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Although sociologists have expressed growing interest in globalization, they have devoted little sustained empirical attention to the many claims made in its name. I focus on the link that has been drawn between globalization and the deindustrialization of the advanced industrial societies. To examine this, I employ a pooled time-series of cross-sections data set that combines observations on 18 OECD nations across the 1968-1992 period. Fixed-effects regression models that control for unmeasured country-specific effects reveal support for arguments that implicate foreign direct investment and North-South trade in the declining percentage of the labor force employed in manufacturing in the OECD countries. Regression results also show that deindustrialization across this period is largely explained by a model that combines an attention to the post-Golden Age "troubles" of northern manufacturing with classic generalizations of the process of development. Interpretation of the empirical findings is tempered by an exercise in counterfactual history, which reveals that deindustrialization would have been considerable in these countries even if the upswings in direct investment and southern imports had not occurred or if the performance of the manufacturing sector had been stronger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following World War II, executives from the General Motors Corporation (GM) implemented a sweeping corporate growth plan that centered on the suburbanization of manufacturing. As part of this agenda of metropolitan capitalism, company officials shifted resources and jobs away from the city of Flint, Michigan—GM’s international manufacturing headquarters. However, these capital migrations were not examples of corporate abandonment. Rather, the company’s investment decisions were part of a larger effort to expand Flint’s boundaries and create a regional government. Although suburban opponents ultimately defeated the proposal for a “New Flint,” GM’s support for metropolitan government belies the notion of capital flight at the heart of most literature on the “urban crisis.” Emphasizing the local struggles that unfolded over GM’s postwar investment strategy, this case study posits metropolitan capitalism as a new framework for explaining urban deindustrialization and, more broadly, the processes of suburban development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores how understandings of community and belonging have shifted in relation to rapid deindustrialization and subsequent waves of redevelopment in East Manchester. Drawing on ethnographic research, it focuses on two social settings which are under threat of closure - a coffee morning and a market place. In these settings, long-standing residents make community, paradoxically, by sharing narratives about the loss of social ties. Drawing on relational approaches to place, the discussion sheds light on the disruption between place and identity in post-industrial localities which have been reshaped by drastic physical regeneration. The paper argues that in order to understand the apparent contradiction between narratives of social decline and observations of abundant social relations, it is necessary to extend existing sociological and anthropological approaches to community and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The industrialization of developing countries has fundamentally transformed work, employment, and labor for millions. Despite the industrialization of most of the developing world, we present evidence that Latin America has experienced stagnating industrial employment in the past few decades. Benefiting from recently available data on industrial employment as a percentage of total employment from 1980 through 2006, we analyze fixed-effects models for 20 Latin American countries. Specifically, we examine three theoretical explanations: productivity/comparative advantage, institutionalism, and dependency/world-systems. Our analyses demonstrate that the prevailing productivity/comparative advantage explanation has limited value. By contrast, we find supportive evidence for a combination of institutional and dependency/world-systems variables. In particular, the stagnating industrial employment share in Latin American countries has been driven by the negative effects of (in order of magnitude) the Mercosur trade agreement, mineral and ore exports (as a percentage of total exports), the duration of the current political regime, military spending (as a percentage of GDP), and inward foreign direct investment flows (as a percentage of GDP). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By analyzing how Korea has upgraded its industrial capabilities in the course of corporate globalization, this article holds that some versions of developmental state work better in the globalization process. Globalizing national corporations, neoliberal optimism notwithstanding, does not necessarily result in upgrading domestic innovation capabilities. In the United States, free-market firms may benefit through offshoring, but they create holes in the industrial linkages or industrial commons at home, enfeebling US capability for innovation. By contrast, the Korean government successfully upgraded domestic firms’ innovation capabilities and reduced the possibility of deindustrialization in the course of globalization by moving from classical developmentalism to a new form of development based on inclusive and collaborative networks. Korea’s earlier classical developmentalism focused on mobilization of physical capital, funneling it exclusively to a few firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advances in urban sociology now depend on developing the temporal dimensions of ethnographic data. For public place behavior, the need is to follow people before, through, and after the sites where fly-on-the-wall researchers traditionally have observed them. To understand how people economically exploit a city's public life, researchers must follow market responses that discount and redistribute initial advantages. For explaining the formation of neighborhoods, a multiphase social theory is required. Drawing examples from Los Angeles, nine historical processes are shown to have shaped a substantively wide range of cases, including officially preserved, Orthodox Jewish, affluent totemic, low-income ethnic immigrant, and homeless service areas. A historical approach shows that the social character stamped onto a neighborhood early in its history is often effaced or reversed by later processes, identifies new formative processes, and locates the major turning point in a different period, the 1960s, than do theories stressing globalization and deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this investigation was to determine the impacts of