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This article outlines the history of the administration in charge of the regulation and control of public opinion during the French Empire. The context of this regulation is delineated by examining how Napoleon intended, as early as the Consulate, to merge the Ancien Regime traditions with the new values of the Revolution. This project acknowledges innovative developments in public opinion management, in the shaping of political legitimacy after 1789. I will examine three unpublished manuscripts produced by this administration in order to illustrate the administrative and political implications of the imperial control of public opinion. In addition, I will analyze the historical issues at stake determined by different figures who played a role in this administration.

The only person against whom a charge of murder was proved in regard to the Lockerbie bombing case in 1988 had an appeal against conviction refused. A subsequent referral of the case back for further consideration by appellate judges was abandoned by the appellant. He was released on the statutory ground of compassion due to his imminent death. The appeal was revived after further investigation and fresh evidence and referred to the criminal appeal court for Scotland.

Summary The focus of this scoping review was to understand the overall state of research activity related to pro-arrest, pro-charge, and pro-prosecution policies in Canada. The review identified 295 articles, academic (47.5%) and gray literature (52.5%) published between 1983 and 2018 that reported on these policies as a response to domestic violence in Canada. Findings The findings acknowledged growing concerns over the ineffectiveness of these policies as a response to domestic violence. In fact, over half of the articles (57.6%) either failed to support these policies or recommended significant revisions; only a small number of articles (1.0%) favored these policies in their current form. Themes related to the effectiveness of these policies included criminalization and public awareness, survivor satisfaction, standardized police response, removal of burden from survivor to charge, and better than nothing. Themes related to the ineffectiveness included disconnect between policy and practice, revictimizes survivors, one-size fits all approach, have not adequately reduced domestic violence in Canada, lack of understanding training and education for all, failure to address structural and systemic factors, lack of trust in the criminal justice system, and success has been difficult to measure. Applications The deconstruction of these policies in this review points to the need for future research to address identified gaps in the literature and to explore alternatives that serve their intended emancipatory effect.

When I was a kid, cowboys ruled. Every week, my heroes—Lucas McCain, the Cartwrights, Matt Dillon, Paladin, Big John Cannon—were taming the “wild west.” These were good guys, in charge and on a mission. But in the world around us, everything was changing. 1969 was a turning point. Everything was suddenly in Technicolor, and as we gave up on the West and turned to outer space for our hero-adventures, our heroes morphed from Cowboys to Space-Pirate-Cowboys. These space-pirate-cowboys (or big damn heroes) manage to do the right thing as they improvise their (opportunistic) ethics of friendship.

The recurring, horrific deaths of minority residents at the hands of police officers and vigilantes have led social movements and international protests to amplify the charge that whereas the loss of White lives is seen as tragic, the loss of Black and Hispanic lives is treated as normal, acceptable, and even inevitable. Building on and advancing theories of “color-blind racism,” the authors examine the process by which the news media uphold and reify the devaluation of Black and Hispanic lives through ostensibly race-neutral language, story lines, and cultural narratives. Drawing on an original data set containing all news articles ( n = 2,245) written about every homicide victim ( n = 762) in Chicago, Illinois, during 2016, the authors use multilevel models to assess the extent to which victims’ race and neighborhood racial composition are associated with the level of attention, or “newsworthiness,” devoted to their deaths. Using two measures of newsworthiness—the amount of coverage and recognition of “complex personhood”—the authors find that victims killed in predominantly Black neighborhoods receive less news coverage than those killed in non-Hispanic White neighborhoods. Those killed in predominantly Black or Hispanic neighborhoods are also less likely to be discussed as multifaceted, complex people. Our analyses underscore the importance of place, especially the racialization of place, in determining which victims are treated as newsworthy. These findings carry important implications for understanding and addressing color-blind racism, news-reporting practices, and territorial stigma in the reproduction of racist ideologies.

