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Data from the 2010–2012 National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (NATSAL-3) are used to document trends and patterns in where co-resident couples in Britain first met, focusing specifically on the rapid rise of meeting online, which both echoes and differs from a corresponding US increase; in Britain, meeting online largely appears to have substituted for meetings in settings to which access is relatively unrestricted, for example, pubs and public places. While meeting online appears widespread across British society, variations are identified and linked to ideas from the online dating and place of meeting literatures. Offline partner availability and how well the processes within offline and online settings suit particular types of people are interpreted as underpinning many of these variations. Perhaps surprisingly, meeting online does not appear class-related, and involves levels of socio-demographic homogamy that do not differ systematically from those for compositionally heterogeneous offline settings.

This article examines the effects of parental educational levels on the art/heritage and pop/rock participation of adolescents. We use a subset of adolescents from the survey ‘Cultural Participation in Flanders 2003–2004’ (N = 1030) to test the relative effects of the educational levels of the mother and father. Using diagonal reference models, we find that the parent with the highest educational level – regardless of whether it is the father or mother – has the largest influence on the cultural participation of their children, which can be interpreted as a status maximization effect. However, we also find that a lower educated mother still has an influence on art and heritage participation and a lower educated father still has an influence on pop and rock participation. These results highlight the need to reassess the influence of the mother in the Bourdieusian framework. Furthermore, they have important implications for the conceptualization and operationalization of the social status position of families.

This study explores the effects of homogamy and heterogamy in socio-economic background and educational level on the marriage rate among cohabitors. Using unique register data and the Cox proportional hazards model, we analyse marriage formation in over 20,000 cohabiting unions in Finland. The large number of observations enables an inspection of the interactive effects in all partner-status combinations. Our results show that homogamy or heterogamy in socio-economic background is of little consequence for the couple’s probability of marrying; homogamy encourages marriage only among cohabitors from farmer families. With regard to education, homogamy increases the marriage rate among cohabitors with a low level of education, but reduces it among the highly educated. Whether educational heterogamy promotes, deters or has no effect on the marriage rate depends on the combination. The results emphasize the importance of a detailed measurement of homogamy and heterogamy when examining the role of group boundaries in union transitions.

Many claims are made about the significance of interethnic partnerships for individuals and for society. Such partnerships continue to be seen as a “barometer” of the openness of society and have spawned extensive analysis investigating their patterns, trends, and determinants. But we know little about the experience of children growing up in families of mixed parentage. In the United Kingdom, the increase in the self-defined “mixed” population is often celebrated. But there has been little quantitative sociological analysis that has investigated the circumstances of the children of mixed ethnicity partnerships. Using two large-scale UK datasets that cover a similar period, this article evaluates the extent to which mixed parentage families are associated with circumstances (both economic and in terms of family structure) that tend to be positive or negative for children’s future life chances and how these compare to those of children with parents from the same ethnic group. It shows that there is substantial variation according to the outcome considered but also according to ethnic group. Overall, children in mixed parentage families do not unequivocally experience the equality of outcomes with majority group children that the assimilation hypothesis implies.

This qualitative study explores assumptions of family scholars who draw on age heterogamy and marriage-gradient approaches to suggest that marriages between older husbands and much younger wives are likely to be male-dominated, with traditional gender arrangements. Drawing on resource theory and marital power perspectives, we analyze the life histories, psychosocial understandings, and day-to-day arrangements of both partners in eight husband-older marriages to uncover their unique features. We present four cases with distinct dynamics to suggest that future research needs to consider that (a) husbands’ older age does not automatically translate into male dominance and rigid gender arrangements; (b) when combined with additional forms of heterogamy, such as racial status, social class, occupational prestige, and education, age heterogamy is likely to be associated with male dominance; (c) men can experience a shift toward more marital sharing and androgyny upon remarriage to a younger woman; and (d) gender arrangements in husband-older marriages can undergo major shifts across the life course.