economic globalization on labor markets and outline potential pathways for these changes to affect health status in industrialized nations. A systematic review of the economic globalization and health literature revealed that, under the impact of globalization and market deregulation, the past 25 years have witnessed de-industrialization, shifts to nontraditional, insecure work arrangements, and relatively high levels of unemployment in most developed nations. This has occurred in the context of hypermobility of capital, relative immobility of labor, and declining market position for unskilled labor. Such structural changes in the labor markets in conjunctionwith shifts in educational opportunities and requirements have resulted in the increasing marginalization of unskilled workers from the labor market. Aside from direct effects on health due to the threat and experience of unemployment, and given that income inequality within nations is a main driver of national health status, lowered relative wages for the unskilled will probably affect national health status through increased income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Americans believe free trade destroyed the U.S. industrial base, and blame foreign workers for taking their jobs. During World War II, Keynes had similar misgivings about the effect of postwar free trade on Britain’s economy. Yet for Keynes, economic forces are never inevitable, and capital rather than labor was the cause of trouble. His 1941 proposal for an International Clearing Union suggested capital controls, forced creditor adjustment, and an international fiat reserve as remedies for deindustrialization. This framework channeled financing toward production rather than speculation, leading to a rising standard of living for workers. A counterfactual with balance of payments data for the United States and China since 1982 suggests his ICU would have prevented U.S. deindustrialization, while yet permitting export-led growth in China. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Keywords: racism; working class; globalization; international labor; China; AFL-CIO; APALA; Asian Americans EN racism working class globalization international labor China AFL-CIO APALA Asian Americans 84 90 7 05/24/22 20220501 NES 220501 Graph: In 2004 the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, U.S. labor leaders, and educators met in China. The AFL-CIO anti-China campaigns were a continuation of decades of Cold War ideology, and advanced the erroneous analysis that China was to blame for deindustrialization, capital flight, and worker dislocation caused by U.S.-based multinational corporations. In 2002, APALA arranged for Service Employees International Union (SEIU) President Andy Stern and other key labor leaders to visit with labor leaders of China, breaking with the AFL-CIO policy of no engagement. [Extracted from the article]

Despite the large evidence of the recent globalization phenomenon at national level, very little is known about the involvement of regional economies in Global Value Chains (GVCs). Instead, the regional dimension of GVCs is of primary importance since regions require an absolute advantage to be part of an international production chain. It can in fact be easily the case that within the same country both the participation and the gains from GVCs strongly differ among regions. In going to the territorial roots of GVCs, the paper aims to conceptualize a taxonomy of different modes in which regions can be involved in GVCs, based on different intensity of participation and rewarding conditions. Based on regional trade in value added matrices, the taxonomy is applied to the manufacturing sector at NUTS2 regions in Europe, combining two indicators of regional participation and 'terms of trade' imposed in the chain. Although national patterns are visible, and a clear divide between Eastern and Western Europe emerges, the modes of involvement are highly diversified within countries. Moreover, through a multinomial logit model, the local characteristics associated with the different roles that regions can have within GVCs are looked for. Their identification has far-reaching normative consequences that intervene in the capacity of regions to gain from participation in GVCs, and to mitigate the interregional income distribution effects that this involvement may cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to predominant neoliberal ideology that argued higher economic growth rates would eventually lead to better results in terms of income distribution, the last three decades witnessed high economic growth rates accompanied by rising income inequalities in most countries worldwide. Abundance of natural resources in several developing countries had significant implications for their economic growth and subsequent income inequality levels. Further, neoliberal globalization manifested itself in increased foreign direct investment and trade openness impacted world economies significantly. This research examines the effects of natural resource dependency, neoliberal globalization, and state-institutional factors alongside the internal development model on income inequality in a set of 96 developing countries for the period 1980–2010. Models for Prais–Winsten regressions with panel corrected standard errors show that within the internal development model, population growth rates are the most significant factor in influencing income inequality levels. Natural resource dependency is equally important and is positively associated with increasing inequalities. More detailed analyses of different types of energy-rich countries reveal varying results exemplifying the importance of exploring how different types of natural resources might affect income inequality levels rather than their sheer magnitude. Consistent with previous research, foreign direct investment indicates a robust positive association with increasing income inequalities whereas trade openness exhibits a negative association signifying the positive effect deindustrialization that took place in advanced countries might have had on developing countries. Finally and counterintuitively, democracy is associated with higher income inequalities whereas institutional quality is negatively associated with income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores why New York City's municipal government, together with private benefactors, poured an unprecedented amount of money into the arts during the 1980s, a time of broader austerity. While other public expenditures saw dramatic cuts, the arts were considered essential to the city's future as a center for global capital—as a way to lure financial elites and young professionals to the city, create new forms of revenue-raising consumption, and cement New York's reputation as the ultimate global city. New York had always had a