The only person against whom a charge of murder was proved in regard to the Lockerbie bombing case in 1988 had an appeal against conviction refused. A subsequent referral of the case back for further consideration by appellate judges was abandoned by the appellant. He was released on the statutory ground of compassion due to his imminent death. The appeal was revived in 2020 after further investigation and fresh evidence and referred to the criminal appeal court for Scotland.

This article uses data from the American Community Survey from 2009 to 2016 to identify the effect of Medicaid expansions and the creation of the ACA Insurance Market Exchange (Marketplace) on low-income recent immigrants’ employment, self-employment, and health coverage. There is increasing interest in the connection between public coverage and employment outcomes among low-income documented immigrants after the current administration proposed to include the use of Medicaid as a potential reason for denying green card and citizenship applications based on the public charge criteria. The article finds little evidence on reduction of employment among those who are eligible in nongenerous states. We find evidence of an increase in the likelihood of being self-employed in generous states that expanded Medicaid before the implementation of the Marketplace. The findings suggests that low-income immigrants are likely to be employed regardless of their years in the country and that access to public coverage only affects the likelihood of having public versus private coverage.

This article argues that forms of civility governing who possessed the credibility to carry out archaeological fieldwork in Egypt changed during the post-Second World War era of decolonization. Incorporating Arabic sources, the article focuses on the preparation of a dig house used during an excavation run by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities and the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania at the site of Mit Rahina, Egypt, in the mid-1950s. The study demonstrates how the colonial genealogies of such structures converged with political changes heralded by the rise of Egypt's President Nasser. Preparing the dig house, Euro-American archaeologists involved with the excavation had to abide by social norms practiced by the Egyptians who had recently taken charge of the Department of Antiquities. Given that these norms often perpetuated older hierarchies of race, gender, and class, however, the article questions what the end of colonialism actually meant for archaeology in Egypt and elsewhere.

This article reappraises the underlying logic of Jesus’ trial in Mk 14.53-65. I propose that the ‘false’ charge that Jesus intends to build the naos acheiropoie-tos (‘sanctuary not made with hands’, 14.58) evokes not a people but a place, the sanctuary in the heavens. Mark thereby invites the audience to envisage the Son of Man’s ascension and enthronement (cf. 14.62), interpreted through the lenses of Dan. 7.13 and Ps. 110 (109 LXX), as the installation of a heavenly priest. This in turn suggests that the ‘blasphemy’ charge in 14.64 is not a piece of abstract Christology, but a grander christological and socio-political exposition of the implications of Christ’s heavenly session for the evangelist and his auditors.

This article presents the findings of a case study that aimed to understand the specific\ud leadership styles that are valued by women and men lay representatives in the Public and\ud Commercial Services (PCS) union and to determine the gendered implications for increasing\ud women’s leadership and representation in trade unions. Survey responses from PCS lay\ud representatives (reps) show the majority of women and men agreed that the leadership style\ud they value, and makes a good union leader, is post-heroic (communal) leadership. This\ud approach is associated with leadership characteristics such as being helpful, sensitive, and\ud kind and are generally practised by women. This contrasts with male union leaders who are\ud associated with a traditional, heroic (agentic) leadership style characterised by confidence,\ud self-reliance, and decisiveness. Although some differences exist that highlight gender issues,\ud both women and men lay reps have positive attitudes towards increasing women’s\ud representation and participation in union leadership.

African Americans have long been overrepresented in juvenile justice, starting at arrest and all the way through to confinement. Importantly, some scholars argue examining “back-end” processes of juvenile justice and exploring the utility of different theoretical frameworks may aid in explaining African American overrepresentation. Drawing on two similar theoretical explanations, symbolic and racial threat, this study examines whether disparities are explained better by perceived threats to the dominant group norms and values, as well as between-group inequalities (symbolic threat) or Black encroachment into the political and economic resources of the dominant (White) group (racial threat). Notably, this study explores the effects of symbolic and racial threat on reduced and dropped charges within one states’ juvenile court. Hierarchical generalized linear models are utilized to analyze official Department of Juvenile Justice files, which were supplemented with American Community Survey data. Results indicated strong support for the symbolic threat perspective but fail to support the tenants of racial threat. Implications of these findings and future directions for research were discussed.

