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In Cognitive Linguistic Critical Discourse Studies (CL-CDS), metaphor is identified as a key index of ideology and an important device in the legitimation of social action. From this perspective metaphor is a cognitive-semiotic operation, invoked by metaphorical expressions in discourse, in which a source frame is mobilised to provide a template for sense-making inside a target frame, leading to particular framing effects. However, the extent to which metaphors in discourse genuinely activate an alternative frame and thereby achieve framing effects has recently been subject to question. Amid calls for more empirical forms of analysis in CDS, the article reports two experiments testing the legitimating framing effects of fire metaphors in discourses of disorder. Results show that images of fire and fire metaphors in the absence of competing images facilitate support for police use of water cannon in response to social unrest. The study not only justifies attention to metaphor in CL-CDS, but similar effects observed across semiotic modalities are interpreted as evidence in support of simulation-based theories of metaphor.

The Kerner Commission examined the riots that occurred throughout the United States in 1967. The summary of its Final Report concluded that the nation was moving toward “two societies, one black, one white—separate and unequal.” So powerful is the wording that it continues to be invoked whenever there is a Ferguson-type incident. While much has been written about the reaction to the Kerner Report, little has been known about the summary’s development or why it has endured. New interviews with key participants and an examination of Kerner Commission files have not only resulted in the discovery of information which runs counter to what was previously thought, but helps explain why the summary is still influential after almost fifty years.

Citizens’ beliefs that officers are employing unnecessary or excessive levels of force can quickly erode police legitimacy and can lead to severe consequences including loss of life, civil disorder, criminal prosecution, and large civil judgments. Although scholars have devoted more than four decades of research to identifying the correlates of police–citizen violence, relatively little study has focused on the relationship between departmental measures of police professionalism and violent outcomes between citizens and officers. The current study uses data from the 2003 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics survey to examine the impact of five measures of departmental professionalism—(a) agency commitment to education (associate’s degree requirement); (b) the number of hiring or screening standards; (c) the total number of training hours (academy, field training, and in-service); (d) female representation; and (e) agency commitment to community policing—on two indicators of police–citizen violence—(a) citizen complaints alleging excessive use of force and (b) reported assaults on officers—across 526 large municipal law enforcement agencies. Results from ordinary least squares regression analyses show that only departmental commitment to education was related to the police–citizen violence indicators, as agencies that require an associate’s degree experienced fewer citizen complaints of use of force and fewer assaults on their officers. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the findings for police policy and practice, as well as for our understanding of the organizational-level correlates of police–citizen violence.

In 1968, President Lyndon B. Johnson established the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (NACCD) to examine the 1967 race riots that were taking place in Los Angeles, Chicago, Newark, and Detroit that erupted in the mid-1960s. That report, officially labeled the Kerner Report, outlined structural inequalities in America that privileged whites over other racial and ethnic groups; the report concluded that the United States was headed toward two separate and unequal societies: black and white. Forty-seven years after the Kerner Report where do we stand? In this article, I revisit recent events on police violence toward minorities and give consideration to some thoughts moving forward.

The riots that erupted in English cities in August 2011 were provoked by a complex mix of socio-economic factors. Sidelining structural explanations for the civil disorder, conservative commentators argued that dysfunctional families had caused the riots. Reinforcing traditional connections between criminality, the family and welfare, conservatives contended that the absence of fathers in lone mother-headed families explained both the dynamics of the civil disorder and the aggressive behaviour of some of the young men involved. Such claims located both the causes of the riots and solutions to expressions of violent masculinities in the familial sphere. Employing the framework of critical studies of men and masculinities this article interrogates these narratives and maps their depoliticising effects. Additionally, it exposes how the effects of a range of social problems were projected on to poor, lone mothers, reinforcing a range of regulatory narratives and practices that target this social group.

