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This paper identifies the explanatory narratives used by perpetrators of male-male homicide in Buenos Aires (Argentina) to make sense of this crime. Drawing upon narrative criminology and masculinities theories, this study enquires into the rationalisations of perpetrators, considering their emic terms, rationalities and stories. Fieldwork was conducted between 2016 and 2020, and a convenience sample strategy was employed for participant recruitment. The analysis is based upon seventy-three narrative-biographical interviews with offenders, and field observations in prisons and homes of former convicts. The corpus was analysed following an inductive thematic coding strategy using Atlas.Ti. Eight narratives were typified, considering how men talked about agency and change, and the explanatory locus of the stories: 'rebel', 'affected', 'idiot', 'either him or me', 'repeating the story', 'gang', 'betrayed' and 'victim'. These accounts revealed two paradoxes about violence perpetration storytelling and its discursive management: men can commit a homicide and present themselves as not responsible for it and, simultaneously, they use, reconfigure and negotiate expert theories and scientific labels to explain away, excuse and justify lethal violence. This study argues that accounts are not merely neutralisation strategies, but the rationalisations of the perpetrators' experiences, and the foundation for how they relate to and inhabit penal institutions. This paper contributes to the understanding of how those explanations shape past and future actions, and how masculinities, biographical processes and violence performance are interconnected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Lupus nephritis affects 40 to 70% of Systemic Lupus Erythematous(SLE) patients increasing their morbi-mortality; therefore, successful treatments are required to improve outcomes. Research Design and Study Sample: In this paper 20 patients who participated in the BLISS LN trial at a single center (OMI) in Argentina were studied. All the patients continued Mycophenolate (MMF) treatment when the trial was finished and until a second biopsy was performed to determine the withdrawal of the immunosuppression according to the achieved clinical and histological response. Ten patients treated with MMF + Placebo versus 10 receiving MMF + Belimumab, were compared evaluating the complete clinical (CCR) and complete histological response (CHR) and the flares in each group. Results: All the patients in the Belimumab group showed a CCR and 7 in the Placebo one; CHR was found in 9 and 5 patients of the Belimumab and Placebo group, respectively. None of the patients in the Belimumab group flared meanwhile two of the Placebo one did it. Conclusions: Although the number of patients is insufficient to be able to draw unquestionable conclusions, adding Belimumab to the standard of care treatment with MMF would seem to increase the possibility of achieving a CCR, CHR, and a lower rate of relapses during treatment and long follow-up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diverse ways that extreme climate events are expressed at the local level have represented a challenge for the development of transgenic "climate-ready" (resilient to environmental stress) seeds. Based on the Argentinean "HB4" technology, this paper analyzes how ignorance and a sunflower gene are mobilized to overcome this difficulty in soy and wheat. HB4 seeds can be understood as myopic: the technology does not obstruct the capacity of soy and wheat plants to sense droughts, but it prevents their natural reaction, which would be to put a halt on crop production and redirect their energy toward survival. Plants thus become "short-sighted" to droughts. Informed by ignorance studies and by the immunological concept of tolerance, this paper analyzes HB4 myopia as a type of nonhuman ignorance: an asset that allows plant breeders to achieve varied plant responses to droughts and to encode their capitalist values (that prioritize production over survival) into plants' DNA. Moreover, ignorance becomes a molecular commodity that can be selected, transferred between organisms, and traded in markets. HB4's prioritization of production resonates with other technologies of climate adaptation and mitigation that do not promote structural changes to the capitalist system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Finochietto thoracic retractor is a familiar instrument to most surgeons. The contributions to surgery of its inventor, Argentinean surgeon Enrique Finochietto and his brother, Ricardo Finochietto, extend far beyond a single instrument. This paper reviews their careers and legacy. Both brothers were part of an international network of elite surgeons. Their contributions are reflected in the number of instruments and eponyms associated with their name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military in Latin America has been extensively involved in pandemic relief operations. This paper analyses the impact of militarization of pandemic relief operations on human rights. It argues that not all militarization is equally harmful to individuals in the region. When troops assume responsibilities regarding medical care and logistical support, human rights violations do not follow. When involved in policing the stay-at-home orders, the extent of human rights violations is explained by the level of operational autonomy the military has in public security operations. The more autonomous the military, more likely abuses are to occur. Additionally, military exposure to judicial prosecution for human rights offenses contributes to the explanation. After gathering original empirical evidence from 14 Latin American democracies on military presence in pandemic relief, we draw our inferences from process tracing on four comparative case studies of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine how a socially innovative solution to a complex social problem is able to overcome entrenched disadvantage and division and sustain itself within an existing institution. We explore how a rugby team in a high-security prison in Argentina has become an organizational response that substantially transformed prisoners' lives in and out of jail, allowing inmates to reclaim