vital arts scene. But in the 1980s, the arts were monetized in new ways to serve capital—and capitalists. Arts and culture were central to the new urban lifestyle that helped produce the explosion of global finance. But as arts and culture increasingly came to be associated with a luxury lifestyle, the arts themselves became a luxury, inaccessible to most New Yorkers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we analyze the determinants of total, private, and public sector union density among 191 U.S. metropolitan statistical areas in 2003. In particular, we examine the effects of globalization and labor market transformation on metropolitan union density while controlling for labor market structure, the business cycle, and the political climate. Our analysis demonstrates that (1) globalization and labor market transformation have crosscutting but, on balance, negative effects on union density; (2) there are both similarities and differences in determinants of private and public sector unionism; and (3) business cycle and labor market structure variables are weak, but political climate variables are strong determinants of union density. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Has global financial integration allowed firms in the so-called "Global South" to profit from financial activity? Financialization researchers have either neglected these countries and the international economic order in general or neglected firm-level dynamics, a broad sample of emerging markets, and a theoretical and historical explanation for this trend. I attempt to fill these gaps using data on all non-financial corporations across 31 emerging market economies to answer this question. To theorize and explain the recent historical origins of this process in a more sociological and global lens, I draw on the work of Giovanni Arrighi. My results show that financial inflows, but not outflows, increase financial accumulation in Global South firms—specifically short-term investments and cross-border lending. Moreover, nearly all financial income is generated by the largest firms. These results help explain how financial power undermines development in the Global South yet simultaneously empowers local economic elites who benefit from financial integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration cities have counterbalanced deindustrialization and urban decline by acting as gateways of labor, capital, commodity, and cultural exchange in the new global economy. Eithnic places are emblematic transnational spaces that both constitute and convey broader processes of economic and cultural globalization. Ethnic entrepreneurs, community activists, and artists have revalorized spaces in the zone-in-transition, places from which they were historically restricted, evicted, or displaced. These rejuvenated ethnic places serve as "polyglot honeypots" for urban managers pursuing growth machine strategies in the postindustriell symbolic economy. Contradictions and conflicts are presented by globalization as much as opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's observation on the implications of globalization for sport. When the United Nations formed as a peacetime organization, transforming its wartime status as an anti-Fascist alliance, its twin prongs of moral suasion as a peacekeeper were promises of economic well-being and postcolonial transformation. As a key entertainment component of international civil society, sport has long had a unique ability to grow economically despite recessions. Sport has also had a mythic capacity of standing for the nation that puts it beyond the sometimes dubious representative stature of business or government. Unlike other forms of business, sporting companies cannot afford to become monopolists; they must have ongoing competition simply to function and that competition must happen routinely and in a programmed way. Hence the legitimacy of discussion among rival owners and limits to team salaries. At the same time, sport accompanies fast food, film, television and financial services as major new exports within and beyond the First World in an era of deindustrialization. The cultural aspect can be preserved if professionalization is a means to the end of nurturing junior and amateur play rather than a striving after profit for its own sake.

The discipline of comparative political economy (CPE) relies heavily on aggregate, country-level economic indicators. However, the practices of multinational corporations have increasingly undermined this approach to measurement. The problem of indicator drift is well documented by a growing critical literature and calls for systematic methodological attention in CPE. We present the case for a rocky but ultimately rewarding middle road between indicator fatalism and indicator faith. We illustrate our argument by examining two important cases—Sweden's recent export success and the financialization of non-financial corporations in France. A careful parsing of the data suggests corrections to common characterizations of the two cases. Swedish exports have been reshaped by intragroup trade among foreign subsidiaries of domestic corporations. The growth of financial assets held by French firms is attributable to the growth of foreign direct investment and to cumulative revaluation effects, while what remains of financialization is concentrated among the very largest firms. Based on these findings, we propose a methodological routine that parses data by zooming in on the qualitative specifics of countries, sectors, and firms, while using all available options for disaggregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the process of globalization on workers and their families in Canada, Mexico, and the U.S. Globalization is based on the ideology of neoliberalism, which is promoted by the most powerful economic and political actors in the world, and includes the deregulation of financial transactions and the promotion of free trade. Globalization and neoliberalism have brought tremendous profits to transnational corporations and international financial institutions, and accelerated the accumulation of wealth to a small, powerful elite in all countries involved, At the same time, globalization has led to economic decline for workers, massive impoverishment, and growing income inequality world-wide, These effects have appeared, albeit to differing degrees, in both developed and developing economies. Once again workers are forced to pay the price of political and economic change but, this time, on a truly global scale. This paper is part of a long-standing research project initiated by the authors to uncover the meaning of globalization, to describe its critical policy components, to empirically analyze its impacts, and, finally, to propose educational and action strategies for workers and unions in response to it.

