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Context: The majority of people with serious health-related suffering in low- and middle-income countries lack access to palliative care (PC). Increased access to PC education is greatly needed. Objectives: This paper describes the process to adapt an advanced PC training course for a Chilean context. Methods: A joint team of intercultural PC educators from the US and Chile conducted a series of key informant interviews and a target audience survey to iteratively design a PC training course in Chile. Results: Eight key informant interviews identified a strong need for formal PC education pathways, confirmed the five central learning domains, and helped to identify potential course sub-topics. A target audience survey of 59 PC providers from across Chile confirmed a strong desire to participate in such a course. Conclusion: Our team of intercultural PC educators adapted an advanced PC course to the unique context of Chilean providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there is an increase in research on different aspects of voluntary simplicity (VS), there is less understanding of the trajectories that individuals follow when adopting a voluntary simplicity lifestyle, and how transitioning to this lifestyle relates to inner growth. The aim of the paper is to examine the role of inner growth on differentiating voluntary simplicity from other lifestyles. We draw on the framework of resonance by Rosa (2019) Resonance. A sociology of our relationship to the world. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, who claims the need to move from a state of permanent search for material resources, to develop a resonant relationship with the world. Resonance is a way of relating to the world, where individuals and the world mutually affect each other in an interactive way. Seventeen in-depth interviews were held with voluntary simplifiers living in Chile. The findings propose a model that identifies three different trajectories that people follow to achieve a voluntary simplicity lifestyle and the implication for inner growth as a result of more resonant relationships with the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With over 5 million Venezuelans fleeing their home country, Latin America is facing the largest migration crisis in its history. Colombia, Peru, and Chile host the largest numbers of Venezuelan migrants in the region. Each country has responded differently to the crisis in terms of the provision of education. Venezuelan migrants attempting to enter the primary, secondary, and higher education systems encounter a variety of barriers, from struggles with documentation, to limited availability of spaces in schools, to cultural barriers and xenophobia. This paper examines the distinct educational policy responses to Venezuelan migrants in Colombia, Peru, and Chile. It begins by contextualizing the current crisis through a sociopolitical and economic analysis of the origins of the Venezuelan migration phenomenon. Venezuelans are not officially and legally recognized as refugees by the UNHCR. Refugee status is considered on a case-by-case basis at the country level. The regional coordinating bodies tasked with promoting safe, orderly, and legal migration of Venezuelans to host countries have given uneven attention to education. The paper examines each country's response to Venezuelan migrants from a human rights perspective. It provides sociopolitical context and discusses the specific educational offerings from the primary to tertiary levels in Colombia, Peru, and Chile. It considers alternative or flexible education models, second shift schools, access to school transportation and feeding programs, and teacher training opportunities that cater to the growing migrant population. It explores barriers to entry into the educational system, including documentation challenges due to legal and enrollment requirements, constraints on the host countries' education systems, and discrimination due to lack of intercultural training and xenophobia. It also discusses challenges related to the quality of the educational opportunities for Venezuelan migrant children, and the specific needs of these children. The paper considers several ideas to protect Venezuelan migrants' rights to an education and to strengthen their integration. Finally, it offers recommendations on sustainable education solutions for Venezuelan migrants at all levels in the three countries. These recommendations include improving information sharing, addressing structural bottlenecks to school enrollment, and expanding pathways (existing and complementary) to higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1990 and 2018 Chile experienced one of Latin America's most dramatic declines in party identification, from 80% in the early 1990s to under 20% in 2016. This decline seems puzzling given a highly institutionalized and programmatic party system, and low levels of ideological convergence. This paper argues that, to a large extent, the decrease in partisanship can be understood as a consequence of the erosion of the main political cleavage that articulated the political landscape throughout this period: the dissolution of the conflict between the supporters of the previous military regime (1973–1990) and the advocates of democracy. Because this conflict was the key driver of political identities following the dictatorship, as it faded overtime, particularly after conservative parties distanced themselves from the military regime for electoral reasons, partisans lost an important reason to feel attached to political parties. More broadly, the paper argues that unless political identities are continually reinforced by political actors, they are unlikely to remain stable sources of identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the experiences of six Chilean female headteachers. It addresses their career progress, and the facilitators and barriers, as well as the challenges they encountered in accessing and