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This paper deals with a formerly quiet French-Canadian country town, now transformed into one of the leading Canadian centres of textile manufacture. Specifically, it describes the present competitive position of various classes in the town and relate the relevant facts to traditional life-objectives and expectations. Since but one case is presented, the treatment cannot be considered comparative in the full sense. A similar analysis could be made profitably in any community undergoing this type of change. The paper makes explicit use of the concept of position and implicit reference to the concept of status. Position is an individual's place in a competitive system. Status is an attribute of a person in society. Subjectively, it consists of his own definition of his place within a system of recognized duties and privileges; objectively, it is the recognition that the person occupies in fact, such a place. In a well integrated system of life, status and position tend to correspond. Each type of position in the existing competitive system would, in the logically ideal case, be defined as a status.

Background: Accessing healthcare for immigrants in Canada is complicated by many difficulties. With the continued and upward trend of immigration to Canada, it is crucial to identify the solutions to the barriers from the perspectives of different immigrant communities as they encounter them including the relatively smaller and less studied population groups of immigrants. As such, Nepalese immigrants in Canada are a South Asian ethnic group who have their own distinct language, culture, and socio-economic backgrounds, however, their experience with accessing healthcare in Canada is scarce in the literature. Methods: We conducted 12 focus group discussions with first-generation Nepalese immigrants who had experiences with primary care use in Canada. Informed consent and demographic information were obtained before each focus group discussion. The verbatim transcription of the focus groups was analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: The participants expressed a range of potential solutions to overcome the barriers, which we presented using the socio-ecological framework into 4 different levels. This includes individual-, community-, service provider-, and government/policy-levels. Individual-level actions included improving self-awareness and knowledge of health in general and navigating the healthcare system and proactively improving the language skills and assimilating into the Canadian culture. Examples of community-level actions included community events to share health information with immigrants, health literacy programs, and driving/carpooling to clinics or hospitals. Actions at the service provider level were mainly focused on enhancing communications, cultural competency training for providers, and ensuring to hire primary care workforce representing various ethnocultural backgrounds. Overall, focus group participants believed that the provincial and federal government, as appropriate, should increase support for dental and vision care support and take actions to increase the healthcare capacity, particularly by employing internationally graduated health professionals. Conclusions: Access to primary care is essential for the health of immigrant populations in Canada. Individuals, community organizations, health service providers, and governments need to work both individually and collaboratively to improve immigrants' primary care access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: We reviewed the literature on the association between pre-pregnancy multimorbidity (co-occurrence of two or more chronic conditions) and adverse maternal outcomes in pregnancy and postpartum. Data sources: Medline, EMBASE, and CINAHL were searched from inception to September, 2021. Study selection: Observational studies were eligible if they reported on the association between ≥ 2 co-occurring chronic conditions diagnosed before conception and any adverse maternal outcome in pregnancy or within 365 days of childbirth, had a comparison group, were peer-reviewed, and were written in English. Data extraction and synthesis: Two reviewers used standardized instruments to extract data and rate study quality and the certainty of evidence. A narrative synthesis was performed. Results: Of 6,381 studies retrieved, seven met our criteria. There were two prospective cohort studies, two retrospective cohort studies, and 3 cross-sectional studies, conducted in the United States (n=6) and Canada (n=1), and ranging in size from n=3,110 to n=57,326,681. Studies showed a dose-response relation between the number of co-occurring chronic conditions and risk of adverse maternal outcomes, including severe maternal morbidity or mortality, hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, and acute health care use in the perinatal period. Study quality was rated as strong (n=1), moderate (n=4), or weak (n=2), and the certainty of evidence was very low to moderate. Conclusion: Given the increasing prevalence of chronic disease risk factors such as advanced maternal age and obesity, more research is needed to understand the impact of pre-pregnancy multimorbidity on maternal health so that appropriate preconception and perinatal supports can be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II the Canadian Army was a small cadre force augmented by citizen volunteers. It was a colonial institution, dependent on the British Army for doctrine and staff training. After the war, the army became involved in a lengthy struggle to define its concept of professionalism. Modernizers aimed for a well-educated officer corps that was integrated with other elites and able to influence national security policy. Traditionalists wished to preserve regimental traditions and leadership based on social class. Contention between these factions resulted in stalemate, with modern management undercut by internal politics. The result was the failure of professional norms in the 1993 Somalia operation. Subsequent reforms have put a modern “constabulary-realist” model of professionalism in place. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We explore the differential permeability of three class boundaries--the boundaries determined by property, authority and expertise--to intergenerational mobility among men in four developed capitalist economies: the United States, Canada, Norway and Sweden. We conclude: (1) In all four countries, the authority boundary is the most permeable to intergenerational mobility; (2) in the two North American countries, the patterns of permeability of class boundaries are broadly consistent with the expectations of neo-Marxist conceptualizations of class--the property boundary is the least permeable, followed by the expertise boundary, and then the authority boundary; (3) in the two Scandinavian countries, especially in Sweden, the property and expertise boundaries do not differ significantly in their degree of permeability; (4) the class boundary between workers and capitalists is less permeable than would be predicted from a strictly additive model of the permeability of the three dimensions of the class structure (property + authority + expertise); and (5) in the United States and Canada, the patterns of class boundary permeability to mobility are similar to the patterns of permeability to friendship and cross-class marriages, while mobility patterns in Norway and Sweden differ from friendship and marriage patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada stands out sharply as a country in which the relationship of social class to electoral politics appears to be almost non-existent The class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties. The results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought This, in turn, suggests that the main source of the anomaly associated with the Canadian case resides, not with the Canadians themselves, but with the nature of the electoral options presented to them. This finding suggests that one cannot assume that the politics of a democracy faithfully reflect the salient concerns of its citizens. The results also suggest that conventional measures of voting behaviour, which normally fail to take into account the variable nature of electoral options, provide a poor indicator of the nature of mass sentiment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]