Search

In the becoming of neoliberal cities, consumption can play an important role in the process of marking who is human, that is, fit for consumption, and who is not. This paper explores such processes as affective becomings and focuses on the workings of comfort and discomfort to highlight how some bodies are delegitimized in order for others to become legitimatized. Using an ethnographic approach with affective methodologies, I trace the process of erasing activism collectives that were resisting gentrification in São Paulo and advocating the 'right to the city'. The contribution of this paper is threefold. Firstly, it highlights how the becoming of the neoliberal city follows a neoliberal normativity in tandem with a colonial one. By exploring how spaces, bodies, and norms are always related to one another in this process, I highlight how 'the consumer' has become the body who counts (i.e. the human). Secondly, this paper shows how activism work refracts the dynamics of the neoliberal-colonial normativity, as it (re)acts to its mechanisms for sorting out bodies. Thirdly, this paper highlights the political dimensions of (dis)comfort that mark the splitting of legitimate and illegitimatebodies in a social reproduction for consumption. Consequently, it explores how discomfort has been used as a political-affective tool of delegitimization, subjugation, and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The linking of school choice and charter schools to the legacy of Black alternative education and civil rights initiatives is a central discursive galvanizing and organizing tool for charter proponents, as it aims to provide legitimacy to the charter movement, while simultaneously coopting Black critiques of the institution of education to advance neoliberal restructurings of the state. In this paper, I posit there exists a conceptual and political distinction between school choice and efforts of Black educational self-determination, an approach to challenge white dominance and supremacy. The paper engages in a historical analysis exploring the history of school choice and Black educational self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prevent Duty requires universities in the United Kingdom to identify and report students who might be seen as 'vulnerable' to radicalisation. Since its introduction in 2015, the duty has been subject to increasing empirical research in the education sector. However, there has been limited research that specifically explores Muslim students' perceptions of Prevent in British universities. This paper directly addresses this gap in research by drawing upon the qualitative experiences of 25 university students who self-identified as 'British Muslims'. Individual, semi-structured interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Analysis. The findings demonstrate the securitisation of higher education and 'policing' of Muslim students. The paper draws on Pantazis and Pemberton's use of the 'new suspect community' thesis in order to examine participants' views and experiences. When analysing the data, three particular themes are especially prominent: as a tool of 'surveillance', Prevent hampers freedom of speech, threatens student activism and forces Muslim students to hide their Muslim identity to avoid being labelled as 'radical' or 'vulnerable' to terrorism. It will be concluded that the 'surveillance' function of Prevent is problematic on the grounds that it renders universities 'modern-day panopticons'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the working practices of several feminist creative and cultural enterprises in London (which I term 'feminist CCIs'). In particular, it shows how pandemic precarity has driven feminist CCIs towards more entrepreneurial, self-promotional, and self-branding practices in order to sustain their work. Drawing on both digital ethnographic material and interviews with 12 workers in feminist CCIs conducted online between 2020 and 2022, the article provides insights into the landscape and contemporary realities of arts and cultural funding within these fields. It considers how decades of austerity measures and cuts have forced some feminist CCIs to operate independently outside of the UK public sector funding models. Survival tactics include adopting corporate funding models, subscription and membership schemes, platformisation and digitalisation. Focusing on funding, money and subjectivity, it unpacks the contradictions these imperatives bring to feminist politics: tensions about which some feminist CCI workers themselves are aware of and critical of. In the process, this paper considers how activism, feminism, entrepreneurialism, and precarity are fused together and negotiated in this form of 'freelance feminism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Street theater is historically a form of political performance art used to foster social change and is characterized by unscheduled performances in public spaces, interactive audience participation, and short performances often repeated in the same spot for passersby. Long used as a creative tool within social movements, street skits not only entertain but are used to educate and build awareness on pressing issues. It is an art form for the people, by the people, making theater available for all ("on the streets") rather than solely for those who can afford it. Street theater also has its uses in public health education and organizing and has been used globally as an effective method of health promotion, especially in rural and low-literacy areas. This paper looks at a street theater project that university students at Clark University in Worcester, MA participated in as part of a "Health Rights: Advocacy and Action" course. Students were tasked with developing a street theater skit that educates on a public health issue and publicly perform the skit on campus. Three skits were produced: (1) "Deadly Derailment": raised awareness on industry deregulation and the 2023 toxic chemical spill in East Palestine, OH; (2) "Harm Reduction Saves Lives": addressed humane and non-victim blaming ways to address substance use; and (3) "End the STIgma": educated on sexual health on a college campus. Teaching street theater as part of public health pedagogy is a creative approach to inspire students to use their voices and link health promotion and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