Two recent trends in marriage imply different consequences for the degree of heterogeneity in American society: Increasing racial intermarriage indicates higher levels of social integration, while continued educational homogamy potentially enlarges socioeconomic inequality. This article analyzes census 5 percent Public Use Micro Samples data from 1980 to 2000 and examines the two trends simultaneously. Results suggest that racial homogamy has gradually declined but remains as the strongest pattern. Educational homogamy shows a diverse pattern of change, with an overall flat or slightly declining trend, and the best educated and the least educated are both more homogamous than those who have intermediate levels of education. Those who intermarry by race tend to have higher levels of education, and there is a modest positive relationship between racial and educational heterogamy.

Marrying someone from an outside group deserves more sociological attention since it may lead to an unstable or even conflicting relationship for the prospective couple. In spite of such a risk, many people still choose to marry someone from an outside group. Traditionally, scholars in the area of social stratification have considered homogamy to be an indicator of social closure. Sociologists have also focused on the status resemblance of marriage partners in that it indicates the extent of social rigidity. However, instead of focusing on status homogamy, this study examines the heterogamy of marriage patterns, which is an alternative way of revealing the degree of social openness. Heterogamy is a more powerful indicator of social openness than homogamy because certain types of heterogamy have to defy the expectations of and/or opposition from the marriage partner’s family, community or society, and such instances can be conceptually interpreted as crossing the strongest social boundaries between social groups. Marriages crossing the boundaries of age, education, social origin and ethnicity have been regarded as the four major types of heterogamy. This study uses binary logistic and multinomial logistic models to explore the relative effect of the factors that contribute to cross-boundary marriages. Using data from the Taiwan Social Change Survey, this study demonstrates that certain factors, such as achieved status (education), contextual characteristics (timing of marriage, setting of contacts) and ways of making acquaintances with the prospective spouse have contributed to cross-boundary marriages. Although achieved status and personal traits both have strong effects on the likelihood of heterogamy, social backgrounds and the process of meeting/courting also have a substantial impact on the formation of cross-boundary marriages in Taiwan.

Using a national sample of Christians, this study compared interchurch and same-church respondents on several relationship variables and explored possible predictors of marital satisfaction. Interchurch and same-church respondents were not different on marital satisfaction or other nonreligious relationship variables but were different on several religious relationship variables. The relationship between marital satisfaction and religious heterogamy was dependent on how religious heterogamy was operationalized. Communication was the most important predictor of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents. Parenting variables were also predictive of marital satisfaction for both interchurch and same-church respondents.

This study addresses two questions: Do religiously dissimilar couples argue more often than other couples? Are religious differences among partners associated with arguments concerning particular issues? We investigate these issues using data on 2,945 co-residing, first-time married couples from Wave 1 of the National Survey of Families and Households. Denominational homo/heterogamy, measured in several different ways, has little bearing on the frequency or types of marital disagreements. Men's religious attendance is inversely related to the overall frequency of disputes and to disagreements over housework, money, how time is spent, and sex, whereas women's attendance is not. Attendance (dis)similarities among partners are positively associated with the overall frequency of conflicts. Theological disparities between partners are linked with more frequent conflicts overall and also with disagreements over household labor and finances. Several implications and promising directions for future research are discussed.

Results from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth indicate that marriages contracted after 1980 are becoming more stable. This article examines several individual characteristics in search of an explanation for increasing stability. A person-year file is created and logistic regression is used to determine which covariates account for the negative effect of year in a model predicting the likelihood of marital dissolution. Increasing experience of premarital sex, premarital birth, cohabitation, and racial and religious heterogamy are detracting from marital stability. However, rising age at marriage and, to a lesser degree, increased education are associated with increasing marital stability. These latter effects more than counterbalance the factors associated with instability leading to an overall decline in the rate of marital dissolution.