enacting school leadership. The six participants were drawn from all three of Chile's school types – public, semi-private and private – in what is a differentiated system. The findings demonstrate both differences and similarities in participants' experiences, across all three school sectors. A major difference relates to the additional barriers faced by public sector school leaders, compared with participants in the private and semi-private schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pervasiveness of preventive rationality, which is especially evident in populations caught in the prison-neighbourhood circuit, constitutes a challenging field for anthropological theory because it allows us to rethink the problem of hegemony in the context of the crises of capitalism. Drawing on research conducted in Chile amongst practitioners of crime prevention programmes and prisoners' families targeted by such initiatives, in this paper, we explore crime prevention as a political concept whose effects are inseparable from the maintenance of class and gender disparities. In conceptualising how petty crime prevention has become a predominant technology of classifying, policing and managing low-income populations, we take Foucault's notion of illegalism – as distinct from illegality – and extend it to dispossessed groups affected by dramatic levels of economic inequality and structural violence. We discuss preventive rationality in relation to the contradictions engendered by an authoritarian form of capitalism protected by constitutional constraints inherited from the Pinochet dictatorship. By connecting the conceptualisation of petty crime prevention to the ongoing contradictions of the society in which we live, we seek to sharpen attention to the ways in which the neoliberal hegemony attempts to contain its decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global Fairtrade system is multiple, heterogeneous and dynamic. The processes that underlie its contextual formations are key, and this paper analyses these through bringing together assemblage thinking and social practices to discuss Fairtrade in the Chilean wine industry. Local-level contestations and appropriation highlight the different forms Fairtrade takes at the micro-scale, which maintain a contextual heterogeneity without challenging the overall coherence of the Fairtrade economy. Power relations are uneven and the important role of local and international 'assemblage converters' in catalysing and curtailing possibilities for Fairtrade practices is highlighted. These operate within and across scales, interacting, and varyingly integrated, with other similarly multi-scalar assemblages to support or disrupt particular stabilized compositions. Fairtrade emerges as simultaneously globally coherent and locally fragmented, a system in constant motion between alternative and conventional relations and practices. To challenge creeping conventionalization, the paper concludes that maintaining space for unpredictability and creativity is critical to Fairtrade's future through making space for enhancing opportunities and for alternatives to take flight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many Latin American and other Global South countries adopted gender quotas during democratic transitions. What explains late-adopting cases like Chile? We analyze two instances: the 2015–2016 electoral reforms, which finally introduced a 40-percent gender quota, and the 2020–2023 constitutional process, which introduced gender parity. Using a qualitative analysis that draws on 39 elite interviews, we posit that efforts to redesign national political institutions in order to address democratic deficits create transition-like moments. In turn, these moments create windows of opportunity for quota advocates. We show how quota advocates in the parties, congress, and civil society leveraged growing voter discontent to pressure their resistant colleagues and ultimately secure gender quotas (and later gender parity) as part of larger reform efforts. Our analysis of the Chilean case elevates two factors explaining quota adoption: the long arc of democratization and women's role as protagonists in electoral reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's foreign policy has been characterized in the last decade by a heightened interest in reaching out to Latin America, particularly to countries rich in natural resources and with potential markets for Chinese exports, and Chile is one of these countries. The paper shows that even though the Chilean economy has benefitted from the signing of the FTA, it also faces potential risks. To continue to benefit, Chile needs to boost exports in other potential export sectors (value-added products or services) and should attempt to attract more Chinese FDI to Chile's export industry. The export of raw materials (particularly nonrenewable ones) is not always sustainable in the long term. The roles of the Chilean state and the private sector in attracting Chinese investment and enhancing diversification of exports of value-added products are crucial for the future of the economy of Chile and its relationship with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge deemed worthy of classification as 'truth' is not produced only in classic positivist research, or research recognised by the official state accreditation system, it is also produced by research-action, research + development, experimentation and systematisation. One of the most basic aspects of academic work is epistemological reflection on the justification of the research field and the method by which the hidden meaning of reality is discovered. This paper expresses interculturality polyphonically from the Latin American perspective; from the hopes shared with indigenous peoples and the poor; with social, religious and political activists and committed intellectuals; people who act and think honestly. A transversal theme of this text is the nature and condition of the academic reflection on interculturality