many critical aspects of their humanity and dramatically reducing recidivism. We examine rugby as an analogy for new models of behaviours and identities in the context of extreme disadvantage, and surface the specific emotional work required to make the analogy generative. The findings from our in-depth case study reveal three reinforcing mechanisms in the workings of an analogy – resonating, resignifying and collective generativity – and in doing so provide a novel crescive model of how analogies may sustain change emotionally, cognitively and behaviorally over time, and ultimately achieve positive transformational effects in extreme social contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While political communication scholarship has long underscored the importance of political talk—casual conversations about news and politics that occur in everyday situations—as a way for citizens to clarify their opinions and as a precursor for political engagement, much of this literature tends to depict political talk as uncomfortable and difficult for citizens. Yet, this focus on the challenging aspects of political talk has been informed predominantly by the US context. To what extent may a different picture emerge when looking across different cultural contexts? And how are these dynamics shaped by the affordances of the multi-platform social media environment? This paper explores these questions through a unique dataset of 122 qualitative interviews conducted between 2016 and 2019 with young people (ages 18–29) from five countries: Argentina, Finland, Israel, Japan, and the United States. Rather than solidifying the avoidance of controversial political talk as the key strategy at the disposal of young people, our findings point at a five-pronged typology of young people, with each type representing a different approach toward political talk. Our typology thus contributes to a more comprehensive and nuanced picture of various approaches towards political talk employed by young people across different countries and in relation to different digital media affordances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Irrational antimicrobial consumption (AMC) became one of the main global health problems in recent decades. Objective: In order to understand AMC in Latin-American Region, we performed the present research in 6 countries. Methods: Antimicrobial consumption (J01, A07A, P01AB groups) was registered in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, and Peru. Source of information, AMC type, DDD (Defined Daily Doses), DID (DDD/1000 inhabitants/day), population were variables explored. Data was analyzed using the Global Antimicrobial Resistance and Use Surveillance System (GLASS) tool. Results: Source of information included data from global, public, and private sectors. Total AMC was highly variable (range 1.91-36.26 DID). Penicillin was the most consumed group in all countries except in Paraguay, while macrolides and lincosamides were ranked second. In terms of type of AMC according to the WHO-AWaRe classification, it was found that for certain groups like "Reserve," there are similarities among all countries. Conclusion and Relevance: This paper shows the progress that 6 Latin-American countries made toward AMC surveillance. The study provides a standardized approach for building a national surveillance system for AMC data analysis. These steps will contribute to the inclusion of Latin-America among the regions of the world that have periodic, regular, and quality data of AMC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the perceptions of a group of employees from the federal judiciaries of Brazil and Argentina regarding the impact of electronic lawsuits on individual performance and public service quality. A model is proposed and tested with data collected from 14 interviews with public managers and employees. The results of this study suggest that court administrators should align task characteristics and individual characteristics to achieve better task-technology fit, individual performance and public service quality. These findings present important implications to understand the processes of the implementation of electronic lawsuits within courts and may provide guidance for future research about the judiciary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, natural resource governance has become an increasingly important element of South American regionalism as commodities became a central driver for regional development strategies. Yet, due to socio-environmental impacts and dissatisfaction with decision-making processes, it is also frequently contested. This article focuses on one particularly prominent contestation with transboundary and regional repercussions, the case of the pulp mill conflict which escalated between Argentina and Uruguay in the 2000s. Using the concepts of regionness and politics of scale, it examines in which ways the pulp mill conflict affected regional cohesion and seeks to understand why it evolved in this way. This shows that the way national governments address socio-environmental conflicts is an important additional obstacle to regional cohesion which has received little attention in studies of South American regionalism so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina's right-wing shift in the 2015 presidential election concluded twelve years of center-left rule. The elected president, Mauricio Macri, claimed that the economy would experience normalization of existing imbalances and recover its strength in a "new political era." However, the new administration quickly restored the dominance of neoliberal economic policies through a comprehensive set of initiatives, which centrally included the return to international financial debt and equity markets and submission to the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) rules. This article analyzes Argentina's external-debt-growth process and discusses its objectives and long-term effects. This paper posits that the indebtedness process carried out by the Macri administration—and its modality—not only increased the relevance of financial capital in the Argentine economy but also structurally conditioned any future nonorthodox alternative path of development. This outcome cannot be understood without taking into account