On 8 August 2011, civil disorder seemed to be spreading without any effective state intervention in London. For hours, BBC correspondents broadcast shocked commentary live on air as looters broke openly into shops in Hackney and a long-established furniture business in Croydon burned to the ground. As commentators reached for explanations or even descriptions of the events as they unfolded, increasingly strident voices emerged, frequently accusing analysts of sympathy for the rioters merely because they sought to find an explanation.By coincidence, I found myself in the National Archives of the United Kingdom during this crisis, researching Britain's response to an older disorder, the 1907 anti- Asian riots in Vancouver. It was therefore unavoidable that I should spend the week minding the gap between a historical approach to events and the kinds of responses that emerged in the midst of social disorder.Historians spend quite a bit of time assessing events without necessarily excusing the behaviour of the participants. We address events with the assumption that, to a large extent, governments and rioters behave within a range of possibilities defined by both their character and the historical context. We are comfortable with explanations that include a variety of factors. In fact, historical inquiry encourages us to approach social crises as events with multiple causes and consequences for society and government at many levels. Some cases of local disorders have tales to tell about the international, even global, context of the time. How then might we use a historical approach to disorders to increase our public capacity for thoughtful engagement with current events? And what lessons can we identify and use to communicate the importance of analysis in the wake of a social crisis? We might begin with the following propositions: first, that even the "villains" act within a historical context and that acknowledging this does not necessarily excuse their behaviour; second, that fear may have real effects on people's choices even when it is based on misperceptions; and third, that local events are not always only about the local.This essay will begin with a description of one case of civil disorder, the 1907 Vancouver anti- Asian riot. It will describe the kinds of explanations that contemporary commentators reached for in the weeks immediately after the crisis. A brief inspection of historical writing about the same events will show how these three propositions emerge convincingly from a historical approach. The 1907 Vancouver crisis has significant implications for the international relations of a number of states and will therefore facilitate the practice of thinking historically and transnationally.On Labour Day, the 7 September 1907, a trade union march protesting against Asian immigration flared out of control, leading to significant property damage in Vancouver's Chinese and Japanese neighbourhoods. The Vancouver police managed to restore order by daybreak, but Vancouver awoke to see that almost every glass window in the Chinese and Japanese districts had been broken. While a handful of people were injured during the violence, no one was killed. Twenty-four people were arrested and charged with crimes related to the violence. Attention quickly turned to assessing the factors that led to this embarrassing breakdown in civility.The disquiet felt by Canadians was all the keener due to the fact that these events had an international authence and might have serious consequences not only for Canada's relationship with Japan, but for the web of relationships between the United States, Great Britain, China, Japan, and India. These anti-immigration disorders occurred at a time when Canada was a dominion of Great Britain, with its foreign policy still officially overseen by the Colonial Office in London. In addition to this legal and colonial relationship, British Columbia's geography and migration ensured close ties with the American Pacific northwest, where trouble over Asian migration and labour had been heating up since the 1880s. …

The early 1970s witnessed significant developments in journalism ethics as news organizations revised or adopted codes of conduct, appointed ombudsmen, formed news councils, and took the first steps toward integrating newsrooms. Although some scholars have argued that this emphasis on ethics was a result of the Hutchins Commission or Watergate, this monograph suggests an additional factor: three national commissions that criticized the news media between 1964 and 1970. The President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, and the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence accused journalists of prejudice, sensationalism, and even inciting violence. The commissions have been mostly ignored in regard to journalism ethics, and few scholars if any have attempted to tie together the impact of all three. This monograph presents a history of ideas — notions about journalists' responsibilities — to shed new light on how journalism ethics developed in the twentieth century. Watergate highlighted issues like the use of anonymous sources, but it did not specifically suggest what journalists should do. The three commissions did. They challenged journalists to fundamentally rethink their work and the purpose of it. From a process of challenge and response, an expanded sense of media responsibility arose. This monograph offers an analytical framework of freedom and responsibility to help explain the impact these commissions had on the practice and standards of journalism in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond.

Prompted by the 2005 urban riots in France, this article asks why, with very few exceptions, American cities have not experienced widespread civil disorders since the late 1970s, especially when many of the conditions underlying the earlier disorders persist or have worsened. The answer lies in three factors: the changing ecology of power, techniques for managing marginalization, and distinctive U.S. approaches to the incorporation and control of immigrants.