carried out in universities, in supposedly intercultural contexts. The discussion here is based on educational development projects, research and the author's own experience of government and university management actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Informal employment has been identified as an important social determinant of health. This article addresses the processes through which informal employment affects workers' health in Chile. The study's methodological approach was based on qualitative interviews with 34 formal and informal workers. The findings show how workers perceive informal employment as negatively affecting their mental and physical health through different dimensions of their living and working conditions. Incorporating a gender perspective proves to be integral to the analysis of these processes. The article concludes by discussing how neoliberalism underlies such vulnerability processes and negatively impacts on the population's health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objectives: Citizen complaints are considered by policing researchers as an indicator of police misconduct, and a proxy of police-community relations. Nevertheless, US and EU-based studies tend to focus on sustained complaints as reported by official agencies and officer-based correlates. Using the case of Carabineros, the Chilean militarized police force, this study examines (a) latent topics contained in a large set of complaints against the police on a digital platform, and (b) the change of those topics across time and (c) by complainants' educational level. Methods: We use novel computational natural language processing techniques to identify latent themes across the corpus of complaints (N = 1,623), hosted on an online forum from 2013 to 2020. Results: Our findings show eight latent themes across the corpus. Among others, these themes were related to police effectiveness, police misbehavior, and a master frame of institutional crisis that has significantly grown over the last year. Additionally, differences in the prevalence of topics by complainants' educational level were also found. Conclusions: Our findings contribute to the enterprise of opening the black box of complaints against the police and highlighting opportunities for social accountability in a developing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile offers high school dropouts a chance to graduate through enrollment in Second Opportunity Centers, located in cities ranging in population from 5 million inhabitants to less than 100,000. Participants in 18 centers were classified into four distinct classes based on their family situation, handicaps, employment, experience with discrimination, and ambitions. Students were compared with respect to their satisfaction with Center activities. Students experiencing instability in their lives, more often in larger cities, were least satisfied. The most successful activity was workshops discussing psychological and social issues. Some activities failed to attract any of the four classes of students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research investigates the political practices of online public shaming (funa) with regard to gender violence in Chile and their ability to trigger feminist social change. The central argument is that funa, as a feminist practice, offers a problematic pathway to social change, which, despite contributing to denaturalising violence against women, does not address the structural causes of gender violence. Online public shaming, as a feminist practice and strategy for change, triggers critical moral and social dilemmas, generating a questionable feminist transformation. The research explores those dilemmas, presenting the advances and setbacks of this practice in current feminist movements globally and in Chile. It contributes to the reflection on feminist movements in terms of their ability to trigger social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile's free-market economic and political reforms, designed and implemented under General Pinochet's military regime (1973-90), have been important in discussions of neoliberal public policy and environmental governance. However, understandings of how and why these reforms unfolded often overlook the complex power dynamics involved. This paper examines the role of water in consolidating the design, implementation, and outcomes of Chile's neoliberal programme, through the contested production, retention, and reform of the 1981 Water Code. Drawing on the idea that water and power are mutually constitutive, it demonstrates the significance of the transition to private tradable water rights with minimal state regulation not only for changing social relationships with water, but also for consolidating the neoliberal programme and the ambitions of the military regime, government technocrats, and business groups. I make three related arguments: first, that water was more central to the formation and effectiveness of the neoliberal programme in Chile, and the ambitions of its core supporters than hitherto acknowledged; second, that political interest groups, and their alliances, can play crucial roles in neoliberalising nature; and third, that water reforms consolidate power relationships and produce waterscapes in particular ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What differences are there, according to teachers' opinions, in school leadership practices between male principals (MPs) and female principals (FPs) in urban primary schools in Chile? A national survey has been done to address this topic, which was answered by the principal and five teachers in 381 urban primary schools. Following Leithwood's school leadership four-category model, 14 practices were considered and measured. Data were analysed by statistical procedures, including the decision tree technique, chi-squared automatic interaction detection (CHAID). Findings showed that in 9 out of 14 practices, FPs have a significantly more favourable