relationships between individual decisions to migrate and indicators of educational access, quality, and opportunity, suggesting that the experiences and opportunities afforded to individuals and families in school throughout the years can be of consequence for explaining immigration decisions and patterns. Conclusions/Recommendations: Our analyses raise questions for delineating a framework for studying the relationship between educational quality and immigration. Such a framework should consider that not only individuals may have a lower incentive to further their schooling, but communities and even authorities may also have a lower incentive to improve school quality and opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates comparative patterns of fertility in new Hispanic destinations and established gateways using pooled cross-sectional data from the 2005-2009 microdata files of the American Community Survey. Changing Hispanic fertility provides a useful indicator of cultural incorporation. Analyses show that high fertility among Hispanics has been driven in part by the Mexican origin and other new immigrant populations ( e.g., non-citizens, those with poor English language skills, etc.). However, high fertility rates among Hispanics cannot be explained entirely by sociodemographical characteristics that place them at higher risk of fertility. For 2005-2009, Hispanic fertility rates were 48 percent higher than fertility among whites; they were roughly 25 percent higher after accounting for differences in key social characteristics, such as age, nativity, country of origin, and education. Contrary to most previous findings of spatial assimilation among in-migrants, fertility rates among Hispanics in new destinations exceeded fertility in established gateways by 18 percent. In the multivariate analyses, Hispanics in new destinations were roughly 10 percent more likely to have had a child in the past year than those living in established gateways. Results are consistent with subcultural explanations of Hispanic fertility and raise new questions about the spatial patterning of assimilation and the formation of ethnic enclaves outside traditional settlement areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using representative national surveys, this paper compares economic outcomes among Latin American migrants to Spain and the United States in the first cross-national comparison using quantitative data. Considering the geographic location and social proximity of each country with respect to Latin America, we detect a critical selection effect whereby the majority of Latin American migrants to Spain originate in South America from middle class backgrounds, whereas most migrants to the United States are Central Americans of lower class origins. This selection effect accounts for cross-national differences in the probability of employment, occupational attainment, and wages earned. Despite differences in the origins and characteristics of Latino immigrants to each country, demographic and human and social capital factors appear to operate similarly in both places; and when models are estimated separately by legal status, we find that effects are more accentuated for undocumented compared with documented migrants, especially in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does immigration hamper union organizing in the United States? The prevailing literature strongly suggests that it does and for two reasons: first, immigrants increase the labor pool and diminish union influence over the labor market. And second, immigrants may be harder to organize than native workers. In this dominant view, unions are well served to restrict immigration and have always done so. But how, then, to explain the fact that American labor has long been deeply divided over the response to immigration? Drawing on new archival research and interviews, this paper uncovers a neglected side of American labor history in which many union leaders have extended solidarity to immigrants and sought to organize them. Moreover, analysis of time series data on immigration and union density corroborates the implicit theory of this alternate account of labor history: immigration has, in fact, no statistically significant effect - either positive or negative - on union density over time. Depending on specific conditions and strategies, unions can and have been successful in organizing during periods of high immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is an important population dynamic at work in the U.S., but we know little about its impact on American obesity. Built on nutrition transition and immigration theories, this paper provides explanations for immigrants’ initial body composition advantage, its partial erosion over time, and the gender difference in the erosion. We find evidence that the American obesity epidemic would be much more severe without the mass immigration that began in 1965. In addition to confirming the erosion in immigrants’ body composition advantage, we further find that this erosion is weaker for men than for women. Once immigration’s impact is teased out, racial/ethnic disparities in body composition greatly differ from what we observe. This study provides gender-specific estimates for the differences in obesity by nativity and residence duration and the net level of Hispanic-white and Asian-white disparities at the mean body mass index (BMI) as well as the overweight, Stage-1, and Stage-2 obesity cutoffs. Our findings suggest that immigration must be taken into account when addressing public health concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants account for a majority of recent urban population growth in the United States, and for much economic growth as well. This is expected to continue for the next several decades. The foreign-born are much more likely to use transit, carpool, walk, and bicycle, particularly in their first few years of living in the United States. These trends represent challenges and opportunities for transportation and land use planners to increase the environmental sustainability of population growth, use existing transportation systems to their maximum efficiency, and support economic development. But doing so depends on anticipating the travel demands of varying immigrant groups, and those demands in turn depend on their employment and residential location choices. The authors present the most current data available on these trends, summarize research literature, and identify the major research questions needing answers to understand how to accommodate the travel demands of immigration-driven population growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding why some national-origin groups excel in school while others do not is an enduring sociological puzzle. This paper examines whether the degree of immigrants' educational selectivity -- that is, how immigrants differ educationally from non-migrants in the home country -- influences educational outcomes among groups of immigrants' children. This study uses published international data and U.S. Census and Current Population Survey data on 32 immigrant groups to show that as immigrants' educational selectivity increases, the college attainment of the second generation