The generalization of the registration of baptism and marriage in the Catholic countries is shown to be the result of a process in which France used the authority of the Council of Trent to impose on the whole Church a system of public registration it had started to implement through temporal law at home in 1539, so that the clerics in charge of the registration be subject to canonical penalties if they failed to comply. The registration of baptism and marriage was integrated into the Decree on the Reformation of Marriage that France maneuvered to impose on the Church to curb clandestine marriages which had dire effects on estate planning in France, given the peculiarities of its inheritance and matrimonial law.

New Zealand-born surgeon Douglas Jolly was studying in London at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. He joined a British volunteer medical team and in December 1936 was placed in charge of a mobile medical unit of Spain’s Republican Army. For the following two years, he took part in every major battle of the war, operating as close as possible to the front line. In that time he made significant contributions to trauma surgery, especially for abdominal injuries, and developed a ‘three-points-forward’ triage system. He described these medical innovations in a handbook which became highly influential among Allied medical services in Second World War, Korea and Vietnam. Jolly served with the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC) in the Middle East during Second World War and was awarded a military OBE.After the war, he became Chief Medical Officer of Queen Mary’s Orthopaedic Hospital, Roehampton. He has been described as ‘a pioneer in the field of surgical treatment for trauma and one of the most notable war surgeons of the 20th century.’ In belated local recognition of this innovative and dedicated pioneer of trauma surgery, a memorial to Jolly will be unveiled in his home town of Cromwell, New Zealand in 2018.

Hans Emmanuel Enoch (1896–1991) was born in Hamburg, the son of a manufacturer of sera and vaccines. Upon his father’s death, he took charge of the Hamburg Serum Werke. Following the rise of Hitler, he came to be pilloried in the Nazi press for allegedly having poisoned the population of Hamburg and was imprisoned for a time. He immigrated to England in 1935 where he had secured a position with the International Serum Company in Norwich. Following the outbreak of war, he was interned as an enemy alien, eventually ending up in Canada. In 1941, he was permitted to return to England, but wartime conditions prevented him from continuing to manufacture sera. At about this time, penicillin was making the headlines, and coupled with accounts of its miraculous properties, was the news that all production was reserved exclusively for the armed forces. Enoch decided to meet the public clamour for penicillin by producing a crude version which he termed ‘vivicillin.’ News of this spread globally, and he came to incur the disdain of Howard Florey for the attendant publicity. Notwithstanding this, vivicillin was to prove itself effective and its use led to the saving of lives.

In 1908–1909, maritime commerce, fishing and traffic in the Sulu Archipelago in the southern Philippines almost came to a standstill due to a surge in piracy and coastal raids that challenged US colonial rule in the area. The leader of the outlaws was a renegade subject of the Sultan of Sulu, a Samal named Jikiri. Together with his followers, Jikiri was responsible for the murders of at least 40 people in numerous raids on small trading vessels, pearl fishers, coastal settlements and towns throughout the archipelago. In spite of the concerted efforts of the US Army, the Philippine Constabulary and private bounty hunters, Jikiri was able to avoid defeat for more than one and half years, before he was eventually killed in July 1909. His decision to take to piracy was triggered by the failure of the US authorities to pay compensation for the loss of the traditional claims that many families in the Sulu Archipelago had to the pearl beds of the region, as stipulated by a law on pearl fishing adopted in 1904. The law was in several respects disadvantageous to the native population of Sulu and this – together with the high-handed behaviour of the local officers in charge of the Sulu district from 1906 – fuelled widespread discontent with colonial rule and led several of the leading headmen of Sulu covertly to sympathize with, and protect, Jikiri and his followers. This sponsorship combined with the general reluctance of the population to cooperate with the US military explains why Jikiri was able to defy the vastly superior US forces for so long. American officers at the time tended to attribute the depredations to the allegedly piratical nature of the Sulus, but this article argues that the so-called ‘decay theory’, first proposed by Raffles a century earlier, is a more appropriate explanation of this surge in piracy.