evaluation from teachers. Data confirmed that, when compared to other personal traits of principals or school features, gender is the strongest independent variable related with leadership practices. Nonetheless, this advantage occurs in an overall scenario in which both FPs and MPs engage unevenly with the leadership practices across the dimensions of the model. This study does not aim to explain the female advantage, but to show the shape of leadership differences by gender regarding theoretically relevant practices. Nevertheless, its data allow ruling out some possible hypotheses for interpreting those differences. The article suggests that further research is needed to theoretically explain the reasons behind differences in leadership practice by FPs and MPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of literature has shown that emotions can motivate collective action. Nevertheless, the effect that collective actions could have on emotion has been less researched. This study examined the effect of protests on bystanders' pride, using the case of the 2019 "Chilean Spring." Our findings indicate that a set of indicators of pride, representing the country, the status quo, and the social structures, were negatively affected by the crisis, which suggests vertical emotional response. Protests' frame signaled that not everything in the country was as thought, generating a moral shock that affected shared emotions about the country. However, pride toward fellow citizens was positively affected. Some of these effects are stronger for people with an intermediate educational level. These findings contribute to the literature on the impact of protests showing that unexpected, loosely organized, and massive movements can trigger generalized emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the return to democracy in Chile in 1990, public policies for institutionalized children have progressively adopted the theory of vulnerability, with disastrous results. To expose the violence implied in the vulnerability theory, the article proposes a framework composed of the concept of epistemological violence, the theory of recognition, and the feminist psychological theory of institutional trauma to analyze and interpret public policies for children. This theoretical approach allows us to unveil how the institutional use of vulnerability has become a standardized and naturalized mechanism of violence that (re)produces the trauma the public policies seek to interrupt. In this way, we make visible a chain of failures that provoke severe traumas that drastically reduce their capacity for agency and future opportunities, especially in institutionalized girls and adolescents. The theoretical proposal contributes to future research about social politics, systems, and programs of childhood protection based on rights. We conclude by identifying some limitations and theoretical challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study critically explores the meanings and expressions of co-responsibility based on the experience of Chilean social workers involved in public-private child welfare. It draws upon critical institutionalism to frame thematic analysis of interviews with practitioners participating in these arrangements. Results show that meanings and expressions of co-responsibility are diverse and co-exist in intervention. Some meanings are that co-responsibility is the responsibility assumed by the State as the first guarantor of rights with a private that takes responsibility for clients. It also means collaboration in a neoliberal system. Regarding expressions, it takes the form of a programmatic execution that operationalizes the rights approach. Another one is that co-responsibility expresses in individualistic performance that neglects the other colleague. Implications for critical social work practice, policy, and scholarship are discussed, based on the diversity of meanings and expressions of co-responsibility identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic started in Chile as the country was experiencing massive protests and a deep political crisis. Sanitary measures restricting movement and gatherings were implemented while the process of constitutional change responding to this crisis developed. In this context of conflict, we study why people continued participating in street protests despite the restrictions and the health risks involved. Using two surveys, we test key factors addressed in extant scholarship: biographical availability, perceived risks, and grievances. We find that grievances related to the pandemic were the most important factor, while biographical availability was much less relevant in the pandemic context. There is no evidence that perceived health risks mattered when deciding whether to join a street protest or not. These results suggest that under conditions of political crisis, grievances related to the administration of the pandemic can motivate political participation even when the latter put people's health at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a comparative study of media policies in Chile and Mexico as members of the Pacific Alliance agreement, using media clientelism as an articulating concept, assuming that it takes a particular form in the neoliberal countries of the continent. For this, five dimensions are compared: a) decrees and the implementation of laws; b) distribution and allocation of broadcasting licenses; c) anti-concentration measures; d) official advertising expenditure and e) governance public media. The results suggest that the institutional structures and inertia that became entrenched under the Chilean dictatorship still perpetuate a clientelistic relationship between the political system and media owners, which is reflected in the government's media policies. In Mexico, despite the progress made in the institutional regulatory design and implementation of media policies, these remain in a state of tension between clientelist practices and liberal democratic