This paper examines whether localized trade shocks from China influence Brazilians' views on integration with the country. We test the following hypotheses: (1) as trade shocks are localized, views on trade should form at the local, rather than at the individual level, and (2) as localized trade shocks affect both workers and companies in a same region, they should also influence legislators' views on China. Our analyses find support for both claims, but only among losers from Chinese trade. Residents and legislators from localities hurt by import shocks tend to hold negative views about economic ties with China, whereas neither residents nor legislators from localities benefitted by export shocks exhibit more positive views about the country. Our paper contributes to the literature on the politics of trade by incorporating meso-level theories of trade preference formation and by establishing the conditions under which the interests of constituencies should shape legislators' views on international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of analyses on precarious labor depart from a sense of exception, either in the 1970s and 1980s or from the financial crisis of 2007–8, where a stable (stable, regulated, unionized) pattern of work levels would cease to be the preponderant factor for the proliferation of a new precarious norm. This reduction of the precariousness of labor leads to a series of misconceptions that prevent the understanding of the new forms and particularities of the processes of domination and exploitation of capitalist sociability at the turn of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, increasing concerns among the scholars incline to see the adverse effects of globalization. One of the major reasons for this ever-increasing concern is the gradual infiltration of market-driven production system and global capitalism among different groups of people who earn their living either as wage laborers or artisans. This effect has been most profoundly noted among those whose place is on the fringe of the national economy. Another main reason is that the states are increasingly losing their capacity to govern and to regulate in this increasingly borderless world, where resourceless artisans have become the worst sufferers both in the cultural and economic frontiers. This article attempts to examine the effect that the process of globalization has made among the silk weavers of Bishnupur region in West Bengal, India. It adopts a transformational approach and uses both contextual reading and ethnographic data collected through firsthand fieldwork among the aforesaid community. The ethnography describes the messy and unquantifiable relationship between local actors and the international process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the presage for the future of globalizing capitalism. Topics include consensus across the three cold war worlds proactive nation-states being necessary to organize the economy in the collective national interest; reflecting both domestic issues like declining profit rates and reinvestment in expanding production or technological change and union activism; and Nation-states proactively using their domestic powers and working to ready Globalization for prime time.

During the late 20th century, income inequality rose in most countries around the world, and by a substantial amount in some cases. By contrast, income disparities have stabilized during the post-2000 era, and have even begun to decline in a small majority of states. What accounts for this recent change? Unfortunately, existing work is not well-positioned to address this question. Researchers commonly restrict their attention to affluent nations or use empirical models that have not kept pace with either the changing landscape or the availability of newer measures, all of which suggests a path forward in this area of research. This article focuses on the post-2000 era, drawing from a large global sample (1284 observations across 129 states), while utilizing novel measures that better reflect the contemporary period. The study reports results from Prais–Winsten regression with panel-corrected standard errors and two-way fixed effects. The models show that income inequality is shaped by the major employment sectors (agriculture, industry, and services), the relative supply of unskilled/skilled labor (as indicated by population growth and tertiary school enrollment, respectively), globalization (international trade and migration), state characteristics (the size of government and regulation of labor), gender dynamics (female participation in paid work and government), and the unemployment rate. In sum, the results reveal a set of equalizing and disequalizing factors that shape each country's income distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1971, the Black Panther Party (BPP) seemingly went through an ideological transformation. Between 1968 and 1970 the Party had forged strong national and international solidarity and support through a politics of revolutionary armed self-defence and a commitment to anti-imperialism. Yet, in late 1970 as the sands of both national and geo-politics shifted, and as allies, both at home and abroad, became less supportive, the Panthers found themselves on less solid ground. Black Panther leader Huey P Newton, realizing this shift in the political landscape, and the futility of attempting an armed insurgency against the state without widespread support, now steered the BPP towards the idea of 'Survival Pending Revolution'. This saw the Panthers abandon the idea of immediate armed insurrection against the state and reorient towards a focus on their community engagement 'survival programs'. This article argues that Newton's orientation of the BPP away from armed insurrection and towards survival pending revolution was not simply a pragmatic choice of strategy, but rather based on a theorization of what he dubbed reactionary intercommunalism. Moreover, the article suggests that the history of neo-liberal globalization can be complicated and expanded by viewing Newton as one of the first theorists of neo-liberal globalization, and BPP survival programs as one of the first responses to the on-coming era of neo-liberalism in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have examined how micro-textual argumentative strategies are used to (de)legitimize contested corporate practices, less attention has been given to the role of ideologies or broader belief systems, underlying discursive (de)legitimation. Analyzing newspaper articles