College students across the United States are engaging in protests, sit-ins, and walk-outs, but when do these political acts result in tangible institutional policy changes? This paper draws on qualitative data from interviews and focus groups with 502 participants across the United States to examine when and why college student political behaviors influence institutional changes on college campuses. Findings from this study suggest that higher education institutions present different political opportunity structures for students to engage in activism. These political opportunity structures provide policy windows at the institutional level to affect campus wide change. To the extent that these changes promote diversity, equity, and inclusion though also depends on these varying structures. In this paper, a typology of these structures is presented to explain when student activism shapes institutional change and for whom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite evidence on the increasing centrality of moral approaches to leadership for extant employees, management research provides little guidance on whether and how prospective employees come to draw conclusions about such leadership in their employer choice. Therefore, this paper integrates authentic leadership into signaling theory to identify CEO sociopolitical activism—a public and costly expression of personal political values by a company's highest and most visible leader—as an effective signal that is interpreted by job seekers to evaluate the CEOs' degree of authentic leadership. Three experiments, including a parallel design for causal mediation inferences, and a field survey support that authentic leadership attributions mediate the positive impact of CEOs' activism on job seekers' employer attractiveness evaluations and employer choice. This mediation is attenuated when the activist CEO's espoused political values are incongruent with those of the job seeker and when the CEO engages in activism due to customer pressure rather than personal convictions. These findings primarily contribute to signaling theory and the literature on authentic leadership. For practitioners, the paper identifies a unique leadership signal that can contribute to an employer brand while cautioning about the costs this signal might impose on companies' diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the shifting dynamics of what constitutes a contemporary social movement and the pros and cons that emerge after movements have gone online. This paper is premised on in-depth interviews with twenty-nine interviewees regarding how social media has brought changes to the contemporary LGBTQ + movement in New Zealand among both Māori and Pākehā (white New Zealanders) communities. The interviewees testified to the shifting nature of the contemporary LGBTQ + movement after the emergence and inclusion of the Internet and social media platforms on movement messaging and participant engagement. This research found that social networking sites have led to greater awareness and better coordination among movement actors to organise LGBTQ + movements in New Zealand (NZ). The paper concludes that the Internet and social media have led to more visibility and acceptability of information within contemporary movements. The Internet was a facilitator of movement organisation even before the emergence of social media platforms; however, online activism has amplified and has taken a new meaning with the advent of several social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All ranking journals, including critical ones such as Organization, regard a contribution to theory as the Holy Grail of academic writing. But it is a long way to a better world through theory alone. In this article, we discuss the challenges of making action and activism a feature of academic work and we introduce a new space in Organization, entitled Acting Up, for short papers that take up such a challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how a global health crisis affects the causes and consequences of social movements. Drawing on media coverage, press releases, emails, and other available primary data sources, we examine how the pandemic changed the opportunities and conditions for activists on the right and left and those they challenge. We begin by considering the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and the concomitant government response, which alters the structure of political opportunities activists face. We then look at the development of a range of protest campaigns that have emerged in response, assessing changes in opportunities for activists to reach and mobilize target constituencies, the construction of grievances, nature of alliances, as well as innovation in tactics and organization. Finally, we consider the potential outcomes of these protests during the pandemic and extending afterward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chicago, the "city of neighborhoods," was a center for 1970s community activism. This article uncovers the history of Northwestern University's Center for Urban Affairs (CUA), which worked behind the scenes to create networks—and supply research—that helped Chicago community organizations be so effective. Their work was directed by two veterans of the civil rights movement, John McKnight and Stanley Hallett. Both were committed to "liberating data" and sharing it with community organizations, who used it to remake institutions so that they served rather than exploited surrounding areas. CUA students and faculty pursued research questions raised by community organizations while questioning existing institutional arrangements. CUA activities cast new light on 1970s neighborhood activism in Chicago, which produced innovations in credit, housing, health, municipal resource allocation, and more. Their approach remains critical today, as urban universities again seek models for nonexploitative, mutually beneficial relationships with surrounding communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This paper explores what praxis is and its importance for catalyzing social justice. Statement of the Problem: At times, psychologists have articulated the importance of bridging the researcher-activist divide via praxis, but progress in creating these bridges has been slow. Literature Review: We examine how praxis can be rooted in decolonial pedagogical approaches and a tool that can bridge scholarship and activism. Building on previous work by teachers of psychology, we review small, medium, and large-scale praxis assignments that have been used in university courses. Teaching Implications: We discuss our own versions of praxis assignments used in four different psychology courses (three of which took place during the pandemic). We reflect on the