design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecocentric management has grown in interest in business sustainability research, driven by recent debates on sustainability-as-flourishing and novel nature-based business approaches. While relevant and promising, examination and explanations remain anchored in conventional dualistic thinking and piecemeal logics. In this article, we seek to understand what conditions or combination of conditions enable the formation of ecocentrism in business management. Drawing on deep ecology and ecocentric philosophy, we develop a conceptual framework for ecocentric management, comprising ecological sensing, envisioning, and enacting. Leveraging this framework and fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, we map the responses of 160 small business owners and managers in Chile. Our analyses reveal three configurations of conditions, forming a typology of ecocentric management: Market Reformist, Legitimated Decouplist, and Self-Centered Activist. The article offers a new conceptual apparatus and systemic characterization of ecocentrism in business sustainability. It shows what matters and when for the formation of ecocentric thinking and decision-making in management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has mainly understood household extension as a family strategy to face economic deprivation, giving little attention to other factors affecting it. Using 2017 data from the National Socioeconomic Characterization Survey, this article evaluates the role played by economic and life-course factors in extended family living arrangements among women in family units in Chile (n = 60,111). Results indicate that economic needs are an important driver for those seeking refuge in someone else's home, but they are less important for those hosting other relatives within their household. Importantly, the likelihood of living in an extended household—and the position that family units occupy within the household (as head-families or subfamilies)—changes over the life span. Young women (15–34 years) are more likely to live in extended households as sub-families, while middle-aged women (45–64 years) tend to live in extended households as household heads, hosting young cohabiting couples, or lone mothers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine women's access to campaign resources using data from all 960 candidates competing in Chile's 2017 legislative elections. Even when controlling for district characteristics, women candidates receive less money in party transfers, bank loans, and donations; place fewer personal funds in their campaigns; and have fewer resources overall. However, previous experience and incumbency narrow the gap. When women are newcomers, gender serves as an important cue about candidate quality and funders default to favoring men. Our results lend credence to practitioners' claims that money disadvantages women candidates in democracies, but focuses attention on the disadvantage faced by women newcomers. Moreover, this gender gap in campaign funding exists despite a gendered electoral financing scheme designed to make political actors more likely to invest in women's campaigns. While increasingly popular among development experts, our research suggests such schemes might be insufficient for equalizing campaign funding between men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To examine the association between education and mortality by age and gender in Chile. Methods: We drew data from 10,147 adults aged 40 years and over from the Chilean Social Protection Survey linked to the national death records. We specify five Cox regression models to estimate the main and interaction effects for education levels, age, sex, and mortality. Results: The hazard ratios reduce with increasing education. Secondary and tertiary education levels are associated, respectively, with 34% and 41% lower hazard rates than 0–4 years of schooling. Also, the educational gradient in mortality is significantly weaker at older ages, and it does not differ by gender. Discussion: Our findings endorse the negative association of formal education with adult mortality, uncovering Chile's structural problems despite the economic improvements underway. It also corroborates the importance of novel longitudinal data for mortality analyses in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Current Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Migraine and tension-type headaches are the most frequent types of headaches in Santiago. The purpose of this paper is to describe the patterns of health care utilization in migraine and compare them with tension-type headache sufferers in a community-based study of the prevalence of headache in Santiago, Chile. A two-step questionnaire was administered to an age- and gender-representative sample of 1540 eligible subjects who were aged 15 years or older. Of these, 1385 (89.9%) responded. Cases were defined according to the most frequent type of headache experienced in the last year. Migraine and tension-type headaches were diagnosed according to a questionnaire-based algorithm constructed using the IHS criteria. Consultation rates in migraneurs were significantly (P < 0.01) higher (63%) than in tension-type headache suffers (39%). Migraneurs were more likely to be female, younger and less educated, and had more severe attacks than those with tension-type headache. Female sex, younger age, fewer years of education in migraneurs and younger age and moderate or severe headache in tension-type headache sufferers were found to be independently associated with the likelihood of ever consulting, respectively. Migraneurs are more likely to consult than tension-type headache suffers in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Chan and Goldthorpe's theoretical framework of cultural consumption, this study analyses the patterns of social stratification in sports practice in Chile. Based on the data of the National Survey of Physical Activity and Sports Habits in the