When the New Jersey State Supreme Court ruled that every community had an obligation to actively include affordable units in its housing stock, it was taking up the challenge, laid down by the Kerner Commission in 1968, to disperse levels of concentrated poverty that had contributed to the wave of civil disorders plaguing the country. A generation later, despite open housing laws, metropolitan communities remain highly segregated, not the least in New Jersey. A revitalization plan for Camden, where the Mount Laurel affordable housing cases were instigated, has given lip service to regionalizing the recovery effort, a challenge the Ford Foundation has picked up by supporting a number of related efforts aimed at achieving “regional equity.” Such efforts address the state court’s support for “sound planning,” but resistance to integration remains, leaving the outcome of concerted investments in social justice still very much in doubt.

This study examined selection effects in newspaper reports about civil disorders in the late 1960s. A comprehensive set of events recorded in newspapers across the United States was compared with the subsets of these events recorded in two national newspapers often used to construct collective event data bases-the New York Times and the Washington Post. The results demonstrate that fewer than half of all disorders are covered in these two newspapers combined, and that those reported are selected on the basis of event intensity, distance, event density, city population size, type of actor, and day of the week. To demonstrate the effects of these selection patterns on substantive analysis of civil disorder, the authors replicated earlier studies using all reported events, and then repeated the analyses using only the events reported in the Times and the Post. This procedure showed some substantial differences in results. The implications of these findings for event analyses and for substantive understandings of media selection are discussed.

Crush syndrome remains rare in European practice. It is however common in areas of civil disorder and where the normal structures of society have given way to civil war or natural disaster. Western doctors are becoming increasingly involved in such situations and there is no reason to believe that instances due to more conventional causes, such as collapse in the elderly or road traffic accidents, will cease. For all these reasons it is important that clinicians who deal infrequently with crush syndrome have access to appropriate guidelines. This consensus report seeks to provide such advice. It reports the findings of a consensus meeting on crush injury and crush syndrome held in Birmingham on 31 May 2001, and coordinated by the Faculty of Pre-Hospital Care of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh.

In The Philadelphia Negro, W.E.B. Du Bois presented a four-class typology of the black community. Today the situation has changed greatly. The enormous social changes of the twentieth century, culminating in the civil rights movement and followed by civil disorders occurring on a wide scale in urban America, resulted in attempts by the wider society to incorporate black Americans through federally mandated social programs such as affirmative action, fair housing legislation, set-asides, and major civil rights legislation. These initiatives helped to defuse much of the tension of the 1960s, but they also set the stage for much greater black participation in American society, leading to tremendous growth in the black middle class. At the same time, these measures of black incorporation, as realized over the past 30 years, have greatly changed the traditional castelike system of race relations. In conjunction with deindustrialization and the simultaneous growth of the global economy, these changes have contributed to a more complex class configuration among blacks.

Civil disorder may be defined in widely differing terms, depending largely on the political and legal system prevailing in a given country. The way in which the authorities manage disorder has important implications for both internal stability and the country’s international image, and to a great extent the number of injuries will also depend on the effectiveness of this management. For the police, ambulance service and hospitals, civil disorder will often necessitate the invocation of their respective major incident plans. Since the response requirements may be very different from other disasters, such plans need to address civil disorder specifically. This paper reviews the various wounding agents that may be used by participants in civil disorder, and by security forces in their response. The issues of personal safety for emergency service staff are reviewed, and the organizational aspects of medical care emphasized.