ways we see students motivated by an assignment with relevance to the real world and potential for creating social change, the ways that students are able to integrate course material more deeply through action, and some of the challenges with these assignments. Conclusion: We conclude by providing recommendations for educators interested in assigning praxis projects in their psychology courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial essay introduces a special issue that tackles the seemingly intractable challenge of re-conceptualizing power and performativity as continuously interweaving and co-emergent dynamics in the processes of organizing. It is in these processes, we argue, that new futures may be visibly made through the academic activism of our scholarly communities. We position our argument, and the six papers that comprise this special issue, in relation to Rosi Braidotti's framing of Humanism, anti-humanism and the posthuman. We also suggest some future lines of inquiry to move studies of organizing forward into a posthuman world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural race-based inequalities in Mexico cannot be denied. Anthropologists and social scientists have thoroughly documented racism at both personal and systemic levels. Following I.M. Young's framework, this paper identifies two possible pathways for the anti-racist movement in Mexico: the liability and the social connection models. The former uses guilt to assign responsibility —it requires an agent to be voluntarily and causally connected to injustice; the latter does not isolate perpetrators but assigns responsibility to all agents who contribute (voluntarily or not) by their actions to the structural processes that produce injustice. After examining the trajectory of the Mexican anti-racist movement, this paper demonstrates that activists are relying too heavily on the liability model. Furthermore, drawing from ethnographic material from Brazil and the United States, the paper suggests that this model is not only unnecessarily confrontational and ineffectual, but potentially counterproductive for the anti-racist movement, as it is prone to provoke a defensive response. In turn, this paper suggests focusing on the structural nature of racism in Mexico and developing ways to communicate this effectively, in order to foster the positive prospects of successful anti-racist activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will critically analyse a University-funded Centre of Learning and Pedagogic Practice (SCoLPP) project. The project was designed to integrate the co-produced learning from the Action on Poverty and Hardship Degree steering group, which was made up of local and national Voluntary and Community Sector (VCS) leaders and low-income students on the course. The project was directly aligned with the University Academic Strategy, designed to integrate academic integrity into innovative curriculum design. This article will critically discuss how the project, in its co-produced place-based approach, aligned its curriculum design to external engagement within Stoke-on-Trent. The Action on Poverty and Hardship Degree team worked over the course of 18 months with a steering group of local and national voluntary sector employers to actively recruit and support students from low-income backgrounds to become engaged in anti-poverty activism. This article will critically discuss how the voices of students with lived experience of poverty engaged to co-produce learning with local and national voluntary sector leaders. The paper will critically reflect on best practice in co-produced curriculum development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many marginalized people, coping with discrimination is not a temporary condition. Rather it is endemic to living in a discriminatory society and a source of ongoing stress. In this paper, we explore the need to provide people struggling to cope with the skills to tackle not just the personal consequences of discrimination, but also to understand and address the root causes of their pain, and specifically the ones that lie outside of themselves. We propose using the concept of social capital to bring greater awareness among clients, clinicians, and society in general about the need to pair the treatment of personal distress with concurrent practices to understand and tackle larger systemic issues impacting their mental health. People with marginalized identities are often expected to find ways to cope with oppression and then sent back into a broken world, perhaps with stronger coping skills, but often ones which do not address the root cause or source of the pain, which is social injustice. We propose that it is therapeutically important to problematize, pathologize and address the systems and narratives that discriminate and cause people to need to cope, instead of focusing therapeutic interventions only on the internal resources of the person doing the coping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people's ongoing, necessary confrontation with painful and distressing realities exacerbated by ecological precarity in diverse contexts has profound implications for formal education systems. Additionally, educational policy in many contexts has been slow to respond to the urgency of addressing climate change, nor has most policy robustly conceptualized a vision for climate justice education. Centering the voices of three young climate justice activists (ages 16–20) in Canada through a qualitative study, this paper explores possible educational responses that recognize the embodied consequences of climate injustice and inaction on youth mental health and well-being. Through their encounters with activism in collective, justice-centered movements, these young people articulate how their commitments to creating more life-affirming and equitable realities by challenging current economic and political structures and discourses are integral dimensions of their efforts to be and feel well (hopeful and purposeful) in a context of pronounced uncertainty and distress. Despite these possibilities, youth participants describe the overwhelming and complex emotions they are grappling with as they face dispiriting projections for the future. These growing challenges are an opportunity to reconsider common "apolitical" and individualized approaches to citizenship, climate and environmental education. Findings suggest that supporting youth to act thoughtfully and impactfully in transforming cultural, economic and political structures and systems that reproduce harm can be a way to nurture