Population Aged 18 and Over 2015 in Chile (n = 5511), a latent class analysis was used to identify and characterize types of sports practice in this country. After this, logistic and multinomial regressions were performed to relate the types of sports practice found and its social determinants. The results support current literature in sports participation, finding evidence in favour of both the homology hypothesis and omnivorous–univorous hypothesis. However, in the same way as previous studies, it is shown that these arguments are reconfigured in the field of sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, most Latin American countries have significantly expanded noncontributory pension programs. In explaining this wave of expansion, research has focused on the protagonism of left parties and social movements and on electoral competition, generally disregarding the roles of organized business and conservative policy experts. This article demonstrates, through a detailed analysis of Chile's 2008 noncontributory pension reform, that conservative economists played active roles in formulating a noncontributory pension policy characterized by moderate, targeted, and "incentive-compatible" benefits and financed by the general budget. The conservative design of the program facilitated broad support from employers and private pension funds, critical for the eventual passage of the reform. The analysis illustrates the need to incorporate business interests into explanations of welfare state reforms in Latin America and the broader Global South, in particular by distinguishing the interests of employers and private providers and by focusing on their interaction with conservative policy experts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Conditions (ASC) can be an extended procedure since ASC tend to both vary greatly across individual symptoms and diagnostic pathways with serious challenges to opportune access and diagnosis in low resource settings. We adapted the Q-CHAT-25 for use in a routine health check-ups programme at Chilean primary health clinics by developing a 10-item version of this questionnaire recruiting n = 287 (F: 112/M: 175) participants (Controls: n = 125, F: 58/M: 67; Developmental Delay: n = 149, F: 53/M: 96; Autism Spectrum Conditions: n = 13, F: 1/M: 12). Our findings show that the Q-CHAT-10 can be successfully applied in health-check programmes. The results for the Q-CHAT-10 show high internal consistency (Cronbach's α: 0.85) and good overall performance, significantly correlating (r = 0.79, p < 0.0001) with the Q-CHAT-25. The Q-CHAT-10 had a sensitivity of 92.86% and a specificity of 76.86% in the Developmental Delay sample. The positive predictive value was 48% with a positive likelihood ratio of 4.01 and a negative likelihood ratio of 0.09 with a post-test probability of disease of 19%. This study provides evidence that the implementation of Autism Spectrum Condition screening programmes using the Q-CHAT-10 is a cost-effective measure that improves diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Conditions in those participating in conditional cash transfer programmes in low- and middle-income countries or low resource setting in high income countries. Getting a diagnosis of autism can take long, because autism is different across people, but also because it depends on the way it gets diagnosed. This is especially important in poorer countries or in the case of poor people living in wealthier countries that have significant groups of disadvantaged communities. We adapted a 10-item version of the Q-CHAT-25 questionnaire for use in routine health check-ups programme in Chile and recruited 287 participants under the age of three divided into three groups: Controls (125), Developmental Delay (149) and Autism Spectrum Condition (13). Our results show that a short questionnaire for autism screening can be successfully applied in a health-check programme in poor resource settings. Our results show that our questionnaire had good overall performance, not different to its longer version, the Q-CHAT-25. Our questionnaire was autism specific, with good sensitivity and reliability, and is suitable to be used in a screening setting. This study provides evidence that the implementation of Autism Spectrum Condition screening programmes using the Q-CHAT-10 provides value for money and improves diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Condition in those participating in routine health check-up programmes in developing countries or poor areas of wealthy countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research presents an application of a mixed narrative review, including grey literature, to broaden knowledge about the value of educational management information systems (EMIS) for accountability in higher education institutions (HEIs). The review was focused in understanding the relationships among quality management (QM), EMIS use and accountability. Analyzing 39 documents produced between 1990 and 2018, we confirm the tight QM–EMIS use–accountability relationship. A weak link between QM and EMIS use was found, resulting in a low accountability level, nevertheless e-maturity successfully describes the link between QM and EMIS use and legitimizes the HEIs in the society. Finally, the value of mixed narrative reviews, including gray literature, is demonstrated in the fields of management information systems and higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of a hyper-surveillance state that devolves school management to the private sector and local governments, but, at the same time, evaluates, inspects, and sanctions schools in the name of "educational quality and equality," has been advocated by diverse sectors, right and center-left, conservative and liberal, pro-privatization, and pro-public education. It is a seductive policy. This article is based on the case of Chile, which in recent decades has consolidated a performative school market model. The study is based on an examination of official speeches