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Sexual harassment continues to be a consistent destructive feature of American life and workplaces, especially in fields for which women are under-represented, such as law enforcement. We use one of the first nationally representative cross-sectional surveys (n = 2,867) of female and male law enforcement officers (LEOs) to assess the prevalence of workplace sexual harassment victimization. Next, we assess how risk factors are related to this harassment through multivariable modeling. We observed large differences between rates of sexual harassment for female compared to male officers on both our measures of non-physical and physical workplace sexual harassment (sexual assault). Our combined measure of non-physical sexual harassment and sexual assault of female officers (71%) was in the range found in prior research and our 41% rate for male officers is also not trivial and requires attention from law enforcement leaders. We tested two competing hypotheses on whether female officers (and possibly some male officers not meeting certain definitions of masculinity) viewed as the most threatening by virtue of their job role in the male-dominated hierarchy will have the highest probability of being a victim of workplace sexual harassment (power-threat model) or whether those viewed as the most vulnerable officers will have the highest probability of sexual harassment victimization (vulnerable-victim model). We found greater support for the vulnerable-victim model. We discuss the implications of these results for guiding training and prevention strategies to address sexual harassment in the law enforcement workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether online sexual harassment (SH) is a unique form of behavior, separate and apart from in-person SH. Data were drawn from the National Survey on Teen Relationships and Intimate Violence (STRiV), a national representative household survey focused on youth interpersonal aggression. A weighted sample of 1,184 youth (12-21 years old) completed a baseline and a follow-up survey 1 year later. Through latent class analysis (LCA), we investigate our first research question of whether there are distinct classes/profiles of mutually exclusive online or in-person SH victims or whether they mostly overlap. Second, does there exist a high-rate group of SH victims who experience most of the SH behaviors both in-person and online? Third, what individual characteristics and behaviors, based on past research, are associated with these identified profiles of SH? LCA did not reveal an in-person-only or online-only SH class. The majority of the sample (78.5%) were represented in a Low/Near Zero SH class; 15.3% in a Sexual Orientation Harassment class suffering sexual orientation–related verbal harassment online and in-person; 4.2% in a Verbal SH class suffering verbal sexual comments, being forced to talk about sex, and being shown sexual pictures in-person and online; and 1.9% in a High SH class featured by a high probability of experiencing all online and in-person forms of SH. Biological sex, attitudes, anger, previous violence exposure, and gender stereotyping each predicted at least one latent class. The findings can help inform the design of more effective interventions to prevent SH, highlighting the overlapping nature of in-person and online SH. Prevention efforts designed to address in-person SH need to also consider online SH and vice versa. Clinicians should also consider the risk factors of SH identified in this study in their work identifying at-risk youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]