Many journalism educators are seeking better knowledge about how to train students to be effective in writing about diverse peoples and viewpoints. In this effort, three documents lay the groundwork for diversity reporting -- the Hutchins Commission and Kerner Commission reports as well as Standard 12 of the Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications (ACEJMC). In 1947, the Commission on Freedom of the Press in its report, A Free and Responsible Press, recommended that the news media foster discussions on salient social issues while making sure they presented the views of the different sectors of the population. For journalists, this meant, "the projection of a representative picture of the constituent groups in society." At the heart of the Hutchins Commission report was the concern that democracy could not work effectively if the media failed to represent diverse social groups, not only weaknesses and vices, but their "common humanity." Two decades later, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders created by the Johnson administration examined the causes of the civil unrests and riots in United States cities during the mid-1960s. Its report, commonly known as the Kerner Commission Report for its chair Otto Kerner, pointed out that a fundamental problem of news media had been their "failure to report adequately on race relations and ghetto problems." The commission found that television and newspapers portrayed a world which was "almost totally white, both in appearance and attitude." In their coverage of African Americans and the inner cities, the media had not shown blacks in routine contexts and everyday affairs, and they did little to provide depth to racial issues and to promote an understanding of what it could be like to live in the poor neighborhoods of the country. Some specific journalistic practices were considered problematic. For example, in the coverage of the inner cities, very few diverse sources were used as journalists relied disproportionately on police and other officials. Numerous recommendations were made by the Kerner Commission to improve coverage. Among the suggestions, the commission called for an intensified effort by the media industry to recruit and hire African Americans. In addition, it urged the media to make contacts and find more sources in the inner cities; the observation was made that the black media could be especially helpful in this endeavor. Finally, the Kerner Commission stressed that African Americans and their lives had to be integrated into the different sections of television and newspaper news and that they should not be disproportionately present or absent in any specific kind of news. Finally, just as the Hutchins Commission and Kerner Commission reports were crucial documents for the national media -- pointing out problems and suggesting changes in the ways news is produced-the Standard 12 resolution written by the Accrediting Council has important repercussions for journalism departments and education. The initial resolution written in 1984, titled "Minorities and Female Representation," sets goals for departments as far as recruiting and retaining minority students and faculty. In 1992, Standard 12 was revised and a new component was added emphasizing the curriculum. In short, the curriculum had to "`prepare students to understand, cover, communicate with, and relate to a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-racial, and otherwise diverse society"' (Ruggles,1993). Standard 12 also called for "innovative and creative" ways for achieving these goals. After revisions to Standard 12 in 1997, the emphasis remained on preparing "students to serve... a diverse society" (ACEJMC, 1997). Despite the variety of reports and recommendations, studies have found only minimal improvements in the diversity of the media and journalism education (Izard, 1990; Lawrence, 1990; Weaver & Wilhot, 1991; Wilson & Gutierrez, 1995). …

In the summer of 1967,150 cities in the United States -- North and South erupted in racial violence. The disturbances ranged from relatively minor skirmishes between police and (mostly young) ghetto dwellers to deadly riots. ' It was neither the first nor the last of the racial disturbances during the decade. The bloody summer of 1964 left parts of the South scarred, and the Watts riots of 1965 meant the rest of the nation would not be immune. In April 1968, following the assassination of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., there was as much racial violence in that one month as had taken place during the entire year of 1967.2 The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (better known as the Kerner Commission), appointed by President Lyndon B. Johnson to investigate the causes of the racial disturbances, identified many social problems that fostered this situation. One of the factors was the journalism profession, which had been "shockingly backward" in recruiting, training and promoting African-Americans. That, in turn, affected how the press covered the nation's minority communities.' Ten years later, the American Society of Newspaper Editors announced a goal for the year 2000: hiring the same percentage of minorities in the newsroom as existed in the nation's population.' In 1982, the Accrediting Council for Education in Journalism and Mass Communications committed itself to fostering diversity in the student body, faculty, and curriculum when it adopted Standard 12 5: Units must make effective efforts to recruit, advise, and retain minority students and minority and women faculty for their intended career paths. They also must include in their courses information about the major contributions made by minorities and women to the disciplines covered in the unit.6 In 1992, the standard was expanded to include the following paragraph: In course offerings across the curriculum units must help prepare students to understand, cover, communicate with and relate to a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-racial, and otherwise diverse society.7 A new revision, which took effect in September 1997, commits accredited programs to diversity and inclusivity in the student and faculty populations as well as fostering a "learning environment that exsented 8.5 percent of the full-time faculty (up from 7.3 percent in 1992); Hispanics made up 2.7 percent (up from 2.1% in 1992); Asian Pacific Islanders were 2.3 percent (up from 1.7% in 1992). Native Americans lost ground on journalism/ mass communication faculty nationwide, going from 1.3 percent in 1992 to 0.8 percent in 1995. Minorities also are more likely to hold the lower, instructor/assistant professor ranks. 14 Charting diversity in the journalism/mass communication curriculum has been more difficult. Some of the earliest investigations into this area looked at specific journalism/mass communication courses focusing solely on minorities. DeMott and Adams found that one in six administrators responding to a 1978 survey of the American Society of Journalism School Administrators reported that their programs offered a course about minorities. 15 Kern reported similar results in 1982 when she found that 15 percent of the journalism programs offered a course in minorities and the media. She also suggested that organizations addressing the needs of multi-cultural students would improve the quality of the education these students receive. 16 In a 1991 update of that study, KernFoxworth and Miller found that there had been little or no progress made in journalism programs with regard to multi-cultural education. There had been little progress in the recruitment and retention of multicultural students or faculty. The researchers called for intensifying efforts in "curricula that encourage cultural sensitivity and awareness and that discuss the lifestyles, contributions and accomplishments of all multi-ethnic groups in journalism. …