and policy documents (a total of 84 documents), from the germination of the model in 1979 through to 2011 when the "Quality Assurance Education System" law was passed. Following Foucault's studies in governmentality, the analysis not only aims to understand the policies that led to the creation of the hyper-surveillance state in education, but also seeks to examine the policy rationale that made these transformations desirable. The research analysis is also intended to contribute to a broader understanding of the spread of testing and accountability policies around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars have examined the non- or more-than-human world from a variety of unique positions. This article draws on contemporary archaeology and assemblage theories in geography to put forward an understanding of everyday geopolitics that includes the presence of objects in the formation of state subjectivity. Our approach, however, reveals not only this disciplining force of objects but also the ontological absences that are also at the heart of post-structuralist theories of subjectivity. As such, the formation of object-oriented geopolitical subjectivity is also always haunted by these other affective forces that are part of being in the world. These theoretical considerations are substantiated in our study of the material culture of a military outpost in the highlands of northern Chile where the objects left behind by soldiers offer insight into the complexities of state subjectification and state–society relations in border regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on journalistic sourcing theory, this article analyses sources used in political news in the Chilean elite press to establish whether there is a tendency to diversify them or a persistent pattern of favouring official and mainstream sources. The Chilean case may serve as a 'laboratory' for observing journalistic sourcing within a context of highly concentrated ownership of the quality press, which is attributed with being a right-wing ideological duopoly. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of political news published in constructed weeks from 2007, 2011 and 2015, years in which the left and centre-right government coalitions alternated. Our three objectives were, first, to determine whether the sourcing practices used by these media outlets follow the typical pattern of using mainly official and mainstream sources; second, if there is significant uniformity in sourcing in the elite press due to the concentration of media ownership and considering the right-wing ideological monopoly attributed to the quality press; and third, whether variations in sourcing occur following a change of government and if there is evidence of a systematic tendency to cite sources from a particular political affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Telenovelas have been one of the main mechanisms by which Chilean television has made gay and lesbian identities visible. Through an analysis of over 50 gay or lesbian characters that have appeared on this type of programme from 1990 to 2018, it is argued that Chilean telenovelas have privileged representations of non-heterosexuals that do not destabilise the status quo, but contribute to the reproduction of sexist, homophobic and/or classist discourses. This has been done through the utilisation of four 'types' of characters: funny locas, serious machos, fighting mothers and clear lesbians/confused lesbians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban segregation is a widespread phenomenon with profound social implications, and one that presents difficult measurement challenges. Segregation indexes may be affected by scale or zoning biases of the modifiable areal unit problem (MAUP). In this article, we develop a methodology that relies on spatial clustering algorithms to simultaneously cope with both kinds of MAUP biases, and we test it with complete census data for most Chilean cities. We find a robust correlation between segregation and city size, contesting previous claims about the spuriousness of this relationship. We also show that socioeconomic polarization is a widespread phenomenon in Chile and that it is not just a problem of disadvantaged groups' concentration. Based on these results, we suggest that area-based desegregation policies should be generally reinforced, and complemented in big Chilean cities with housing-mix policies. We argue that using spatially unbiased segregation indexes could improve comparative urban studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze economic elites' perceptions and beliefs about meritocracy from a moral economy perspective. A moral economy perspective considers how norms and beliefs structure socioeconomic practices through the constitution and expression of what is considered acceptable, proper, and legitimate. Our study explores how economic elites make sense of the roles of talent and effort in the distribution of resources and how they reconcile the idea of meritocracy within a rigid social order. The site of our study is Chile, a country with fluid mobility between low and middle classes, but with high and persistent disparities and strong barriers to elite positions. We conducted 44 semistructured interviews with shareholders, board members, and high-level executives of large or high-turnover companies in three major Chilean cities. We find that the economic elite strongly support meritocracy but explain access to top positions based on talent rather than effort. The economic elite define talent in terms of business and leadership skills. They attribute upward mobility in the private sector to meritocratic practice. At the same time, they view the public sector as the epitome of nonmeritocratic practices, incompetence, and inefficiency. They profess empathy with the poor, but they reject redistributive policies. The economic elite believe in the primacy of competition in economic life and the necessity of continual economic growth, and thus, they