meaning, purpose and hope. Additionally, youth participants advocate for integrating robust resources and support within formal education institutions to assist in collectively processing the emotional and psychological impacts of climate injustice. At the same time, findings suggest that the participating youth did not yet integrate conceptions of ecological interrelationship or interconnection in their approaches, offering possible avenues for further pedagogical development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Premiered in 2020, and although representing a grim story to narrate the Khashoggi story – a Saudi prominent journalist – who was ambushed, killed, and his body dismembered in his own country's consulate, The Dissident is more than simply a documentary. It is arguably a narration of the need for freedom of expression and political reform in the Arab world generally and Saudi Arabia in particular. This paper highlights the struggle to disseminate The Dissident documentary publicly as none of the major media corporation streamers (HBO, Netflix, Amazon, and Apple) offered to carry it. The way giant media corporations treat the information in this case not only as a commodity but as a means to avoid political tensions affecting their revenues in the markets. The article addresses this case study from a freedom of expression and the right to communicate perspective arguing for the need of an actual media reform within the middle east media system so journalists, like Khashoggi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a high-profile debate on whether in vitro (or as referred to in the debate, cell-based) meat is good for animals. The debate is structured to present the "pro" and "con" sides to this resolve. This debate and its subsequent analysis herein illuminates tensions within the animal rights movement concerning effective tactics, and highlights main arguments for and against in vitro meat. This paper analyses both sides' arguments, justifications given, and how both sides engage with each other. The debate is framed in terms of vegan activist tactics. Discourses concerning these tactics are drawn out in terms of how each side views their own reasoning and the other side's. Evidence for three subsets of differences is presented: (1) a small-scale vs. large-scale perspective (2) variety of activist tactics vs. fundamentalist veganism, and (3) anger vs. naivete. Overall, two drastically differing discourses are found to be reflective of reformist versus a radical orientation towards animal rights and veganism generally. The debate over IVM has somewhat split the vegan community and this paper shows how so and along what lines, and the discourses that have emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That civil society activism can strengthen accountability and limit government corruption is theoretically compelling and popular in policy circles. Whether civic engagement can limit grand corruption, and if so in what types of settings, remains an open question. This paper presents the first large-N study of societal accountability with respect to grand corruption. Using objective indicators of procurement corruption from 173 EU regions, the study finds that civil society strength is associated with lower levels of corruption but that the association is not monotonic. Civil society strength seems to constrain procurement corruption where accountability conditions are the least favorable. Where accountability conditions are well-functioning, we find no evidence that societal accountability constrains corruption. The findings help to adjudicate between competing expectations from research on horizontal and societal accountability. Moreover, they confirm that societal accountability can complement horizontal accountability where institutional conditions function sub-optimally, even limiting grand corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: The United States invests in STEM education, but this investment is racialized and political. The country wants to maintain global economic domination, but there are also calls to diversify the STEM workforce (Baber, 2015; Basile & Lopez, 2015; Vakil & Ayers, 2019). This context leaves Black and Brown people to navigate racially hostile, toxic, and oppressive STEM learning and working environments (Bullock, 2017; Erete et al., 2020; Wright & Riley, 2021). Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This conceptual paper offers strategies for institutionalizing equity ethics in STEM higher education. The paper attends to the core components of equity ethics and its possibilities while identifying structural constraints. Equity ethics is an equity-minded perspective that focuses on leveraging the multiple forms of knowledge associated with understanding and engaging the natural world to foster an oppression-free society that specifically enhances the lives of Black and Brown people. We also examine specific cases of STEM education and research scholars and practitioners who are committed to engaging and uplifting racially minoritized communities through the intersection of STEM and justice. Research Design: This conceptual paper takes a qualitative approach. It uses the existing literature to review the current state of diversity in STEM, the major components of an equity ethic, the structural and institutional barriers people of color face in STEM higher education, and how equity ethics may be institutionalized. In particular, we highlight examples of equity ethics in action to provide models for action and policy change. Conclusions/Recommendations: Institutionalized equity ethics at the mid-institutional level (e.g., departments and units) would require all faculty to mentor Black and Brown STEM students through critical transitions. We also recommend revising department- and unit-level policies and practices around access to resources that are critical for STEM achievement and knowledge production. Although expanding and sustaining financial investments in equity-focused endeavors is required, these investments must also come with the power and agency to transform institutional structures around STEM access, learning, and innovation. Transformation of top-level policies and practices could include changes to institutional admissions processes and ensuring that racist gatekeeping mechanisms are removed, while also requiring senior-level administrators to have training in racial justice ideologies and praxes. Building equity ethics into STEM higher education is essential to creating a more just and equitable STEM ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the southern influence and litigation around carceral logic in public education, as evident in the racialized disciplinary codes and police presence in schools that led to the criminalization of youth during desegregation through the 1960s and into the 1970s. Southern school districts and state legislators worked in tandem with law enforcement to increase discipline and surveillance in newly desegregated spaces, changed laws to swiftly prosecute and remove youth from schools, and increasingly targeted youth with harsh disciplinary policies grounded in racist assumptions categorizing Black students as inherently violent. This form of disciplinary power and control presaged federal legislation including the Law Enforcement Assistance Act of 1965 and the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974, and shaped the foundations of today's anti-Black school discipline policies and police presence in schools. This article explicates how southern schools contributed to a burgeoning carceral logic that shared commonalities across the nation but at the same time were distinct from other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does collective identity form in virtual spaces and what role do hashtags play? This paper takes advantage of a unique dataset that includes surveys from activists who organized the nationally coordinated climate strikes in the US that began in spring 2019 to answer these questions. Building on the research about collective identity formation online and the role that hashtags play, we employ social network analysis to assess how collective identity forms online over three waves of protests. In particular, we analyze how activists involved in the youth climate movement used hashtags to project their collective identities and create collective narratives. Our findings show how hashtags use varied over the period of our study, in some cases indicating the formation of a thin collective identity. They also show that there are patterns in the ways hashtags are employed by activists in the movement that suggest the formation of subaltern narratives among those affiliated with youth-led groups. Our paper concludes by considering how this finding helps us understand collective identity in virtual spaces and the role that hashtags play more specifically within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits a graduate course I taught between 2005 and 2014, ENGLISH 779--The Times We Live In, in light of the temporal stresses of graduate student life. Thinking with Donald C. Goellnicht's 1993 article, "From novitiate culture to market economy: the professionalization of graduate students," alongside the more recent work of several graduate students (Blanchard, Wilks and Vogan 2022, Brown 2022; Stoneman 2012; Tootonsab 2022), the article explores the increasing pressure on graduate students to engage in and record activities that are "off-the-clock" of program requirements. In particular, the article considers the contradictory celebration of graduate students' participation in extra-curricular activities that challenge the temporal dynamics of capitalism and colonialism while those dynamics continue to define performance expectations within their graduate programs. Recognizing the complicity of faculty members in exacerbating temporal stress by encouraging the incorporation of extra-curricular activism into the timelines of graduate programs, the article concludes by considering ways to revise ENGLISH 779--The Times We Live in to address more honestly, if not to loosen, the time binds of graduate student life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even the seemingly liberal Czechoslovak political elites were anxious about the notion of depopulation, and feared the death of the nation, which led them to disregard the societal need for modernizing family planning. At the same time, Czechoslovak women experts were significantly involved in debates on conceptions of the family. They fueled debates on the sexual liberation of women in Czechoslovakia not as a matter of ideology or morality, but as a matter of public health, social justice, and reproductive rights. This paper aims to look at these women experts and their active role in academic debates on Czechoslovak policies on family and reproduction. Looking at the case of Czechoslovakia, as a non-Western country, this article then discusses the issues of the marginalization of women's activism and feminism in the East. The article suggests that, by applying a decolonial lens, a broader inclusion of the history of feminism of non-Western women can be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the forced digitalization of activism brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic in the case of the transnational environmental youth movement Fridays for Future (FFF). Theoretically, we engage with social movement action repertoires to study the shifts in protest tactics associated with the social restrictions during the early stages of the pandemic. A qualitative content analysis of 781 posts across all 27 national FFF Facebook pages in the European Union reveals four clusters of digital action types: digital contentious actions; online information and education; digital community engagement and online partnership development. While digital media were part of FFF's action repertoire in pre-pandemic times, our findings yield that the shift from the movement's iconic street protests to exclusively digital tactics privileges community-building and education over contentious actions, potentially softening the political impact of the movement's landmark 'school strike'. Furthermore, although timely tactical flexibility kept the movement going during country lockdowns, the forced digitalization in the early stages of the pandemic primarily recombined existing action tactics rather than innovating them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore how under authoritarian regimes, undergoing reform processes, divergent forms of environmental activism may emerge. Two severe cases of environmental degradation serve as our starting points: the marine disaster in the central coast of Vietnam in 2016 and the Mekong Delta's ongoing environmental degradation. While the former offers a case of rural grievances over mass fish death in Central Vietnam triggering protests on a national scale, the latter presents a continuum of environmental changes leading to serious impacts on deltaic livelihoods, albeit with no observable efforts of activism compared to the situation in other countries along the Mekong Delta. Drawing