In light of ongoing attempts to dismantle affirmative action programs nationwide, the results of recent research into designing a model journalism program for minority students could prove to be both enlightening and helpful. The panel of experts who designed the model strongly favored components that foster integration and growth for all students, and were least supportive of set-asides and minority-only programming. Even so, as the data show, few of the experts were comfortable with eliminating minority-only programming. The experts gave their strongest approval to those elements and activities that: * help to create a less hostile university climate and promote a multicultural environment * better integrate minority students into university life * increase involvement of minority and white faculty with minority students inside and outside of the classroom * concentrate on practical experience for all students on campus media, while improving the climate and content of those media * facilitate the financial and personal participation of professional media. Perhaps as important, the panelists agreed that: * minority-only components should not be emphasized because they tend to segregate students * racial/ethnic criteria for participation in special activities should be eliminated * there can be negative results for minority students from minority-only programming. As a result, the finished model fails to show strong support for set-asides except in the critical area of financial support. Background In 1965, when Watts erupted in rioting, the Los Angeles Times briefly "promoted" a classified ad messenger to reporter because there wasn't a single black journalist in the newsroom (Letofsky, 1990). In 1968, when a murder suspect escaped into Mexico, a Los Angeles Times switchboard operator translated a telephone conversation with Mexican police because there were no bilingual journalists (Rawitch, 1985).(1) These were not isolated instances. In that same year (1968), the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission) castigated the American news media for their contributions to the violence in Newark, NJ and Detroit, noting that "the media report and write from a standpoint of a white man's world" (p. 366). Among the conclusions in the Commission's chapter on the media: "The journalistic profession has been shockingly backward in seeking out, hiring, training, and promoting Negroes" (p. 384). A decade after the Kerner report, in 1978, the American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE) announced a goal: By the year 2000, the employment of minorities in newsrooms should "be equivalent to the percentage of minority persons within the national population"--at that time, about 17 percent. What ASNE called for--and described as fair and attainable--was a 13 percent increase over 22 years (ASNE, 1984). That goal remains remote. While minority employment on daily newspapers has increased 6.9 percent, from 4 percent in 1978 to 10.9 percent in 1994 (Jennings, 1995; Garneau, 1990; Rosenfeld, 1988), minorities now constitute approximately 25 percent of the U.S. population. In addition, 45.8 percent of the 1,492 daily newspapers have no minorities in their newsrooms (Jennings, 1995). Data from broadcast journalism and public relations reflect similar findings. The media look to find minority staff members among journalism school graduates, but the picture in journalism education is not encouraging. An annual survey, taken primarily to count the number and distribution of all journalism students, shows that minorities represented 22 percent of the total number of journalism majors reported in 1993 (15,415 minority undergraduates in a total enrollment of 71,250), at the 241 programs that responded with racial/ethnic data. Of those, 13.5 percent were African American, 5.5 percent Hispanic-American, 2. …

The response of the Canadian government to post-Cold War security issues suggests a profound change in Canada's foreign policy, one that adopts a radically different approach to civil wars and human rights violations in foreign countries. The changes brought about by the end of the Cold War have less ened neither the frequency nor the dangers of conflict. The recent disintegration of Yugoslavia, civil chaos in Somalia, the risk of civil disorder in the republics of the former Soviet Union, and the continuation of serious conflicts in many other regions attest to the urgent need for international action. There have been repeated calls from Canadians and many others for such action at the very least it is suggested that something should be done to ease the suffering of the victims of these conflicts. Based on an examination of the diplomatic efforts and peace keeping activities of Canadians and of the statements of the country's political leaders, it is clear that the government is sup porting a more interventionist approach to conflict resolution. In a world of ever increasing interdependencies, unhampered by Cold War divisions, it is often argued that peacekeeping is no longer a sufficient response and that peacemaking or peace enforcement is now required.