also increases. Moreover, the more positive selection of Asian immigrants helps explain their second generations' higher college attendance rates as compared to Europeans, Afro-Caribbeans, and Latinos. Thus, the findings suggest that inequalities in relative pre-migration educational attainments among immigrants are often reproduced among the next generation in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many advanced economies have an aging population that relies heavily on government pensions, social security, and privately held investment-based income. In the United States the geography of social security and investment income (collectively called nonearnings income) is uneven. Furthermore, the ways in which migration serves to redistribute such income across space remain unstudied. This paper highlights regions in the United States that are becoming increasingly attractive to nonearnings income through migration. Overall, there is a consistent Rustbelt-to-Sunbelt shift in nonearnings income due to migration. These income shifts, however, are quite distinct between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas. Starting in the late 1980s, nonmetropolitan portions of the Rustbelt enjoyed net gains in nonearnings income through migration processes. Therefore, it appears that the migration systems which drew income away from the nonmetropolitan north during the 1970s are now shifting to some degree. Analysis further indicates that migration contributes to greater levels of economic disparity across space. Whereas flows of social security income are highly influenced by the aggregate level of migration, flows of investment income are more influenced by differentials in migrants' per capita income levels. Regions such as the Plains are attracting migrants with relatively low per capita nonearnings income whereas the Rocky Mountain and New England regions are attracting individuals with high per capita income. Destinations such as the Rocky Mountains and New England are likely to enjoy significant economic benefits as new sources of income arrive which are tied to migration, but the Plains region is left with less-well-off populations, which pose significant social and economic problems in such sending regions. As the population in the United States and other advanced economies ages, these processes of nonearnings income migration become increasingly important in shaping local and regional economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on problems with the definition and empirical identification of immigrant first and second generations in the United States. These loosely conceived aggregates are decomposed into a typology of distinct generational cohorts defined by age and life stage at migration for the foreign born and by parental nativity for the U.S. born. Differences in educational and occupational attainment and in language and other aspects of acculturation are then examined to consider whether the practice of "lumping" these generational cohorts together, or "splitting" them into distinctive units of analysis, is empirically supported by available evidence. The paper concludes with some thoughts on data needs and methodological considerations in the study of immigrant generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant smuggling is a humanitarian crisis that impacts public health. A limited number of studies have focused on the links between migrant smuggling and its impact on the risk of infectious diseases, including HIV, for those smuggled. To explore these links, we conducted in-depth interviews with 11 Asian and Pacific Americans (APA) living with HIV in New York and Los Angeles. Qualitative content analysis revealed that smuggled immigrants described their experience as one with opportunity and danger. Smuggled immigrants, who aimed to achieve their American dream, were influenced by hometown pioneers who successfully journeyed to the United States and by the prospect of gaining legal status through immigration policy similar to the 1986 amnesty. Unfortunately, the long and dangerous journey exposed the immigrants to health problems, including risk for HIV. Thus, health care providers for immigrants should assess their migration routes and screen for infectious diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines differences in brown-collar wage penalties for native white, native black, native Latino, and earlier-immigrant Latino men. Brown-collar jobs are those with a large share of recent immigrant Latino men. The analyses demonstrate that, across eighteen, ethnically heterogeneous immigrant-receiving local labor markets, employment in brown-collar occupations carries substantial wage disadvantages for both U.S.-born workers and earlier-immigrant Latinos. Among natives, blacks appear to suffer disproportionately from employment in brown-collar jobs: they incur significantly larger penalties than do whites. The findings also demonstrate far higher brown-collar wage penalties for earlier-immigrant co-ethnics than for native workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the theoretical and empirical bases for conclusions about the placement and strength of color lines in the United States given the new immigration. It presents recent data on intermarriage and multiracial identification and examines differences among whites, blacks, Latinos, and Asians. The higher rates of intermarriage and multiracial identification for Latinos and Asians compared to blacks suggest that the color line may not be as strong (or may be shifting more rapidly) for these newer immigrant groups compared to blacks. The authors find evidence of a new color line that is no longer divided by black and white (and by implication white and nonwhite) but rather by black and nonblack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the new wave of immigrants on labor market outcomes and economic welfare in the United States has received substantial attention, and so too has the problem of the incorporating immigrants into American society. This paper explores the impact of immigration, suburbanization, and bank financing on urban evolution. By building on two social models aimed at explaining racial segregation, the investigation is designed to facilitate the modeling of urban economic evolution in explicitly spatial approaches. At the core of the model is a link between agent income and spatially-rooted wealth accumulation. The model suggests that market-based suburbanization invariably undermines the cross-class solidarity of inner-city residents and that immigration will not, of itself, improve this dynamic. Indeed, incorporating immigration into this model's growth dynamic only delays or intensifies the tendency toward spatial polarization based on income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The great body of recent work on international migration has generally considered immigration as a permanent movement and explored the phenomenon from either a micro or macro perspective. Transnationalism offers a new model that integrates these dichotomized views. This paper uses the perspective of transnationalism to explore the motives of Israeli immigrants in the U.S. Integrating insights from both micro and world systems