the deliberate role of the United States, the IMF, and the top companies that operate in Argentina, as well as the complicity of many political sectors. JEL Classification: H63, F34, F63 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of the fact that Argentina has experienced a process of high sustained growth that created four million jobs, income distribution did not register substantial changes. The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between growth, employment, and income distribution; to clarify under what conditions a virtuous cycle of growth and employment may come to not have substantial impacts on income distribution; and to address the challenges that the working class will face in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of PsyEcology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper conceptualizes how organized labor in newly industrialized countries both responds to and shapes the presence of foreign multinationals. Four images of multinationals--as "villains," "necessary evils," "arm's length collaborators," and "partners"--are documented and compared using evidence drawn from three countries during the 1950-99 period. Organized labor flatly opposed foreign multinationals early on, under authoritarian regimes, in all three countries--Argentina, South Korea, and Spain--but that stance shifted over time in divergent rather than convergent ways. In Argentina, organized labor alternately viewed multinationals as villains and as a necessary evil, and in Korea it deemed them fit for limited, arm's length collaboration. In Spain, by contrast, unions gradually shifted toward a willing acceptance of multinationals as partners. Organized labor's images of multinationals are found to have resulted from two key factors: democratic versus authoritarian political regimes, and modernizing versus populist labor union mentalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The victory of Mauricio Macri in the 2015 Argentine presidential election led to a kind of return of neoliberalism, soon resisted by the people and the political opposition. In this paper I will address the question of how recent regressive neoliberal policies and austerity agenda have been defied and counteracted by progressive forces and the Argentine left-wing movements. To do so, I will periodize this country's recent history and map the positions occupied by the local left in order to argue that neoliberalism has never been entirely hegemonic in Argentina. By doing this, I hope to contribute to the development of a critical theory from (and for) the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the experience of travelling on Buenos Aires' Underground Railways (Subte) during the first decades of the twentieth-century. Reconstructing representations of passengers and their experiences through visual and textual sources, the paper shows how this underground mobility was a meaningful practice that expressed ambivalent sentiments towards progress and the rhythm of modern urban life. On the one hand, there was popular fascination with new technologies as well as a celebration and exaltation of this encapsulated mobility as a rational organisation of space in relation to time. On the other hand, the Subte was criticised as a form of regimentation and dehumanisation which turned passengers into automatons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the different layers of the relative surplus population in Argentina and the development of the Argentinian piquetero movement, which tried to establish an alliance between employed and unemployed workers. We highlight the potentialities and the limits of this initiative, especially regarding the organisation and integration of the different layers of the relative surplus population. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Environmental regulation in middle-income and developing countries is often viewed with high degrees of pessimism. Although many countries have adopted protective laws, violations are widespread and institutions are weak. This paper analyzes the puzzle of shifting patterns of environmental regulation in Argentina, a country with widespread institutional weakness. Most regulators in Argentina take a firefighting approach, acting only when skirmishes emerge between communities and firms. Amidst regulatory chaos, improvements in the environmental performance of firms are few, and noncompliance remains the norm. However, in the province of Tucumán, the pattern of regulation shifted, and officials began to systematically enforce regulations. This paper traces shifts in patterns of enforcement back to broad pressures that provoked industry and environmentalists to support increases in the internal and external components of state regulatory capacity. The analysis uncovers political dynamics that can contribute to strengthening the institutions necessary for sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study is an empirical analysis of the field’s current state in Argentinian universities. Bibliometric parameters were used to retrieve the total listed texts (N = 797) of eight undergraduate history courses’ syllabi from Argentina’s most populated public university psychology programs. Then, professors in charge of the selected courses (N = 7) were interviewed regarding the structure, procedure, and instructional strategies of their courses. Results showed predominance of works produced by Argentinian scholars and secondary sources. Syllabi showed limited incorporation of primary sources, recent research papers, and certain psychological schools. The pervasive presence of infrastructural constraints and lecture-based instruction are seen as limitations that should be collectively debated and addressed by courses’ faculty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars commonly link citizens' broader ideological views to their preferences for two opposing approaches to fighting crime: conservatives are believed to support punitive approaches, while progressives support preventative solutions. Yet, other studies indicate that citizens across the ideological spectrum support punitive approaches, often due to instrumental factors such as experiences with and perceptions of crime. This study examines how instrumental factors interact with ideology and determines