The article investigates the scope for ‘nervous shock’ claims consequent on negligently inflicted injury, in the light of the Hillsborough disaster. It analyses the existing case law, including the first instance and Court of Appeal judgments in litigation arising from the disaster (for the House of Lords judgment, see Addendum). Its main purpose is to show that several of the arguments and conclusions in these judgments are driven by considerations of policy rather than principle, and primarily by a concern to prevent the ‘floodgates of litigation’ from opening. It is submitted that greater attention to medical perspectives on psychiatric illness would reveal that this concern is overstated and that a more principled approach would not have the adverse consequences predicted.

Examination of the performance and coverage by competing JOA papers in Louisiana in response to civil violence indicates a variety of factors influencing content. This mix includes market factors as well as news source selection and spot news orientation v. issue-orientation.

Personal child health records, held by the parents, have potential advantages in times of civil disorder. Via health and community workers, 939 booklets (incorporating health records and health advice) were distributed to displaced and other families near Tuzla. Subsequently mothers were invited to bring their children for examination. Five hundred and seventy-one children with their booklets returned to the clinics. The survey revealed high rates of dental caries (305 cases), anaemia (36), and scabies (20). The war had not affected the duration of breast feeding, and the children's nutrition was generally satisfactory. Immunization status was generally good, though rates were unacceptably low in children from certain areas, reflecting not only deficient provision in their place of origin but also failings in the programme for displaced persons. An informal survey indicated that parents and older children appreciated the health-information content of the booklet. In a disaster of this sort, the personal child health record and advice booklet serves the combined purpose of yielding essential epidemiological data, providing a permanent health record, and meeting a need for health education material.

The key to understanding of relief-giving is in the functions it serves for the larger economic and political order, for relief is a secondary and supportive institution. Historical evidence suggests that relief arrangements are initiated or expanded during the occasional out-breaks of civil disorder produced by mass unemployment, and are then abolished or contracted when political stability is restored. We shall argue that expansive relief policies are cyclical - liberal or restrictive depending on the problems of regulation in the larger society with which government must contend [Piven and Cloward, 1971]. It is about a search too, for daily meaning as well as daily bread, for recogniton as well as cash, for astonishment rather than a torpor; in short, for a sort of life rather than a Monday through Friday sort of dying. Perhaps immortality, too, is part of the quest. To be remembered was the wish, spoken and unspoken, of the heroes and heroines of this book [Terkel, 1972: xiii].

The data analysed here are taken from the transcripts of the Scarman Tribunal hearings (into Violence and Civil Disorder in Northern Ireland in 1969): in this extract a senior police officer is cross-examined about events in which he was involved. In directing the cross-examination the counsel can be heard to draw attention to reports about these events, and to draw certain inferences from the descriptions contained in those reports. On the basis of those inferences the counsel can then be heard to accuse the witness that his action during these events was in some way defective. The descriptions which comprise the reports overwhelmingly employ place names, where these can be used to identify the religion of persons involved, and, in a variety of ways, to thereby document those persons' actions and the character of events. The analysis explores the use made of conventional knowledge of religious geography as an interpretative resource, through which certain descriptive work can achieve a characterization of the scenes reported in such a way as to stand as the basis for the accusation.

One hundred and nineteen white student Ss responded to semantic differential, behavioral differential, Likert scales and other measures tapping attitudes, perceptions and factual information relevant to the race riots of the mid to late 1960's. Items were factor analyzed and composite scores on the resulting factors were used in later analyses. Thirty-seven experimental Ss were given reading material containing a summary of the salient points made in the Kerner Commission Report. Twenty-nine controls received dummy reading material. The questionnaire was re-administered three weeks later to both groups. A number of significant shifts in attitudes were obtained; these were typically in a direction more consistent with the findings of the Kerner Commission Report, which advocated social change. Significant shifts occurred in Ss' evaluation of changing social policy as well as in their expression of behavioral intentions toward stimulus persons of both races who strongly favored civil rights action. Attitude shifts were accompanied by increases in factual information. Negative relationships between measures of racial prejudice and semantic differential evaluations of busing children to promote school integration (r =-.39; p