At the beginning of the early modern period, the two port cities of Seville and Manila became bottlenecks in the rich inter-oceanic trade connecting Europe, America and Asia. To control this trade, the Spanish Crown tightly regulated all traffic between these continents and levied heavy taxes on all merchandise. The stricter the regulations became, the more the merchants tried to outwit them through contraband trading and bribery. Within this setting, it was often impossible for merchants to bring cases of non-compliance of agreements to the official courts. Hence, the question arises, how were merchants, lacking an institution in charge of penalizing dishonest commercial conduct, able to find the trust in partners to establish trans-oceanic trading networks? This note argues that the answer lies in the common ground that united certain groups of shared mental models, which enabled the merchants to trust in the social coercive power of these groups and consequently to trust their partners overseas., This investigation is part of a project that has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No653508 (Phil-Threats)

Cholera haunted the 19th century. The origins of the painful and frightening new disease that could result in death within hours were unknown, and treatments were useless. History tells us that the bacterial cause was not understood until 1883, and the gold standard treatment of oral rehydration therapy was first used in 1960.1 Of the six 19th-century cholera pandemics, the third, in 1849–1860, resulted in the most fatalities. In Great Britain, there were 23,000 deaths, 10,000 in London alone. The government responded with an epidemiological survey and a comparative evaluation of rival treatments,2 the subject of this article. Under Sir Edwin Chadwick (1801–1890), the General Board of Health had been a non-governmental organisation. Chadwick’s crusade for administrative reform as the necessary springboard to bring about improved public health, allied with a zealous lack of tact, had been enormously unpopular with the laissez-faire elements in mid-19th-century British society and led to his removal in August 1854.3 The Board was reconstituted with greatly reduced powers as a government ministry on 12 August, on the lines of the Poor Law Board. In charge was Sir Benjamin Hall MP (1802–1867) – a bureaucrat of the class that had provoked Chadwick’s scorn and previously known mainly for his support of mild ecclesiastical reform. Incongruously given his background, Hall’s first act on 12 August was to initiate a coordinated scientific and medical response to the 1853–1854 cholera epidemic, then at its worst in London. By September, Hall had gone on to commission a major epidemiological survey of the epidemic. He was also anxious to know which treatments were most effective. His letter circulated at the beginning of September to all practitioners appearing in the Medical Register for 1854 states that he had established a Medical Council4 ‘representing all branches of the medical profession’ because of the great want that is now felt of some systematic record of cases of choleraic disease, their treatment, and results, with a view to determine, in so far as may be possible, the best mode of meeting this formidable epidemic. (p. 67) The Council consisted of 12 members nominated by Hall, the Royal Colleges and the Society of Apothecaries, under the chairmanship of John Ayrton Paris, President of the Royal College of Physicians. Three (sub)committees would facilitate the survey: Scientific Inquiries: to look into the nature, extent and probable causes of cholera; Treatment: to assess the relative advantages of rival methods; and Foreign Correspondence: to glean relevant information from scientists abroad.

Scholars in comparative politics often assume that political parties are the primary instruments for translating citizens’ preferences into specific policy outcomes. However, the crucial but often forgotten link between preferences, parties, and outcomes is the bureaucracy. Are bureaucrats able to affect policy outside of parties’ control? And, if so, how does this bureaucratic policy drift differ across institutional contexts? I argue that institutions that regulate the nomination process by which parties in government select bureaucrats (meritocratic versus partisan recruitment) determine the levels of bureaucratic influence on the policy making process, specifically in terms of policy change. I test my theoretical argument using two large cross-national datasets on budget allocations and policy stability. I find that bureaucratic professionalism partially explains changes in allocation to the “ideological” budgetary categories and is positively correlated with policy stability around the world.