published after the announcement of two highly debated corporate restructurings in Belgium during the Great Recession, we identify the ideologies underlying (de)legitimizing statements and examine the discursive strategies through which social actors reproduce elements of these ideologies in legitimacy struggles. We show how the ideologies of 'neoliberal capitalism' and 'humanistic capitalism' shape framings of the restructurings, identity constructions of actors involved and propositions for government measures to prevent future restructurings from happening. Apart from predictable patterns of reproduction, we discern four creative reproduction strategies: 'refutation of elements of ideological representations', 'appropriation of key vocabularies', 'hybridization of ideological representations', and 'ideological pioneering'. Our study contributes by (1) providing novel insights into how ideologies function as discursive resources for (de)legitimation of contested corporate undertakings, (2) reconsidering the political nature of (de)legitimizing statements, and (3) reflecting on the (im)possibility of resistance against globalization-driven restructurings in multinational corporations and the neoliberal ideological project in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unequal exchange arises when spatial production of value is disjointed from its geographical distribution. A disaggregated monetary model of the world economy is presented on the grounds of Marx's labor theory of value. All the forms of unequal exchange in international trade are explained, on the basis of a coherent definition of the forms of international value of traded commodities. Estimates of value transfers for recent years show the ongoing relevance of the unequal exchange in the modern capitalist world economy. JEL classifications: B51, D46, F63 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I seek to provide an overview of the historical and geographical emergence of city-regions and to reflect on some of the debates that have arisen in regard to the theoretical status of these phenomena. I briefly describe the growth and spread of city-regions in the world since the mid-1950s and I consider how contemporary capitalism and globalization have fostered the development of this distinctive urban form. The internal organization of city-regions is then examined, with special reference to four generic outcomes: (1) aestheticized land-use intensification; (2) gentrification; (3) social polarization and informality; and (4) postsuburban landscapes. Issues of governance and policy are scrutinized and basic dilemmas of political coordination in city-regions are described. The argument ends with an evaluative review of certain critiques of the city-region idea in the current academic literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization characterizes the economic, social, political, and cultural spheres of the modern world. Tourism has long been claimed as a crucial force shaping globalization, while in turn the developments of the tourism sector are under the influences of growing interdependence across the world. As globalization proceeds, destination countries have become more and more susceptible to local and global events. By linking the existing literature coherently, this study explores a number of themes on economic globalization in tourism. It attempts to identify the forces underpinning globalization and assess the implications on both the supply side and the demand side of the tourism sector. In view of a lack of quantitative evidence, future directions for empirical research have been suggested to investigate the interdependence of tourism demand, the convergence of tourism productivity, and the impact of global events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the interplay between capital, socio-spatial structure and grassroots agency in the context of the recent trajectories of labor geography. Based on field research conducted in Dȇrsim, Turkey, our analysis unfolds the constraining role of socio-spatial structure in the agency and praxis of grassroots movements and their geography-making and crisis-displacement from below. Through the case study, we propound a concept of socio-spatial fix to explain how this praxis conjoins with and assists capital in both staving off its recurrent crises and reproducing its own logic of accumulation. Our analysis reveals that the socio-spatial fix in Dȇrsim, which is constituted by the grassroots struggle against hydroelectric power plant projects, performs three functions. First, it facilitates the production of capitalist social relations and spaces; second, it strengthens and maintains the existing social order through temporally moderating the province’s chronic problems; and third, it provides legitimacy for the capitalist exploitation of nature, culture and histories. Our research contributes to the emerging pluralist school of labor geography, providing an empirically substantiated insight into how capital reproduces itself via socio-spatial fixes produced by constrained grassroots agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly interest in the topic of nonviolent resistance has recently increased as a result of the worldwide spread of nonviolent campaigns such as the Arab Spring. Yet causal factors that facilitate the emergence of nonviolent resistance campaigns remain underexplored. This paper comparatively analyzes the causal factors of nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns in the world for the period 1976–2006 by utilizing NAVCO 2 data. This paper argues that increasing levels of globalization lead to a preference for nonviolent campaigns over violent ones. The findings confirm that increasing levels of globalization are positively associated with the emergence of nonviolent campaigns, while negatively influencing the probability of violent campaigns. Integration into the world increases the popularity of peaceful alternatives to achieve political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative sociologists have long considered occupations to be a key source of inequality. However, data constraints make comparative research on two of the more important contemporary drivers of occupational stratification – globalization and technological change – relatively scarce. This article introduces a new dataset on occupational ‘routine task intensity’ (RTI) and ‘offshorability’ (OFFS) for use with the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). To produce these data, we recoded 23 country-specific