Two independent tests with a total of 36 large and medium-sized non-southern cities have demonstrated support for a political explanation of the major riots of the 1960s. It is argued that politically interested and motivated segments of the black community were disaffected because of the failure of government to respond to their demands. Their participation turned minor disorders into major uprisings. An alternative hypothesis, that public policy response generates increased expectations and ultimately greater violence, has been rejected. However, the findings rest upon the riot experience of a small number of cities in the 1960s. It seems very unlikely that the public policies of these cities would have much impact on the expectations of their black citizens and thus the rationale of the alternative hypothesis is undermined. The public policies of other governments, at other times, might have more influence on the expectations of their citizens. Additional research would be required to identify circumstances under which public policy response might lead to increased expectations, disaffection, and ultimately greater violence.

This is a follow-up study of people who were involved in bomb explosions in two Birmingham public houses in November 1974, but were not seriously injured. One hundred and sixteen people were conveyed to hospital, registered, given casualty treatment and allowed home that evening. A small sub-sample of these survivors were visited at home two years after the disaster and the clinical characteristics were observed; the social and symptomatic disturbances were greater than expected. Work records of these survivors before and after the explosion were compared with matched outpatient casualties. On comparing disturbance to employment for the two groups, the bomb victims showed much greater incapacity.

Civil disorders in American cities in 1967 popularly referred to as 'Negro riots' varied in many critical respects. Some can more appropriately be described as social upheavals characterized by a two-phase flow of lawless activities. Others had the character of political confrontations, disorder being used as a political tool by emerging Negro groups to encourage civil authorities to bargain and negotiate with them. Few disorders can be viewed simply as expressive rampages : riots by the anarchic and criminal elements in the community whose binge of anti-social desctruction can only be stopped by 'get tough' police practices. 'Get Tough' police policies were also the cause of some notable disturbances where the fulfillment of anticipations of Negro initiated disorder rather than its reality. Across the nation, ghetto upheavals would trigger 'satellite' disorders in which authority over-reaction occurred. The spread of news about disorders was an important factor in the propagation of violence, considerably more so than actions of Negro radical leaders to foment such events. The initial conditions out of which a disorder emerged affected its course. Pre- existing grievances have a role, but the kind of grievance rather than the number of grievances seems more important. Negro youths have grievances against the police, and a ghetto uprising may take on the character of a competitive game in which youth attempt to humiliate the police. The contradictions between American liberalism and American racism make the future seem troublesome. Short-run strategies of conflict amelioration might profitably be concerned not with eliminating violence but with limiting it such that it promotes rather than hinders the movement toward racial democracy.

Upon not finding a direct relationship between civil disorder and welfare growth in American cities in the late 1960s, some analysts have rejected the Piven and Cloward (1971) thesis that the expansion of welfare in the late 1960s operated largely as aform of social control so as to recreate political stability. We hypothesize that the welfare explosion in the late 1960s was in part the result of a two-step process in which civil disorder impelled the national government to enact liberalizations of welfare policy which in turn were most actively implemented by those states most wracked by rioting. Analysis of the relative state growth rates in the number offamilies receiving Aid to Families with Dependent Children suggests the plausibility of our hypothesis and the Piven and Cloward thesis. Piven and Cloward's (1971) thesis on the role of welfare in western capitalist societies lies at the center of the debate over the welfare explosion of the late 1960s and early 1970s in the United States. According to Piven and Cloward, the historical role of public-welfare has been one of cyclical expansion and contraction in response to the alternating needs of the state for political stability and acceptance of lowwage work by the poor. During times of political stability, public welfare primarily functions to enforce on the poor the work norm of selfsufficiency by restricting access to aid. During periods of unrest among the poor, public welfare functions largely to promote political stability by easing the poor's access to aid. In the 1960s the growing political unrest of poor blacks escalated into over 160 major riots between 1965 and 1968 (Feagin and Hahn, 1973) and prompted the dramatic rise in welfare recipients in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Piven and Cloward, 1971:222-47). Various researchers have provided empirical support for the relationship between civil disorder and welfare growth in the late 1960s (Betz, 1974; Jennings, 1979; Isaac and Kelly, 1981). Critics, however, have rejected this thesis upon finding no relationship between riottorn cities and increases in welfare (Durman, 1973; Albritton, 1979). Our analysis seeks to resolve these conflicting findings. We provide evidence supportive of the hypothesis that the welfare explosion was in part the result of a