All cultures have rules regarding mate selection. Many societies encourage either homogamy or heterogamy. Homogamy refers to marriage between individuals with similar social and personal characteristics, whereas heterogamy refers to marriage between individuals with different social or personal characteristics. Although there is some freedom in mate selection in American society, the United States is still basically a society whose norms encourage homogamy. Some of the major factors that influence mate selection include socioeconomic status, race, age, and parental and peer pressures. The purpose of this article is to examine the attitudes and preferences of African American college students toward physical and social status related variables regarding dating and future mate selection. Several social status and attractiveness related variables, along with selected background variables (including gender), were analyzed to note relationship patterns. Of particular interest was the importance of skin color or skin tone and social status as mate selection preferences among African American college students. There may be vast differences between attitudes toward mate selection and actual behaviors when selecting mates for marriage. Attitudinal research on skin color and social status preferences as they relate to mate selection on African American populations is lacking.

Previous studies have indicated a relationship between religious homogamy and marital satisfaction and stability. However, most have emphasized denominational affiliation only. Using loglinear analysis of national survey data, this study tested the effects of three types of religious homogamy - namely denominational affiliation, church attendance, and belief in the Bible - upon marital satisfaction and stability. Results indicated that denominational affiliation homogamy is the most critical, with church attendance homogamy contributing slightly to marital success. Similar beliefs about the Bible did not have a statistically significant association with either marital satisfaction or marital stability.

I assess whether intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics has increased over the course of the twentieth century and, if it has, whether the declining salience of religious boundaries has been accompanied by a rising importance of educational boundaries in spouse selection. By analyzing a set of national surveys that were conducted between 1955 and 1989 and using a research design that separates the effects of period and duration of marriage, I examine changes over a longer period of time than any previous study has done. Multivariate loglinear analyses show that intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics has increased dramatically since the 1920s, while intermarriage between different educational groups has decreased. Currently, the social boundaries that separate educational groups seem to be stronger than the boundaries that separate Protestants and Catholics. In addition, there is some evidence that interfaith marriages have become increasingly homogamous with respect to education, suggesting that education has replaced religion as afactor in spouse selection.

Trends in assortative mating were examined using the 1% Public Use Microdata samples (PUMS) of the 1940 1960 1970 and 1980 US Censuses and the Current Population Surveys (CPS) of 1985-87. 2 samples were drawn: 1) couples between the ages of 16-34 years and married for the 1st time 1 year prior to the census or CPS (newlyweds) and 2) couples between the ages of 21-39 years and married 5-6 years prior to the census/CPS. The methods of Hauser and Johnson are used to analyze trends that distinguish patterns of change in marginal distributions of husbands and wives traits from those which show an association between spouses traits. These "crossings" models indicate which educational differences between prospective spouses are serious barriers to intermarriage and reflect patterns of change between years. The implications are that marriages between persons who differ in educational attainment may be more common at some levels of the educational hierarchy than at others and that the effect of the time gap between school leaving and marriage is greater at higher levels of schooling than at lower levels. The proportion of marriages with spouses of the same educational attainment declined between 1900-50 and increased from 1950 to 1970 which was due to distributions of spouses schooling rather than from the association between spouses attainment. There is further discussion of the effects of changes in the timing of schooling and marriage and changing competitiveness of the marriage market. The results take into consideration log linear models that relate to the trends in schooling and educational assortative mating and that relate to the timing of marriage and educational assortative mating. The findings suggest that even after the relative timing of leaving school and entry into marriage are accounted for the trend remains for increased educational assortative mating particularly for college graduates and persons without college degrees. Although not empirically tested it is suggested that changes in rates of participation in the armed forces in rates of childbearing before marriage in the incidence of cohabitation in womens labor force participation and in the status of jobs held by women affect the timing of marriage and exposure to potential spouses of varying educational statuses. There may also be an influence on patterns of assortative mating. When barriers to marriage between educational strata increase between family inequalities increase and the effects on family inequality and educational mobility require further analysis. The findings suggest however that the structure of marriage and inequality within and between generations are affected by trends in age at marriage.