under what circumstances progressives support punitive candidates. The results of a conjoint experiment fielded in Argentina and Brazil demonstrate that among progressives, the effect of ideology on preferences for punitive candidates is moderated by three instrumental factors: perceptions regarding 1) insecurity, 2) the ineffectiveness of social policy, and 3) gang-driven crime; there are null results regarding the role of victimization. The findings also provide evidence that conservatives prefer punitive candidates regardless of instrumental explanations. The results are validated through an analysis of AmericasBarometer data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores students' experiences of intellectual, social, and emotional growth during the first year at university and the extent to which these experiences can be considered transformative (Mezirow, 1981). The study is a qualitative interpretive multiple-case study built on semi-structured interviews with students in two higher education contexts, Argentina and Sweden. The results show that most students experience similarly interrelated changes concerning self-confidence, knowledge- and language-abilities, critical thinking, and values and beliefs. For some students, these changes lead to profound shifts in how they perceive themselves and their possibilities. Such transformative experiences are emancipatory and empowering, giving students more control over their lives. Other students are gradually changing, experiencing growth in knowledge, literacy, and self-confidence. However, they do not yet experience profound changes in their worldview and how they perceive themselves. Contextual factors related to family life and future profession affect the significance students attach to experienced changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on two Buenos Aires neighborhoods that face displacement pressures. Building on research about urban mobilization in a range of cities, this paper highlights how collaboration can vary in its configuration and orientation at the neighborhood level, despite similar circumstances. Data include ethnographic excerpts from the experiences of residents who fight to remain in their homes but ultimately leave, which trace out distinct neighborhood trajectories--moving onward and moving away. These accounts indicate divergence in how residents respond to displacement threats due to the differently situated, networked nature of the two sites as political spaces. Moreover, distinct logics of collaboration infl ect ongoing displacement politics in the threatened neighborhoods as well as in the destinations of displaced residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents an expert-based operationalization strategy to measure the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. Starting with a mainstream and "thick" definition of regime type, I assess each of its aspects using a subjective or perception-based approach that taps the knowledge of experts on the politics of each province. I present and justify the methodological design of the resulting Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP) and conduct a preliminary analysis of its results. Some aspects of the provincial regimes appear to be clearly democratic, while others are mixed or even leaning towards authoritarianism. Moreover, some show little interprovincial variance, while others vary considerably from province to province. An analysis of the central tendency and dispersion of the survey items allows for a general description of the Argentine provincial regimes. Inclusion is the most democratic dimension, while the effectiveness of institutional constraints on the power of the Executive is the most deficient. Electoral contestation is generally free of traditional forms of fraud, but incumbents often command far more campaign resources and media attention than do their challengers. Physical repression is rare, but opponents in some provinces face subtler forms of punishment. While the survey does not uncover any clear cases of subnational authoritarianism, stricto sensu, provincial regimes do vary significantly from basically democratic to clearly hybrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to suggest that municipalities can facilitate the central government's ability to carry out its desired policy goals. Using three institutional variables that provide internal evidence for each case, I will argue that within some institutional configurations the center may seek uniformity of outcome by trying to circumvent governors and/or regional intermediation and forge a direct relationship with municipalities. Based on research from the area of social protection policy in Brazil and Argentina, I suggest that direct national-local collaboration contributed to the ability of the Brazilian central government to bypass governors and evenly spread non-contributory welfare goods across its territory and alleviate poverty. I argue that such policy collaboration is less likely to be institutionally feasible in a federal system like Argentina's, where such equivalent collaboration is impeded by the ability of its provinces to directly capture local units of government and undermine national policy outcomes and executive preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article represents an attempt to establish a fruitful dialogue among the field of border studies, history education, sociocultural psychology, and the history of cartography. Seminal studies on borders have asserted that the historical maps included in textbooks are basically an imagined representation. This paper will consider the extent to which cultural and educational origins and uses of these maps, particularly in school settings, act as a support to historical essentialist views. Via the example of history education in Argentina, we carried out an empirical and theoretical examination of the processes of cultural production and consumption of historical maps and their relationship to historical master narratives. Results show that most laypeople largely think of national borders as possessing an essential and immutable character. We consider that closer study, from a sociocultural perspective, of the relationship between master narratives and historical maps may add an enriching element