occupational schemes (74 LIS country-years) to the two-digit ISCO-88 scheme. When combined with the handful of LIS countries already reporting their occupations in ISCO-88, we produce individual level RTI and OFFS scores for 38 LIS countries and 160 LIS country-years. To assess the validity of these recodes, we compare average labor-income ratios predicted by recoded ISCO-88 occupational categories to those predicted by reported ISCO-88 occupational categories within countries that transitioned from country-specific to ISCO-88 codes over time. To assess the utility of these RTI and OFFS scores and advance the literature on income polarization, we analyze their association with work hours and labor incomes in the global North and South. Both covariates correlate with work hours in ways that are consistent with previous research and additional theoretical considerations. Moreover, we show that both RTI and OFFS contribute to income polarization directly in the North, but not in the South. This article generates a public good data infrastructure that will be of use to a wide variety of social scientists, and brings new evidence to bear on the question of income polarization in rich democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research took place in two time periods thirty years apart (in 1980–1981 under socialism and in 2009–2010 under the emerging market economy, following the regime change of 1989). It documents the shift from choosing godparents from a combination of relatives and nonrelatives to practically always relatives. After a brief literature review, the article discusses the place of godparenthood in the village in the 1980s, including how godparents were “recruited” and the introduction of the socialist, civil “name-giving ceremony.” Compadres acquired in the civil ceremony were treated similarly to those acquired through baptism, and the “name-giving” system was integrated into the overall system of godparenthood in terms of terminology, obligations, honors, and cooperation in rituals and labor exchange. The latter was an important part of village life: relatives, neighbors, and compadres participated roughly equally. It also contributed to the synergies developed between the production cooperative and peasant household production under socialism. Following 1989, the cooperative closed and labor opportunities declined; labor exchange was replaced by market relations in all aspects of life. The results of a questionnaire on choosing godparents show that the switch from unrelated friends to relatives as godparents was long in the making, slowed somewhat by the contrary trend under the oppressive political circumstances of the early 1950s, indicating that the villagers tried to cement their networks by choosing unrelated compadres. By now, as more and more people are leaving the village, they choose relatives exclusively as if to try to strengthen family ties in the face of modernization and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study implements the Schumpeterian notion of creative reaction to articulate and test the hypothesis that the shift to the knowledge economy in advanced economies is the result of the creative reaction of firms, caught in out-of-equilibrium conditions by the fast globalization of product and factor markets since the last decade of the 20th century. Advanced countries specialized in the generation and exploitation of knowledge because of its relative abundance stemming from their sophisticated knowledge governance mechanisms and the large stock of knowledge. In turn, this had strong positive effects on total factor productivity. The empirical analysis confirms that in advanced economies the specialization in knowledge-based activities substituted for the previous specialization in mass manufacturing activities supporting the increase of total factor productivity. The new specialization in knowledge-intensive activities has been stronger in cases where patent activities have been more intense and the exposure to international trade and the revenue per capita have been larger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the enduring yet changing role of world cities as centers of capitalist ‘command and control’ amidst deepening uneven development. By incorporating financialization processes in Friedmann’s (1986) world city hypothesis, we hypothesize that the world city archipelago remains an obligatory passage point for the relatively assured realization of capital. The advanced producer services complex appropriates superprofits as producers of co-constitutive knowledge on operational and financial firm restructuring, the creation of new circuits of value, and capital switching. Geographically, beyond the international financial center shortlist, the wider world city archipelago inserts finance capital (logics) in contemporary economies and societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western academic literature and media coverage of the increasing economic and political relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC or China) and the Latin American and Caribbean countries contains biases, fears, and misinformation about those relations. Closer examination reveals that Chinese trade, investment and loans have supported the left-leaning governments in the region that are attempting to develop alternative postcapitalist societies. China’s leaders seek allies among the developing countries to join with them in creating a new multipolar and more equitable global order. The PRC has launched a new economic strategy that makes consumer demand the main engine of China’s economic development. It seeks to boost productivity, reduce the country’s growing income disparities, and pursue an environmentally sustainable path of economic development based on advanced high-value and clean manufacturing technologies and renewable sources of clean energy. The PRC’s goal of developing a new ecological civilization will provide opportunities for the Latin American and Caribbean economies to export a more diversified basket of goods to China and attract Chinese investments and loans into new areas such as renewable energy.La literatura académica occidental y la cobertura mediática de las crecientes relaciones económicas y políticas entre la República Popular China (RPC o China) y los países de América Latina y el Caribe incluyen prejuicios, miedos, y desinformación respecto a esas relaciones. Un examen más detenido revela que el comercio, la inversión, y los préstamos chinos han apoyado los gobiernos de izquierda en la región que