Speaking in Melbourne in 1952, mother and wartime childcare activist Marjorie Coppel reflected on the voluntary effort that underlay early childhood services. Voluntarism, she noted, may not be as efficient as government provision, but it was more innovative. 'The enthusiasm, the combining of people in a commonsense empirical sort of way, to achieve a service which no-one else would give them, these are the good worth-while things about voluntary effort.' But, she warned, 'those who do voluntary work undertake it less for the sake of helping others in need than to help themselves' (Coppel, 1952, pp. 8-9). Where the self-interest of the volunteers conflicted with the wider aims of the organisation, 'deep strains' were likely to arise. While not decrying the claims to innovation, this paper focuses on the self-interest inherent in voluntary action and the impact this has had on childcare provision in Australia. Child care is a contested terrain, the site at which the competing demands of the working mother and the preschool child are negotiated and perhaps resolved. Australian debates about the merits of private and public/community provision proceed from an uneasy consensus that child care is an essential service: on the one hand both a right and a social good, but also central to the functioning of the national economy. Jones (1996) has identified a tendency in historical debate to polarise and then construct chronologies which move from the bad past to a better present. Deborah Brennan's (1994) history of child care in Australia, The politics of Australian child care: From philanthropy to feminism, fits this pattern, confining the history of pre-1970s developments to two chapters, before moving on to celebrate second-wave feminism's role in shaping the pattern of provision in which 'community' and government work in partnership. So persuasive is this account that it has been taken up by American writer Sonia Michel (1999) as a model that the US could, but did not, follow. This paper, which is part of a larger project on the history of working mothers in Australia, will contest the teleological narrative implicit in Brennan's account by giving equal weight to three distinct periods in the history of child care: nineteenth-century creches, World War II children's centres, and the 1970s Community Child Care movement. It will argue that, in each of these periods, the services were shaped by three sets of competing interests: those of the mothers who needed or wanted to work; their children; and the volunteer committees or collectives anxious to 'rescue' children from forms of care they considered to be unsuitable. The final resolution, in each case, reflected not simply a response to the needs of working mothers and their children, but rather a more complex process that owed at least as much to the goals and values of the service providers. Nineteenth-century creches Most nineteenth-century creches trace their origins to Paris, where the first such institution was opened in 1844 with the aim of displacing private child-minding establishments conducted by lower-class older women (La Berge, 1991). The threefold goals elaborated in Paris were adopted by the founding committees of similar institutions internationally: creches were charities aimed at combating 'pauperism' and inculcating bourgeois morality, public health services aimed at reducing infant mortality, and educational institutions providing a 'model for working mothers on how to rear children hygienically and morally' (La Berge, 1991, p. 67). However, they failed to engage more than a small minority of their target clientele. The problems that La Berge has identified in the operation of the French creches recur in their international replicas, namely irregular work patterns of mothers leading to an irregular attendance from children, and a continuing preference amongst mothers to leave their children 'with women of similar background who lived in conditions they were used to' rather than submit themselves to the interrogation and indictment of their way of life which was central to the creche ideal (La Berge, 1991, p. …