from in-depth interviews and participant observation with NGO workers in Vietnam who focus on environment and community development, we unravel the conditions, methods and rationalities behind their engagement (or lack thereof) with environmental activism in each case. We argue that the difference between the cases can be explained by tracing the process of politicising environmental grievances, taking into consideration culinary nationalism, anti-China nationalism and political opportunities under authoritarianism. Moving beyond current literature on activism under authoritarian regimes which relies mainly on institutional and/or social network approaches, our analysis helps further shed light on how contemporary environmental activism is mobilised in Vietnam from a geographically and politically grounded as well as culturally embedded position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we find that higher levels of in-migration dilute multiple dimensions of a community's social capital, with some measures of a community's social capital being negatively impacted more than others. Using a spatial model and restricted-access microdata from the US Census Bureau, we employ an instrumental variables strategy to account for the endogeneity of migration. Our results suggest that political activism, overall, is most negatively impacted by in-migration, and that religiosity, trust, and community involvement are impacted more negatively in rural communities compared to non-rural communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the origins, features and impacts of 'knowledge activism' as an emergent form of collective OHS resistance. Coupling labour process theory with Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of capital, the analysis connects transformations in production, management, technology, and neoliberal governance to shifts in labour/management power relations, both within the joint committee and the workplace more generally, as defined by the relative social, cultural and symbolic capital accumulated and mobilized by worker representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author explores some of the issues associated with teaching about compulsory heterosexuality and schooling in an undergraduate sociology programme. Using a novel approach to gathering data, the article analyses the stories students submitted about themselves or others who were counter normative in terms of gender and sexuality in school. Informed by the work of Ahmed and Foucault, this article explores what kinds of gendered and sexualised subject positions become possible through the stories of students, and how are these subject positions interpellated and constituted relationally? Despite progressive legislation, queer activism and the significant visibility of gender and sexuality counter-normative identities in the South African media, the analysis highlights that students' position school attending queer youth as (1) stereotyped caricatured subjects, (2) objects of fear and (3) subjects of violence. These subject positions serve as straightening devices that interpellate queer school attending youth as unfamiliar, not belonging and unworthy and therefore requiring change. Insights from this article can inform the research and practice which is pivotal to addressing cisheteronormativity not only in schools but cultural ideas, norms and practices too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the shackles of austerity continue to shatter the remnants of once dignified, and now, mostly dehumanising lives, for most Greeks who have suffered decades long of economic and social crises, the rapid rise of the far right and its incipient racist and xenophobic discourse has had a profound impact on the country. This paper attempts a twofold objective: on the one hand to contribute to the global feminist dialogue by making visible and vocal the case of Greece, and, on the other to advance a plea for a current consciousness raising era in Greece as regards particularly contemporary youth who can transform instances of despair into action and social change by adopting feminist principles in their everyday lives. I draw on the representational politics of far-right fascist discourse and individual behaviour articulated and depicted in contemporary Greek films, and its gendered and xenophobic normalisers, to contextualise an interdisciplinary feminist analysis of such phenomena in contemporary Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do social movements respond to the ecological crisis? In this paper, we reframe social movements as 'more-than-social movements' to highlight the fact that many contemporary mobilisations do much more than target recognised social institutions and political governance; indeed, they are practically transforming eco-societies with and within both the human and the nonhuman world. What constitutes the core of more-than-social movements' action is the capacity to set up alternative ecologies of existence, or 'alterontologies', as we call them in the paper. In what follows, we engage with the imaginaries and practices of agroecology, AIDS treatment activism and permaculture in order to rethink what autonomy and justice might look like in the context of today's ecological crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2008, non-governmental organisations and other civil society organisations have helped to transform the image of Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Vietnam. Their efforts reached a peak in 2014 when Vietnam became the first country in Asia to debate the issue of same-sex marriage in the national parliament. Yet, the outcome of the debate remained was ambiguous, with same-sex marriage being neither illegal nor recognised by the state. This paper explores the tactics and strategies of LGBT activists as they campaigned for recognition of same-sex marriage. It argues that a key factor in the "in-between" outcome was their lack of attention to the redistributive implications of recognition. Together with attention to the fractured nature of the Vietnamese state, engaging directly with issues of redistribution may allow LGBT activists to further advance the politics of recognition at the same time as they redefine the contours of civil society and activism in contemporary Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of research that led to change activism in support of asylum seeker rights in Stoke-on-Trent in the UK. In 2018, the Government disbanded localised asylum bail reporting procedures leading to asylum seekers based in Stoke-on-Trent having to