perspectives, findings emphasize the importance of personal and macro-level networks as well as Israelis' international culture and experience as both facilitating and giving meaning to their presence in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, debate over immigration policy in the United States has been growing in its intensity. From positions across the political spectrum, numerous politicians, journalists, and academics have been calling for tighter control of American borders. One frequently made argument for restricting immigration is that such reform is necessary in order to protect an especially vulnerable segment of the African-American community from competition with newly arrived immigrants (for example, see Lamm and Imholf, 1985:154-155, 241; Brimelow, 1995:11; Lind, 1995:71-72, 256, 319-321; Beck, 1996; Bouvier and Grant, 1994; 19-21, 93-94; Briggs, 1994). Given the prevalence of this concern, it is somewhat surprising how little attention has been given to black's own attitudes towards immigration policy. This paper seeks to uncover these attitudes. The findings reported here reveal a largely unappreciated complexity in this aspect of African-American history and life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares characteristics of recent immigrant arrivals in the United States using two measures from the decennial U.S. census: the came-to-stay question and the migration question. We show that a little under 30 percent of immigrants who reported they came to stay between 1985-1990 on the 1990 U.S. Census Public Use Micro Sample were resident in the United States on April 1, 1985. A similar analysis of the 1980 census reveals that 22 percent of immigrants who reported they came to stay between 1975-1980 lived in the United States on April 1, 1975. Thus among recent arrivals, defined as those who reported they came to stay in the quinquennium preceding the census, a large number were resident in the United States five years before the census date. Furthermore, the proportion of recent arrivals present in the United States five years before the census increased between 1975-1980 and 1985-1990. We show that the profile of recent arrivals is sensitive to their migration status. Generally, in both the 1975-1980 and 1985-1990 cohorts, those resident in the United States five years before the census have significantly less schooling and lower incomes than those who were abroad. Accordingly, we argue that estimates of the skill levels and hourly wages of recent arrivals to the United States vary with the way arrival is measured. Researchers who rely on Public Use samples of the U.S. census for their data should be aware that the year of entry question implies a broader definition of arrival than the migration question. We caution that immigration researchers should consider the idea of arrival more carefully to help distinguish newcomers from the resident foreign born. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the changes in the occupational allocation of native and foreign-born women between 1970 and 1980 and decomposes the observed changes into an industry shift, and intra-industry occupational recomposition shift, and an interaction of these two main effects. Our finding that the allocation of immigrant women into two blue-collar occupations (laborers and farm laborers) and immigrant men into four blue-collar occupations (operatives, service workers, laborers and farm laborers) increased at a faster rate than the growth of the immigrant workforce indicates the advancement of a process of occupational succession whereby immigrants are channeled into jobs vacated by domestic workers. This interpretation is particularly suggested for the expansion of immigrant workers in the operative (men only) and farm laborer (both men and women) occupations because employment has declined continuously in these job categories since World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the migration of southern African Americans to northern cities after World War I and World War II, which resulted in a redistribution of the African American population. In his book "Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration," Otto Klineberg has written a method in which intelligence and performance tests are given to Negro children living in New York, and then a comparison is done between the groups with different lengths of residence in New York. After comparison, it was found that the earlier migrants were superior to the later ones.

The objective of this paper is to assess the current state of our knowledge about the socio-economic and motivational characteristics of Puerto Rican migrants to, and from, the United States mainland. Focusing on these characteristics of the migrants makes it possible to determine the significance of the migration for Puerto Rico, by indicating which population segments the Island is losing, and gaining. It also enables one to see the significance of the move for the migrants themselves. Perhaps a social mobility process is involved, in which the more motivated migrate to the mainland to improve their socio-economic status, and the most successful return to Puerto Rico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is concerned with delineating the material manifestations of state violence, with a particular focus on sexual violence in immigration detention prisons in the context of two settler-colonial nation states: Australia and the United States. It draws its impetus from the projected work of the late sociolegal scholar, Penny Pether, and her outline for a large-scale project on comparative regimes of indefinite detention. In our article, we pursue an exchange between the draft of Pether's first chapter, 'Beginning Again', for her projected book, and elements of a transnational project titled 'Deathscapes: Mapping Race and Violence in Settler States' that we initiated in partnership with colleagues in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. We track these linkages in order to argue that these similar, if often different, colonial histories both inform and continue to shape contemporary regimes of detention and their reproduction of sexual violence and assault against their captive populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the activities of various organizations working in the field of population studies. The Center for Population Research of the U.S. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development has planned a workshop on "U.S. Immigration: Research Perspectives" on May 16-18, 1977. The workshop aims to assess present knowledge as to the magnitude, characteristics, and impact of immigration into the United States, the adequacy of current data sources, what research needs to be done at the macro- and micro-levels, and how such research might be undertaken in order to provide a better basis for making population projections and a more adequate base for informed policy. The Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission is planning to sponsor a conference on African American history in Pennsylvania. The Commission is particularly interested in receiving papers that investigate African-American migration to cities and subsequent settlement in the urban environment.