Data from a representative sample of 1,070 married Protestants and Catholics were used to examine the relationship between religious homogamy and marital happiness. Although couples may vary in the extent to which they share religious views (e.g., beliefs, values), previous research has treated religious homogamy as a dichotomy; a couple is either homogamous or it is not. A partial explanation for this is that few studies have gone beyond the broad divisions of Protestant, Catholic, and Jew. In the present study religious bodies were classified on the basis of doctrine and ritual, yielding six categories: Baptist, Calvinist, Catholic, fundamentalist, Lutheran, and Methodist. These categories were then used to develop a measure of estimated “religious distance” or degrees of heterogamy. This measure was used to test the hypothesis that the larger the religious distance or disparity, the greater the likelihood of unhappiness with the marriage. The hypothesis was supported by the data.

Hypotheses relating differences in husband-wife backgrounds, or sociocultural heterogamy, to marital disagreement over role expectations, marital values, and marital conflict are empirically tested...

We will here examine a few hypotheses or theories which have to do with mate-selection. With the assistance of parts of these we will, in addition, treat some aspects of marital adjustment. Among the old ways of thinking about mate-selection, we find the conceptions homogamy and heterogamy. The hypothesis of homogamy commonly says that the choice of a spouse will be (unconsciously or consciously) done so that the spouses are alike as much as possible. The assumption that one tends (unconsciously or consciously) to choose a spouse who is as different from oneself as possible is consequently called the hypothesis of heterogamy. Thus generally drawn up, the two hypotheses contradict each other. Much research has been undertaken to test the two hypotheses. There is no lack of support for the former one. It has been found that according to many social characteristics, e.g. religious confession, social class, education, and intelligence, the spouses tend to be equal. Moreover, with regard to what we prefer to call social psychological characteristics, interests, attitudes etc., the hypothesis of homogamy seems to be adequate. The hypothesis of heterogamy, on the other hand, has been confirmed at the investigation of the spouses' psychological characteristics, i.e. personality traits and some secondary needs. After some reformulations and specifications, the two hypotheses can be said to complement each other. Both are merely descriptive hypotheses. Since such hypotheses seldom are especially productive, it has been necessary to go further into them and transform them into explanatory hypotheses. A first step in that direction is the principle of propinquity in geographical and social space. It says that we tend to marry persons in spatial nearness to ourselves 1), i.e. persons who live in our neighbourhood, who are our work comrades, who were our schoolfellows etc. In our western culture we almost never marry a person that we have never met, and the probability of meeting persons who are neighbours, schoolfellows, work comrades, etc., is much greater than the prob

Using national data on white ever-married women under forty-five, differentials in marital instability are examined for several of the wife's characteristics at first marriage and for the couple's combined age, education and religion. Dummy variable multiple regression is used to adjust for the effects of differing durations since first marriage and to obtain effects for each variable net of other variables. With other variables controlled, an inverse age at marriage-instability relationship persists; and differences in marital stability by education appear largely attributable to differences in age at marriage by education. Other characteristics we considered are the wife's religion while growing up, whether she grew up on a farm, whether she lived with both parents at age fourteen, whether she was pregnant before her first marriage and whether her first husband had been married before. When we included the husband's variables, we found husbands age at marriage and education to have a negative relationship with marital instability. Higher instability for intermarriage is found among couples divergent in age or religion; only extreme differences in education are associated with higher instability.

The literature on social stratification refers on occasion to inter-class marriage as the "acid test" of class mobility. This paper examines that proposition using Italian national-sample survey data on four socio-political perspectives: the respondent's perception of 1) the different distribution of rewards in society, 2) the degree to which class boundaries restrict social intercourse, 3) the character of inter-class relations, and 4) the interest representations of political parties. Evidence supports the proposition. In addition, rates of heterogamy are reported, and the relationship of heterogamy to career entries is examined.