travel to Salford (approximately 100-mile-round-trip) for Home Office reporting. Interview research with 19 paid or unpaid professionals working with, or on behalf of, asylum seekers at operational and strategic levels provided evidence of significant issues faced by asylum seekers based on this policy and procedure change. Poor mental health, racism, increased poverty and gender inequality, modern slavery and exploitation risks and children's education were compromised and exacerbated by changes to reporting proceedings. Evidence also demonstrated the changes to reporting arrangements led to resource implications for local services in Stoke-on-Trent and the Home Office itself. Findings were suggestive of Human Rights, Equality and Public Health concerns, alongside highlighting practice that stigmatises victims in a criminogenic way. Reinstating localised reporting was supported by all participants and researchers advocated for the Home Office to also consider tele-reporting options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Psychology of Women and Equalities Section (POWES) of the British Psychological Society (BPS) accounts for much of the feminist action in British psychology and beyond. In this qualitative study, we use discursively informed thematic analysis to examine a set of eleven in-depth interviews to explore the everyday experiences of feminists within academic spaces in and around the discipline of psychology in the United Kingdom. Three research questions addressing the boundary between activism and academia; the provision of support; and differing approaches to knowledge production were investigated. Our findings highlight the role of POWES as a feminist community as well as the conceptual importance of notions of home, work, and fun. Moreover, the paper examines the ways traditional conceptions of scientific rigour continue to haunt feminist spaces, as does the invisibility of emotional labour. Overall, our findings indicate that the place of feminist academic communities remains vital to sustain critical thought and action: having an intellectual "home" is pivotal to the survival of feminist psychology as well as feminists in psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years after communism's demise, Polish civil society is, decidedly, self-sustaining, and wide-ranging, with activism focused on various issues, from the natural environment to education reform to reproductive rights. This paper uses data from interviews and a nationally representative survey to explore the evolution of activism in Poland and specifically the claim that Polish citizens are more likely to engage in civic action when these efforts concern everyday social problems, rather than abstract political ideals. We argue that since 2015, the Polish government is, indeed, attempting to direct civil society's growth and development, thereby shrinking the space for activism, especially for liberal, progressive organizations. Yet, this is only a part of a more complex and interesting picture of activism that is also shifting, with individuals focusing on new issues and mobilization tactics, and strengthening through the creation of networks, and groups that work on different sectors but join forces. Thus, although some citizens are mobilizing around local, social concerns, intangible, political issues remain important, with Poles participating in activities online and in person to defend the rule of law and judicial freedom. Polish citizens are also regularly protesting limitations on reproductive rights and in support of gay rights. Thirty years of change and democracy in Poland have produced a dynamic and diverse civil society that is, simultaneously, shrinking, shifting, and strengthening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the appropriation of video game culture for discursive use during the 2019–20 Hong Kong anti-extradition movement, with participants relying on game argot for mass protest communication and mobilization purposes, and employing game frameworks (especially from MMORPGs) for organizing protest actions. Data from online forums are used to present examples of video game rhetoric and narratives in protest-related online discourses, to speculate on their symbolic meanings, and to examine ways that borrowed aspects of game culture influenced movement activities. After describing ways that game culture spilled over into social movements, we highlight examples of gaming literacy during dynamic protest situations. Our evidence indicates that the combination of game culture and online gaming literacy strengthened activist toolkits and intensified the "be water" nature of a social movement that many describe as leaderless. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been increased global activism supporting the right to housing. But in neoliberal governance regimes in wealthy cities of North America and Australia, belief in that right as an effective advocacy tool is weak. This paper focuses on the responses of 30 key affordable housing actors in four cities - Vancouver, Toronto, Portland and Melbourne, the majority of whom reject using the "right to housing" in their organizational work. Fraser's framework of "rights talk," "needs talk," and "interests talk" provide the basis for considering alternative rationales for affordable housing advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when many questions are arising about the nexus between psychoanalysis and social justice, the writings of Hans Loewald open an avenue for broadened conceptualizations of psychoanalytic activity and the role of interpretation within it. The pursuit of social justice, it is argued, is integral to psychoanalytic ethics, and the relation between activists and society can be formulated in Loewaldian terms. Using Loewald, and considering case examples from social justice informed advocacy, direct action, and protest speech in AIDS activism, social justice activism can be understood as a spontaneously emergent psychoanalytic interpretation delivered by activists to their social surround, effectively accomplishing multiple forms of therapeutic action. The therapeutic action includes a working through in two phases of the negative social transference, a concept proposed here to elaborate a mechanism for the transformation, through the interpretive aspects of activism, of psychic material directed toward marginalized subjects and those expressing marginalized subjective positions. Resistance to social justice activism is examined using the forms of resistance identified by Freud. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper, we join the current dialogue in the field of vocational psychology regarding how neoliberal economic trends across the world have influenced the development of theory and approaches to vocational psychology. We propose an alternative perspective, that viewing career development from an economic justice lens, can provide an alternative to the existing neoliberal influence. An economic justice lens may aid us in moving from solely focusing on individual interventions and outcomes to those that help to create community-level change which in turn help create a more just economy for all. This is more than simply providing interventions to individuals in a community but requires shifting the locus of change to the community level. We detail four proposed career outcomes that center community-level change: Networking, Conscientization, Participation, and Liberation. Opportunities to utilize participatory action research, social network analysis, and other practice methods are encouraged. Finally, we offer examples of how vocational psychologists can take active roles in an economic justice approach to vocational psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Hispanic Higher Education is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Media bias is well documented in the industrial relations domain. This paper extends this research by exploring whether union participation among former professional baseball players affects the likelihood of moving through two stages of the selection process for the Major League Baseball Hall of Fame (HOF), a selection process controlled by sports media. At the HOF ballot inclusion stage, union activism increased position players' and pitchers' likelihoods of inclusion, regardless of time period. Conversely, at the HOF voting stage, position players who were union representatives during labor-management conflict (i.e., strikes and lockouts) received significantly less votes than non-activists, while position players who were representatives during labor-management cooperation received significantly more votes. Union activism did not affect pitchers at this stage. We conclude that union activists can be subject to negative media bias during labor-management conflict that, in turn, negatively affects post-employment outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief essay, I offer reflection on Norman Denzin's role as an academic activist in qualitative inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this short paper, we introduce our Special Section in Feminist Theory titled 'Feminist human-computer interaction: Struggles for past, contemporary and futuristic feminist theories in digital innovation'. Over the last years, we worked with the authors of the articles presented herein to bring together feminist theories with their practical application in the design, development, use and exploration of digital technologies. Our section follows three aspects: (1) an overview of past feminist histories and discourse; (2) the development of actionable, contemporary theory; and (3) speculative futures of what a feminist human-computer interaction (HCI) could be. Together with the contributing authors, we are excited to explore these areas of post-disciplinary connection at the intersection of theory, practice and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today's citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society's approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist identity and strategy of conservation. Second, these birders disidentified with the identity of "environmental activist" because of negative cultural stereotypes about environmental activists, which was bolstered by the Audubon Society's strategic centrism. These mutually reinforcing phenomena create a situation that doubly discourages these birders from identifying as environmental activists. This paper contributes to sociological understandings of the interplay between culture, identity, and environmental activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to argue for the utility of a relational model of disability, as a way of conceptualizing dementia. We explore whether dementia should be considered as a disability, and whether people with dementia might consider themselves as disabled people. We review examples of, and issues raised by, the political activism of people with dementia. We consider how language constructs dementia negatively. We discuss how the environment influences the experience of dementia. In conclusion, we show that a relational model of dementia lays the basis for a human rights approach to the condition, based on collaborative partnerships between people with dementia and people from other disability communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore how individuals employ imagination through collective action. First, I will outline a definition of imagination, focusing on how the dialogic nature of imagination provides an overarching framework for individuals focused on producing change. Next, I will discuss symbolic resources as a way to link one’s imagination with another’s. Qualitative interviews from The Harry Potter Alliance will be examined as a case where collective action is taken through shared resources. It will highlight how placing real-world issues in dialogue with imaginary constructs can assist in sharing imaginations toward worlds of what-if. Discussions around the relational aspect of collective imagination will end the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oscar Correas has been one of the promoters and main references of the Crítica Jurídica movement in Latin America due to his theoretical contributions and his permanent activism to develop the movement. In this paper, we firstly review his vast academic and intellectual career, and then we go through and analyse some of Correas's main contributions to the study of the law and the Marxist thought. Special focus will be given to: (a) his approach to Marx's works and its extension to the analysis of modern law; (b) his understanding of Hans Kelsen's theory; and (c) Correas's critical contributions to the debate on human rights. We aim to highlight the originality and wit of Oscar Correas's work, and its importance for the development of the legal critical studies and debates on legal and human rights challenges from a critical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analysing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorising about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, boycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]