understand meritocracy as both the means to survive in a market economy and a responsible approach to lead national development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents the findings of research focused on schools' responses to competitive environments. Using the Chilean education market as a case study, the article analyzes not only the responses developed by schools in different domains in the face of competitive incentives but also their diversity, as well as motivations, rationalities, and objectives behind these responses. The findings also show how different mediating factors at the school and local levels are essential to any understanding of the capacity of market-oriented policies to alter the behavior of schools and obtain the expected results in terms of equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by pointing out existing resources and political cultures. Although the latter did play a role in shaping the mobilization – insofar as in both Chile and Quebec the student movement is well organized, is composed of dense networks of formal as well as informal organizations and has been characterized by contentious practices for a long time – they cannot alone explain the timing and the duration of the 2011–2012 protests. The authors thus propose to treat organizational resources and political culture as initial conditions and draw on the work of McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly to focus on three processes that were critical in determining the growth and trajectory of the conflict: (1) mediation, as a result of communication and coalition work among student organizations and the emergence of new collectives that redefined past lines of division; (2) polarization, as a result of both a closed structure of political opportunities and a radicalization of student demands; and (3) spillover, as student movements extended beyond initial issues and goals and fostered other mobilizations. These three processes did not evolve in sequence but instead in parallel, conditioning one another. By showing that similar mechanisms can generate relatively similar effects in different contexts, this study contributes to assessing their robustness. Furthermore, by comparing a case from the Global North with one from the Global South the study contributes to making social movement studies less parochial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the creation of a cooperative bakery whose significance is fourfold: (1) it is the first located inside a Chilean campamento (informal settlement); (2) it was organized and managed by inhabitants, mostly Latin American immigrant women; (3) its implementation faced diverse conflicts that serve as lessons for similar experiences; and (4) it provides evidence from the field about strategies for advancing the right to the city agenda. The bakery was conceived by the community as a strategy to control the means of production. The study used a critical research approach, whereby researchers assumed an active role in the community processes around the formation of the cooperative. The article discusses the potential of cooperative socioeconomic organization as a path to developing community autonomy. It presents the Rayito de Sol bakery with its highs and lows, and reflects on the results of the project as a spatial, social and political approach to the relationship between academic communities and public institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the conduits of production and circulation that link the extraction of copper in Chile to its storage and use in China, this article explores the political dimensions of the logistical techniques and technologies that enable these processes. We approach copper as a material element that due to its capacity to conduct electricity provides conditions of possibility for contemporary digital capitalism. At the same time, we consider the elements that constitute logistics as a political force by asking how logistics operates in parallel, partnership, and rivalry to forms of state and international order themselves in uncertain transformation. Empirically, the article stems from research conducted in Chile, specifically in the port of Valparaíso, the Andina mine run by the country's state owned copper mining company CODELCO, and the copper smelter run by the same company on the coast at Ventanas. On this basis, we ask how the production and circulation of copper has mutated with shifting logistical arrangements that respond to the geopolitical position of China, the financialization of trade in base metals, the rise of business models based in data extraction, and workers' struggles in times of labor precarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the profound ambiguity of the state in the organization of contemporary business–society relations. On the one hand, there has been a decisive shift from government to governance, encouraging private actors, such as corporations, communities and NGOs, to address social and environmental concerns themselves, i.e. without the state's involvement. On the other hand, however, the continued importance and relevance of the organized state is difficult to ignore. In this article we examine the role of the state in three cases of mining conflicts in Chile, one of the world's most important mining countries. Through longitudinal, qualitative research of conflictive mining governance relations between state organizations, large corporations and local communities, we show that the modes of influence conducted by the Chilean state oscillate between direct, central steering ('cathedral') and indirect, dispersed vouching ('bazaar'). Elaborating on Foucault's concept of governmentality, we offer a hybrid theory of state organization, where the dematerialization of the state's responsibility is seen not as the norm but rather as a particular mode of governance that sits alongside the underestimated, yet enduring, material involvement of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]