intentan establecer sociedades alternativas post-capitalistas. Los líderes chinos buscan aliados entre los países en vías de desarrollo para aunar esfuerzos en la creación de un nuevo orden global multipolar y más equitativo. La RPC ha lanzado una nueva estrategia económica colocando la demanda consumidora como motor principal del desarrollo económico chino. Busca impulsar la productividad, reducir las crecientes disparidades de ingresos en el país, y emprender un camino sostenible de desarrollo económico en base a tecnologías avanzadas de alto valor y de manufactura limpia junto con fuentes renovables de energía limpia. El objetivo de la RPC de promover una nueva civilización ecológica brindará oportunidades para la exportación de parte de las economías latinoamericanas y caribeñas de una canasta más diversificada de bienes a la China y de atraer inversiones y préstamos chinos en nuevas áreas como la energía renovable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study advances anomie theory by examining the effect of anomic societal conditions and indicators of globalization on national homicide rates. Globalization may generate anomie in two ways: (a) via rapid change and (b) by contributing to economic dominance that may lead to a chronic state of anomie. To assess the role of globalization, measures of international trade are examined in a model of national homicide rates. Results show that net investment has a positive effect on rates of homicide across several models, suggesting that globalization and economic dominance aggravate homicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of economic globalization and government spending often view the United States as an outlier case. Surprisingly, ours is the first empirical study to take advantage of the variation in U.S. states’ exposure to global markets, ideological orientations of the governments, and the relative size of the public sector, to assess the role of trade exposure on government spending in the American states. Using state-level data from the past three decades, we use error correction models (ECMs) to test three competing globalization theories. We find that the effect of trade exposure on government spending varies across states. Our results suggest that when conservatives control state governments, high levels of trade exposure negatively relate to changes in public expenditures such as welfare and infrastructure. With liberal governments in power, trade exposure does not accelerate state spending growth in welfare and infrastructure, which diverges from the pattern found in European social democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an international political economy analysis of immigrant labour in Western Europe, with a focus on Italy and the UK in the period following the outbreak of the global economic crisis in 2008. Seeking to overcome the problem of methodological nationalism, the article places cross-national comparison against the backdrop of the broader process of international accumulation of capital. In this light, it examines the causes of the differential effects of the economic crisis upon EU member states and various sections of the workforce. In both the UK and Italy, labour conditions and trade unions are under attack; immigrant workers have been particularly affected by the rise in levels of unemployment, the worsening of working conditions, and the heightening of anti-immigration practices, legislations and discourses. The article concludes with a discussion of how the main trade unions in the UK and Italy are responding to these economic, social and political challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study revisits the question of whether global market integration increases net income inequality in affluent countries. Prior research treats the relationship between globalization and income inequality as invariant across different national contexts. Conversely, the author argues that this relationship is best understood as a moderated causal effect, in which the redistributive influences of public sector spending diminish and eventually negate globalization’s otherwise positive effect on income inequality. This argument implies that the distributional consequences of globalization vary cross-nationally due to substantial differences in public sector spending found among affluent countries. Using unbalanced panel data from 16 Western countries observed between 1970 and 2010, the author tests this assertion with panel regression techniques. The results provide qualified support for the hypothesized conditional relationship, with interaction terms between public sector spending and Southern imports being statistically significant across different model specifications and different estimating strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of globalization on welfare spending in transitional states. Based on World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) cross-country data sets 1990–2005, I test two leading hypotheses: the first of which predicts a negative relationship between global-economic embeddedness and welfare spending, and the second of which predicts a positive relationship between democratization and welfare spending. Using a cross-section time-series analysis, my findings suggest that the experiences of the transitional economies do not confirm either hypothesis. During the 16-year period of analysis, established globalization factors showed conflicting influence on welfare state arrangements. In addition, my analyses demonstrate a positive correlation between the use of IMF credit and welfare spending in transitional states. This finding contradicts the structural adjustment literature, which largely views policy-based conditional lending as a negative influence on receiving countries’ welfare expenditures. