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A frequent sight along many roads, roadblocks form a banal yet persistent element across the margins of contemporary global logistical landscapes. How, this article asks, can we come to terms with roadblocks as a logistical form of power? Based on an ongoing mapping of roadblocks in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic, it sketches a political geography of "roadblock politics": a spatial pattern of control concentrated around trade routes, where the capacity to disrupt logistical aspirations is translated into other forms of power, financial and political. While today's roadblocks are tied up with the ongoing conflict in both countries, the article shows, roadblock politics has a much deeper history. Before colonization, African rulers manufactured powerful polities out of control over points of passage along long-distance trade routes crisscrossing the continent. The article traces how since precolonial times control over long-distance trade routes was turned into a source of political power, how these routes were forcefully appropriated through colonial occupation, how after the crumbling of the colonial order new connections were engineered between political power and the circulation of goods in Central Africa, and how control over these flows ultimately became a key stake in ongoing civil wars in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little attention has been paid to the factual contribution of the state’s security forces to the physical security of African citizens. Reports about security forces adding to a widespread insecurity are frequent: the protectors become violators, and their appearance causes fear, not security. In many African crisis countries the realization of better security forces appears to be an elusive goal, either because violent conflicts are not definitively settled and therefore do not allow for decent reform or because a lack of capacity as a result of material constraints is not easy to remedy. Above all, the political will of governments to reform their security forces, including their composition and structure, is often limited. This contribution compares the security provision by official forces in Liberia and the Central African Republic, two extreme cases of strong and weak international involvement, respectively, in postconflict security-sector reform. Blueprint models for such reforms that do not take into account local expectations and experiences are bound to fail. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Bambari and Bria, 2 towns in the Central African Republic (CAR), we analysed a patient-led partner referral programme within enhanced sexually transmitted disease (STD) services. New (index) patients received syndromic management, counselling about notifying and treating contacts, and vouchers for distribution. From October 1993 to February 1996, 5232 and 4320 patient visits, of which 1814 (35%) and 4320 (30%) were contact referral visits, were logged in Bambari and Bria, respectively. Vouchers were distributed for at least 90% of contacts. Index and contact patients had similar age and sex distributions. In both towns, having a spouse (Bambari: odds ratio [OR] 1.5, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.4-1.7; Bria: OR 1.9, 95% CI 1.5-2.3) was a factor associated with successful referral of a partner. Successful referral was accomplished by both male and female patients. Appropriate counselling techniques and vouchers facilitated partner referral. Further research on how to reach casual partners would enhance STD control efforts using patient-led partner referral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]