to the existing body of work produced by border studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an empirical analysis of the recent past and current state of Argentinian undergraduate psychology education in the context of psychology programs' ongoing evaluation and accreditation processes. We used six bibliometric parameters to retrieve the required listed readings (N = 16,085) of the 452 compulsory undergraduate courses' syllabi from Argentina's 12 most populated psychology programs at public and prívate universities. We then compared our data with analyses from the 2000–2010 period and with official accreditation criteria. Results showed a marked obsolescence and a limited updating of required readings. Syllabi showed a clear hegemony of psychoanalytically-oriented authors and readings, dominance of books and faculty-written manuscripts over scholarly articles, and a very limited internationalization. Our findings suggest that accreditation processes have not modified Argentinian psychology's main, historical characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines anarchist feminism, a tendency within the nineteenth-century Anarchist movement in Argentina. Tracing the fortunes of the anarchist-feminist newspaper "La Voz de la Mujer," the author ponders the relationship between feminism and different ideologies on the left and between anarchist-feminist activists and the general female working-class population. She argues that anarchist criticism of power at all levels gave feminism a space within anarchism that it did not necessarily have within socialism. Turning to the implications of this historical analysis for more recent feminist concerns, the author points out that several of the contributions of radical anarchist feminism to feminist theory tended to get lost in socialist feminism.

Our main contribution is to identify the risks implied by the existence of prolonged regulatory lags. We hypothesize that a likely first response is to reduce OPEX, increasing efficiency. If the lag persists for enough time, a vicious circle of inefficiency, disinvestment, and reduced performance can follow. We use a regulatory episode affecting natural gas distributors in Argentina as a natural experiment, controlling with other Latin American countries' utilities not exposed to the same regulatory stimuli. We evaluate the relative efficiency of fourteen firms for five countries, in seven years, using Stochastic Frontiers Analysis (SFA). Thus, we perform a regulatory impact analysis (RIA) to assess the consequences on the performance of two idiosyncratic regulatory policy instruments applied in the distribution gas industry in Argentina in the 1998–2021 period (the 2002 Public Emergency Law and the 2016 Integral Tariff Review). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subnational governments are generally funded by fiscal rents, that is, transfers of centrally levied taxes. Existing literature concurs that fiscal federalism breeds rentierism and, consequently, hinders subnational democracy. However, in Argentina, fiscal rents do not always lead to low provincial contestation. Building on research on oil-based rentierism and fiscal federalism, we argue that this variation results from the provincial fiscal institutions that distribute central-government transfers from the province to municipalities. Specifically, we claim that as provincial fiscal institutions decentralize fiscal rents from the province to municipalities, they empower mayors to challenge governors. Conversely, as these institutions centralize rents at the province, they empower governors and weaken opposition from below. Using panel data and a comparison between Tierra del Fuego and Santa Cruz—the provinces that receive the largest fiscal transfers—we show that the effect of fiscal rents on incumbent party advantage decreases and eventually disappears as institutions become province-decentralizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faith-based units are prison spaces centred on the performance of religious practices that can nowadays be found in prisons in several countries. These faith-based practices have usually been explored in relation to the effects they have on inmates, but there are few studies that have explored how their presence affects prison life and how they can influence prison governance. This article will compare two different faith-based prison experiences located in two very different social and penitentiary contexts, Argentina and Sweden, in order to explore how the presence of these units affects prison management. To do so, we will analyse semi-structured interviews with 55 individuals conducted in prisons in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Astylus atromaculatus is a pollen beetle native to South America, commonly found in crop flowers. Experimental intoxication of sheep and guinea pigs by this beetle resulting in fibrinonecrotizing enteritis has been reported. We describe here 6 natural outbreaks of intoxication in cattle associated with consumption of alfalfa (5 of 6) and mixed native (1 of 6) pastures heavily contaminated with A. atromaculatus. The outbreaks occurred during the summer (January–February) of 2023 in Argentina (n = 4) and Uruguay (n = 2), in beef cattle under extensive or semi-extensive rearing systems, with overall cumulative incidence and mortality of 22.3% and 17.8%, respectively. The main clinical signs included acute onset of anorexia, lethargy, hyperthermia, hindlimb weakness, reluctance to move, and diarrhea, for up to 15 d. In 2 outbreaks, sudden death was observed. Eight Hereford, Angus, and/or crossbreed heifers, cows, steers, and/or calves were autopsied. Gross and microscopic findings included multifocal necrosis with fibrinous pseudomembranes in the forestomachs and/or small and large intestines. Fragments or whole specimens of A. atromaculatus were identified in the ruminal content of all animals. Testing for multiple gastroenteric pathogens was negative as was testing of A. atromaculatus for cantharidin and batrachotoxin. GC-MS and LC-MS/MS performed on the beetles did not identify any known toxic compounds. Based on the exposure to A. atromaculatus –contaminated pasture, gross and microscopic lesions, and negative results of all testing for multiple gastroenteric pathogens, a diagnosis