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, I explicate an organizational theory that links global models of networked organization to cross-national variation in manufacturing specialization. To subject the theory to empirical scrutiny, I derive cross-nationally comparable measurements of the average network position of resident firms in two industries with ideal-typical forms of network governance—garments and transportation equipment. Analytical results suggest that manufacturing specialization varies by network position in both industries, even when controlling for time-invariant country-specific organizational unobservables and conventional thinking on international specialization. Moreover, these networks matter only during the period after which the two types of governance are alleged to have become the predominant organizational logic of the two industries, and are more important for manufacturing specialization in the transport-equipment industry. The article concludes by implicating these findings in discussions of the distribution of the gains from networked forms of economic organization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper sets forth the hypothesis that the more that a city’s economy reflects the creative class and cultural tourism elements that characterize “new economy”-style postindustrial cities, the more that the police will emphasize heightened order maintenance. Such a thesis is evident in case studies on innovations in urban social control and on cities aspiring to global city status. But the thesis needs empirical test across a large sample of cities that vary on “new economy” status, with alternative explanations for variation in order maintenance policing simultaneously taken into account. This paper provides that test for cities above 100,000 in population, controlling for variables representing the racial threat thesis, governing institutions, community policing, and policing demands and constraints. The results provide robust support for the postindustrial policing hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the revitalization of language in Wales. Topics discussed include the use of Welsh language by a large percentage of the population of the country and other residents elsewhere in Great Britain, the role of language revitalization in local government, public education, and community development, and the influence of globalization, advance capitalism, and internationalization on Welsh language and its associated culture.

Our cities are undergoing a rapid transformation of public spaces due to different factors, such as economic and cultural globalization, demographic transformations, marketing strategies, urban planning and design approaches, medialization reinterpretations, social networks, and others. The urban realm itself is the collection of public spaces and places—buildings, squares, streets, landscapes, and ecosystems, as well as processes, mindscapes, and people that make up and shape any environment. In that respect, urban planning and design is really characterized by two distinct processes that transubstantiate space and place: static and dynamic. This qualitative, reflective article discusses these issues, taking a standpoint from the notion of public space as a common good. This notion is discussed in relation to the factors that transform our cities and is analyzed in relation to the concept of public good. We reflect this discussion vis-à-vis the views of the leading paradigms in urban planning and design, and their intake on and outlook on these complex issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subcontracting and delocalization of productive activities that characterize the global capitalist economy are an attempt to reduce costs and exempt corporations from their responsibilities to labor by delegating production to other companies, regions, and countries and even to the workers themselves. Latin America is a prime destination for this corporate outsourcing. Outsourcing has increased deregulation and labor flexibility and introduced a model of high labor turnover and transience that creates fragmentation and precarious employment in the working class.La subcontratación y la deslocalización de actividades productivas que caracterizan a la economía capitalista mundial son un intento de reducir costos y eximir a las empresas de sus responsabilidades, delegando los procesos de producción a otras empresas, regiones y países, e incluso los mismos trabajadores. Latinoamérica es un destino principal para la externalización de las empresas. La externalización ha aumentado la desregulación y la flexibilización laboral e introdujo un modelo de rotación de mano de obra y la transitoriedad que crea la creciente fragmentación y el empleo precario entre la clase obrera. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article investigates the perception of job threat posed by immigrants within the U.S. by using group threat theory, contact theory, and cultural theory. It addresses the increasing attention being paid to issues of immigration in the U.S. since 2000, as well as notes the impact of forces including economic competition, labor market deregulation, and globalization on perception of immigrant threat. It comments on the connection between immigrant threat and economic stagnation caused by outside forces.

This article looks at the background to community studies and the case for community re-studies. It examines the contribution of such research to understanding different dimensions of social change. The discussion highlights a number of challenges for such research, given changes in the meaning of community and the social contexts in which people experience everyday life. The article uses a particular research study to highlight some of the strengths and limitations associated with re-studies. It develops a number of strategies for developing community-based research, building on issues arising from industrial change and globalization and concludes with an assessment of possible futures for work in the community studies tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long debated how economic globalization influences national social policies, but they have so far not explored the political demands of political parties implicitly underlying such influence. This article explores such demands to see how globalization affects partisan-political demands for the welfare state in industrialized countries. It argues that political parties link globalization to welfare policy, but in ways that differ across parties and faces of globalization. First, globalization can be expected to spark support for welfare policies as compensation for globalization’s risks, but given the constituencies and traditions of parties, this applies more for left than for right or other parties. Second, this dynamic is different for immigration than for trade or investment because migration poses fiscal pressures and threats to solidarity that can dampen enthusiasm for welfare compensation and spark calls for welfare retrenchment. Analysis of party manifestos in 23 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 1960 to 2004 supports this view that some but not all parties embed some but not all liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]