Explanations of civil disorder occurrence and participation have focused upon community and individual attributes and to a great extent have employed some variation of the deprivation-frustration-aggression (DFA) model. Spilerman's (1970) examination of community attributes concludes, "an explanation which identifies disorder-proneness as an attribute of the individual seems better able to account for (rioting)." Recent civil disorder research provides data relevant to this contention. An examination of the literature yielded 287 associations between five measures of participation and 24 categories of individual variables. Secondary analysis reveals that only 7% yield correlations of .30 or higher. Of the 173 associations bearing on the DFA explanation, only 8% yield correlations of .30 or higher. The variables in the moderate and high associations are critically examined. Independent variables have been static attributes and measures of participation have treated riot behavior as a monolithic phenomenon. An alternate focus for future studies is advocated which acknowledges variation in riot behavior and which focuses on interactional environments of individuals prior to and during civil disorders.

Portraits of America as the confident, unworried "happy republic" have never been accurate. The dour Puritans who started it all had bleak views about man's limitations as a social creature. The founding fathers, from Jefferson through Adams, committed treason and waged war, and came away with a melancholy understanding that practical idealism involves the sacrifice of some ideals. Pre-Civil-War America was uneasily aware that the yeoman's republic was a vanishing ideal, and postwar America faced industrialization and urbanization with the painfully fresh knowledge that worthy social objectives may require massive suffering. With the late nineteenth century came a populism founded on the suspicion that the mass of Americans were exploited by "interests." Then came the progressives with their political historians proclaiming that the thraldom of the masses was the result of the sly founders who drafted an anti-democratic constitution. Pessimism (to paraphrase current pessimists speaking of violence) is as American as apple pie. The four works considered here present several forms of contemporary pessimism. James L. Sundquist, former adviser to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, voices the "activist" liberal's doubts about the ability of the American government to respond to the majority will.1 Professor Gottfried Dietze bases his conservative pessimism on the belief that the federal government has become dangerously responsive to a dangerously liberal populace.2 The Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders is an exercise in official, "functional" pessimism.3 Journalist Stewart Alsop's book is a model of well-packaged, marketable pessimism.4 Sundquist has written a very fine study of domestic legislation under three presidents from 1952 to 1966. The first part is a brisk, lucid chronicle of the development of policies in seven areas, from civil rights through outdoor environment. There is no book available that can match this one in compass or competence. But what makes it especially important are Sundquist's conclusions. As he sees it, the unfolding federal initiative in domestic affairs up to 1966 was a success story, but a slightly depressing one. The nation's liberal (or "activist") majority

Using data from two independent surveys, this paper examines those ghetto retail merchants who are likely to have their business establishments attacked during civil disorders. The findings, unusual in their complementarity, suggest that riot participants select many of their targets and that the pattern of selection reflects a variety of concerns, from personal gain to "pre-political" motivations. Interpretations of these findings undercut theories of collective violence that rest on such concepts as suggestability, contagion, and "animal shirite "

BOTH social science and journalistic accounts have been reporting high rates of disorders in America's high schools. Bailey (1970:9) found 85% of the nation's high school principals reporting some form of student disruption during the period 1967-1970. A study commissioned by the National Association of Secondary School Principals (1969) reported that 59% of all high schools and 67% of the urban high schools had experienced some form of student protest during the 1968-69 academic year. Using newspaper accounts, Westin (1970) counted 2,000 high school disruptions from November 1968 through May 1969. A large scale study commissioned by the House of Representatives Sub-Committee on General Education (Congressional Record, Feb. 23, 1970) reported that 18%o of the schools had experienced "serious protests." While the occurrence of school disorders is well documented, the causes remain somewhat obscure. In this paper we shall attempt to account for rates of two forms of group disorder in the academic high schools of New York City during the period November 1968 through June 1969.1 We shall be attempting to determine to what extent if any, variation in rates of student disorder and disruption reflect variations in system characteristics or ethnic aggregates in the schools. Our thesis is that while disorders take place in schools, their roots lie in the larger society.