of intoxication by A. atromaculatus is proposed. Disease caused by A. atromaculatus consumption has not been reported previously in cattle, to our knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that changes in the numerical identity of groups do not necessarily speak in favour of the supersession of some historical injustice. I contend that the correlativity between the perpetrator and the victim of injustices is not broken when the identity of groups changes. I develop this argument by considering indigenous people's claims in Argentina for the injustices suffered during the Conquest of the Desert. I argue that present claimants do not need to be part of the same entity whose members suffered injustices many years ago. For identifying the proper recipients of reparation, all that is necessary is that the group who suffered the historical injustice under consideration has survived into the present. I also support a view upon which present living members of a certain group have reasons to redress those injustices perpetrated by their predecessors if they are relevantly connected with each other. In particular, by relying on the notion of collective inheritance, I argue that if present-day members of a certain group claim that they are the continuation of the group whose past members bequeathed them certain goods, they cannot consistently reject such a membership when the very same people legated them certain evils. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid spread of the automobile in the early twentieth century posed both challenges and promises to nation states. Before automobility became the object of public policies, this new mobility technology had to be socially perceived and constructed as belonging to the public sphere. Motorist associations played a decisive role in this process. This paper focuses on the Argentine Automobile Club (ACA) and the Argentine Touring Club (TCA), the two principal automobile clubs in the country and the largest ones in Latin America during the first half of the twentieth century. It argues that the ACA and TCA had a decisive influence during the 1920s in diagnosing and listing possible solutions to road and tourism challenges, and providing reference points for most of the road and tourism policies in the following decades. At the same time, both clubs actively helped to create a national network of roads through their participation in the planning agencies and made the new roadways accessible by signposting them and by providing petrol stations. Not least they formed and spread the new practices of road culture and automobility and, by organising sporting events, tours and rally drives and printing travel guides and maps, they contributed to the symbolic construction of the roads. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates a moment of shift in urban neoliberal governance strategies under the purview of a new municipal Chief of Government of Buenos Aires at the end of the 2000s: the introduction of a regime of public space that has had implications for the waste management sector (and particularly informal recyclers or cartoneros). I document government attempts to re-represent the city as a modern, hygienic centre that is receptive to investment and tourism, drawing on discursive framings of public space that seek to redefine legitimate users and uses of the city. Such framings are exclusionary of cartoneros and other marginalized urbanites. As with most forms of actually existing neoliberalism, this regime is contradictory and unstable, both containing and provoking challenges to its coherence. This case study of 'actually existing neoliberalism' in Buenos Aires encourages analytical focus on moments of shift and renewal in urban processes of neoliberalization. In this case the shift marked by the introduction of the regime of public space reveals the priorities and agendas of urban elites as championed by municipal governments, makes visible the paradoxes and contradictions inherent to neoliberal urbanisms, and also exposes openings for resistance, opposition, and renegotiation of urban neoliberal agendas (including protest, discursive reframings of the city and its uses, and the forging of indeterminate alliances). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different perceptions of food and agriculture stakeholders about the future is a key input to design future-oriented public policies and to build a shared vision of the future. By applying the futures triangle to the results of a qualitative study concerning the future of food and agriculture innovation system in Argentine, five archetypes of images of the future were inferred. The archetypes reflect a distinct combination between the weight of history, the pushes of the present and the pulls of the future, corresponding to the perception of the future of nine distinct stakeholders of the food and agriculture system in Argentine. The archetypes are named: stuck in the present, the future is not ours, the future never comes, the future is being built and the future is ours. The analysis show that the stakeholders can envision the future of the world's agriculture with a certain degree of creativity. However, they find it difficult to imagine the future of the Argentine agricultural industry in new ways: they repeat the old ideas or notions they have about it. All those visions lead to a demand for changes that are more connected to the present than to the future. This foresight study offers a first approach to explore the different views regarding the future of food and agriculture and it reveals how such views influence the type and characteristics of the new stakeholders demands to the public agriculture sector in Argentina to the year 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine a phenomenon we call "credit claiming by labeling" in which a sitting politician places her name on a project, program, or policy with the goal of claiming credit for it. While the prevalence of this practice suggests that many politicians believe that credit claiming by labeling will aid their careers, there is little existing evidence on this question. We examine the effects of credit claiming by labeling with a survey experiment in Argentina. We find that it has a negative, though small, effect on respondents' attitudes. Descriptive