How do migration and immigration shape the political geography of American cities? In this article, we propose a mechanism of partisan sorting and demographic change which is tested using the mass migration of African Americans from New Orleans to Houston, Texas in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. We argue that differences in residential choice preferences among partisans combined with demographic changes which increase diversity can induce sorting by triggering flight (migration) among ideological conservatives. Using Hurricane Katrina evacuee data from schools in Harris Country along with a variety of empirical tools, we find evidence suggesting that African American Hurricane Katrina migration led to Republican flight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Severe party conflict, not a high-minded suspension of politics, now prevails “at the water’s edge.” Democrats and Republicans fight pitched battles over foreign affairs. But are the two parties polarized in their substantive preferences on foreign policy, or mainly jockeying for partisan advantage? Are they polarized on foreign policy less sharply than on domestic policy? What are the sources of party polarization over foreign policy? Using a new measure of senatorial foreign-policy preferences from 1945-2010, we explore party polarization over foreign policy. We find that foreign-policy preferences have had varying relationships with party politics and general ideology. Since the 1960s, however, the parties have become increasingly polarized on foreign policy. Using a multilevel analysis, we show that foreign-policy polarization has developed in response to partisan electoral rivalry, foreign-policy events, and general ideological polarization. The analysis indicates an increasing influence of domestic politics on foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis of data from the 5% 1980 and 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples shows that among 18-40-year-old men in the United States, immigrants were less likely than the native-born to be institutionalized (that is, in correctional facilities, mental hospitals, or other institutions), and much less likely to be institutionalized than native-born men with similar demographic characteristics. Furthermore, earlier immigrants were more likely to be institutionalized than were more recent immigrants. Although all immigrant cohorts appear to have assimilated toward the higher institutionalization rates of the native-born as their time in the country increased, the institutionalization rates of recent immigrants did not increase as quickly as would be predicted from the experience of earlier immigrant cohorts. These results contradict what one would predict from the literature on immigrant earnings, which suggests that more recent immigrants have worse permanent labor market characteristics than earlier immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 1970, 1980, and 1990 U.S. census data, the author examines the life-cycle patterns of immigrant women's labor force participation. He finds that the cross-sectional approach that has been used in all previous studies leads to a substantial over-estimate of the degree to which immigrant women's assimilation increases their labor force participation. The effect of assimilation found by using the cohort approach, however (which acknowledges the possibility that patterns of labor force participation partly reflect the year of immigration), is still sizable. The effect is concentrated within the first 10 years after arrival. There are substantial differences in participation and assimilation by country of birth. Immigrants from Japan, Korea, and China are found to have experienced the greatest degree of assimilation, with an effect that raises the probability of working by 20 percentage points during the first 10 years after arriving in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public beliefs about the frequency of voter fraud are frequently cited to support restrictive voting laws in the United States. However, some sources of public beliefs about voter fraud have received little attention. We identify two conditions that combine to make anti-immigrant attitudes a strong predictor of voter fraud beliefs. First, the recent growth and dispersion of the immigrant population makes immigration a salient consideration for many Americans. Second, an immigrant threat narrative in political discourse linking immigration to crime and political dysfunction has been extended to the voting domain. Using new data from a survey module in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and the 2012 American National Election Study, we show that immigrant resentment is strongly associated with voter fraud beliefs. Widespread hostility toward immigrants helps nourish public beliefs about voter fraud and support for voting restrictions in the United States. The conditions generating this relationship in public opinion likely exist in other nations roiled by immigration politics. The topic of fraudulent electoral practices will likely continue to provoke voters to call to mind groups that are politically constructed as “un-American.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of heightened enforcement, hundreds of thousands of immigrants have returned to their countries of birth by force, and others have left by (constrained) choice. Drawing on interviews with 1.5-generation return migrants in Mexico, this article examines how young adults navigate incorporation in various states and localities on both sides of the border. After facing barriers in the US because of unauthorized immigration status, return migrants continue to face challenges in Mexico due to social stigmas associated with immigrant populations and bureaucratic obstacles that block access to educational institutions and labor market opportunities. The data suggest that exclusionary immigration laws have enduring and transnational impacts over the experiences of both “voluntary” return migrants and deportees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]