data suggests that these results stem from the perceived pervasiveness of the practice. We then use evidence from an additional treatment on the (un)biased selection of program beneficiaries to show that respondents actually reward politicians who neither label nor manipulate programs. These results suggest substantial obstacles to overturning citizens' negative baseline beliefs about the politicized implementation of government programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the challenges posed by the end of the Second World War and the early post-war period, the Argentinian governments foresaw aviation as a pillar of its national and international presence. Argentina created the Air Force, nationalised ground aerial infrastructures, placed domestic flights under state control and in 1950, all Argentinian airlines were nationalised and merged into a single state-owned enterprise: Aerolíneas Argentinas. Meanwhile, Argentinian leadership aggressively negotiated bilateral agreements. This paper analyses aviation policy (both domestic and international) of the first Peronista decade from 1945 to 1955, framing it as a response to limit USA expansion into South America, building Argentinian hegemony in the region and consolidating the ongoing process of industrialisation and economic autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Larrea divaricata is a plant widely used in folk medicine in Argentina. It has been demonstrated that an aqueous extract of L. divaricata possesses a biphasic effect on cell proliferation, at low concentrations exerts a stimulatory action and at high concentrations exerts anti-proliferative effects upon the T lymphoma BW 5147; therefore, we propose in this paper to test the effect of the extract ‘in vitro’ and ‘in vivo’ in another T-cell lymphoma named EL-4. It was analyzed ‘in vitro’ cell proliferation by tritiated thymidine uptake and the effect of the extract on tumors induced in mice analyzing tumor progression and survival.The results showed that the aqueous extract induced the proliferation of tumor cells at all the concentrations studied. The results ‘in vivo’ showed that the aqueous extract stimulated significantly the size of tumors and that untreated mice lived longer than those treated. It is important to be very careful when plant extracts are selected for the treatment of several diseases. Consequently, before using a plant extract, specific scientific studies must be undertaken on different models to certificate therapeutic and adverse effects. Moreover, it can be said that L. divaricata has a specific anti-tumor mechanism of action depending on the targets. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper contributes to the literature on the new politics of social inclusion and spatial justice in globalizing cities. My main argument is that accounts of such politics should focus on the multiple intervening social actors without neglecting or assuming the roles played by the urban middle classes. Focusing on the case of the City of Buenos Aires (CBA) after Argentina's neoliberal crisis of 2001, I show the importance of mobilized middle-class social actors in shaping institutional and territorial outcomes in a globalizing city that is highly polarized and fragmented. This study is based on participant observation, in-depth interviews, and archival research focused on (a) subscribers of state-sponsored citizen participation processes and (b) neighborhood activists with middle-class profiles-middle incomes, relative housing stability, and residency in neighborhoods with middle levels of development. Findings show that, although middle-class politics in the city evidenced a primary concern with place, neighborhood, and local territories, mobilized actors were also responding to deeper transformations brought about by processes of neoliberal globalization. Their repertoires of collective action also moved beyond the local scale and had significance for the wider governing of the city. Finally, it is shown that middle-class politics in the postcrisis CBA departed from the exclusionary attitudes evidenced in studies of other cities, which leads to the question of how such politics may be reconciled into broader coalitions seeking more egalitarian forms of urban globalization. Further inquiries for comparative analysis beyond the CBA are suggested in the paper's conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines an example of a community currency system, the Argentine `barter clubs' developed from 1995. The term 'barter club' denotes a place of market exchange, within which economic transactions are paid for using an internal paper currency, the credito, issued by the founders of these clubs and not convertible to the official currency. The author's starting point is to wonder whether this micromonetary system could operate in an insular and independent manner, or if it was necessary to establish some kind of relation with the official macromonetary system. This was investigated by: an analysis of the discourses expressed by the key actors involved in `barter clubs'; a field survey conducted in a score of clubs in the province of Buenos Aires, and a case study of one of these; and comparing these results and conclusions with those of other researchers obtained at different times and in different places across the whole of Argentina. It was found that despite the barter club founders' desire to create an independent monetary system, the community currency owes its conditions of existence and acceptance to the official currency. The micromonetary credito system is fundamentally tied to the official macromonetary peso system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the author examines some advantages and limitations of the use of photoelicitation interviews in a study on class habitus, identities, and schooling in two secondary schools in the city of Buenos Aires (Argentina). First, she describes her research questions, methodological strategy, and application of photo elicitation technique, which refers to the use of a single or set of photographs as stimulus during a research interview. Second, she assesses the benefits and problems of its application by making comparisons between both different photo-interviews and interviews with and without photographs. This exercise allows the author to identify the benefits of photo-elicitation, such as the opening up of unforeseen dimensions for analysis and the facilitation of a rapport with respondents; and some disadvantages, for example, the possibility of the "closing communication" effect between researcher and participant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1981 Kenneth Waltz published a controversial Adelphi Paper, 'The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better', in which he turned the conventional wisdom on its head by arguing that the spread of nuclear weapons would not be a terrifying prospect. This article rejects the proposition that fear of nuclear destruction can serve as a permanent basis of international order, and argues that securing order depends upon the building of trust between nuclear-armed and arming powers. A key contribution here has been the theory and practice of security communities, which opens up the promise of replacing nuclear threats by a new international politics in which force has been delegitimated as an instrument of state policy. This article discusses the potential for nuclear trust-building through the example of the security community that developed between Argentina and Brazil in the 1980s. Both countries had the potential to develop nuclear weapons by the end of the 1970s, and there were concerns that their rivalry might lead to a regional nuclear arms race. Having explored the factors that promoted trust between Buenos Aires and Brasilia, the article considers the lessons that can be learned for nuclear trust-building elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The virtual models of urban fragments recreate environments of simulation and analysis with a great degree of realism. This paper addresses a review of case studies in which Argentine researchers from three different university centres have worked jointly. We examine spatial databases from a representational and communicational perspective as virtual 3D, walkthrough, and interconnected urban models. Our aim is to explore, recognise and analyse advances in this direction, and to apply them to the development of virtual models of central areas in the Argentine cities of Buenos Aires, Rosario, Santa Fe and Mar del Plata. We present the methodology used to analyse the design, production and management processes of the virtual model as well as the results of our research. We acknowledge that these models are consistent non-traditional instruments of analysis which complement the knowledge of the city and facilitate spatial comprehension. Finally, we review predominant tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ninety-three in-depth interviews conducted with informal workers in Buenos Aires in 2002, this paper examines how the everyday activity of informal work can be understood as a 'hidden' space of power and resistance in contemporary urban Argentina. Moving away from an economistic view of informal work, I argue that, while there is no single power relationship experienced by all informal workers, informal work more generally can be understood as a space in which multiple actors struggle over meaning and control through the deployment of diverse forms of power. The results presented here suggest that, while Argentines view informal work as a place of exploitation by employers and subjugation by the state, in some circumstances it can also be understood as a space of resistance, as workers attempt, through informal work, to create spaces hidden from control, to redefine the norms and rules which govern this space, and to transform the conditions of existence established by other actors. In focusing on the political function of informal work, this paper attempts to bring to light the complex relationships of power between the economy, the state, employers, and workers within the context of Argentina's economic and political crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We aimed to assess the frequency of new asymptomatic lesions on brain and spinal imaging (magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)) and their association with subsequent relapses in a large cohort of neuromyelitis optica spectrum disorder (NMOSD) patients in Argentina. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed 675 MRI (225 performed during an attack and 450 during the relapse-free period (performed at least 3 months from the last attack)) of NMOSD patients who had at least 2 years of clinical and MRI follow-up since disease onset. Kaplan–Meier (KM) curves were used for depicting time from remission MRI to subsequent relapse. Results: We included 135 NMOSD patients (64.4% were aquaporin-4-immunoglobulin G (AQP4-IgG)-positive). We found that 26 (19.26%) and 66 (48.88%) of patients experienced at least one new asymptomatic MRI lesion during both the relapse-free period and attacks, respectively. The most frequent asymptomatic MRI lesions were optic nerves followed by short-segment myelitis during the relapse-free period and attacks. KM curves did not show differences in the time taken to develop a new relapse. Conclusion: Our findings showed that new asymptomatic lesions are relatively frequent. However, the presence of new asymptomatic MRI lesions during the relapse-free period and at relapses was not associated with a shorter time to developing subsequent relapses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this exploratory study, I conduct a textual analysis of the online content produced by two Argentine feminist news outlets, LatFem and Diario Digital Femenino (DDF) to examine how feminist standpoint epistemologies (FSE) shape news-making. The findings show that these newsrooms showcase features of a strong reflexivity which allows journalists to consider their own position in the social fabric, to contextualize their journalistic practices, and to question instances of systemic discrimination. Furthermore, the use of FSE enables the expression of solidarity and advocacy by reporters. I argue that the intervention to journalism as performed by feminist Argentine journalists and editors yields profound transformations to journalism practice and news content, as FSE destabilize and complicate traditional notions of journalistic objectivity and its role in democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]