Heloise Hulse Cruzat and Laura Louise Porteous spent decades of their lives feeding the quill and ink symbols scratched onto eighteenth century Spanish and French colonial judicial records to their typewriters. Cruzat worked for the Louisiana Historical Society (LHS) from 1917 to 1931 as a translator of French colonial records, and Porteous worked from 1920 to 1948 on the Spanish records. Translation was a central part of the process that transformed the colonial notarial and judicial records into historical documents. In this case study, one Spanish judicial record is compared to Porteous's corresponding English “Index” entry. Examining such work closely allows us to spotlight what Porteous chose to omit; moreover, her “Index” entry becomes a tool for reading between the lines of one Spanish colonial judicial record.

This article is a case study of the campaign against the Coca-Cola Company in Plachimada, Kerala, India, which was a reaction against alleged environmental damages and water depletion caused by the company’s production of soft drinks. It addresses the following questions: How was civil society used as a platform for this struggle and what was the outcome? Did this campaign affect the political participation of its members? The study is based on interviews and surveys of the villagers in Plachimada and connects to theories on social movements and political participation, as well as to the debate on Indian civil society. The findings presented show the importance of having a local, core group in charge of the campaign, while simultaneously making use of existing support groups at the regional, national, and international levels. It also reveals that after reaching its goal, the campaign has resulted in a general increase of political participation amongst its members.

There is limited research on the role of gender in charge reduction, particularly for domestic violence cases.The purpose of this study is to test the direct and interactive effects of defendant gender, race/ethnicity, type of offense, and victim gender on charge reduction. A population census of 2,281 domestic violence cases in a large Midwestern county was obtained from the prosecutor’s office. The effect of gender varies depending on the operationalization of charge reduction. Female-on-female cases were least likely to be dismissed. Non-White females were least likely to receive a violent charge reduction. Future research on the underlying mechanisms of why female-on-female cases and non-White females are less likely to receive a reduction is needed.

This research derives testable hypotheses from property rights theory regarding the allocation of decision authority in contracts. Government-based professional service contracts provide the context for study. Using content analysis we code 361 contracts to identify the main contributors of knowledge assets to the work product along with the relevant decision authority, which is reflected in provisions that stipulate who must accomplish the work and how it must be done. Results of various regression models show that the distribution of knowledge assets does influence the assignment of decision authority, specifically: (1) a higher fraction of decision rights is allocated to government when government is also identified as a source of expertise; (2) authority is less centralized when both parties contribute knowledge inputs; (3) bargaining power (lobbying) leads to a lower fraction of decision rights allocated to government.

In France, the third sector is virtually in sole charge of pre-sentence reports, prisoners’ resettlement, and prisoners’ families and victims’ support. It is increasingly in charge of supporting offenders’ reentry and rehabilitation in the community, of community work, of France’s equivalent of approved premises or half-way houses, of treatment programmes, and, in certain cases, of supervision itself. Unlike in England and Wales, there has not been a deliberate privatisation agenda in this jurisdiction; the third sector has simply gradually been forced to undertake the social work that state probation services have progressively forsaken. The French third sector today has little in common with its 19th century origins: it has become much more professionalised. However, it has kept its deep-seated community roots intact and is more innovative and flexible than the prison-imbedded state probation services. For these reasons, it is a much appreciated partner for the judiciary and local authorities. However, on a par with state probation, the third sector is yet to undergo an evidence-based practices revolution and policy-makers do not seem to be concerned by the outcome of their actions.

Edward Leicester Atkinson qualified at St Thomas's Hospital in 1906 and joined the Navy in 1908. He was a doctor and parasitologist on Captain Scott's Terra Nova expedition to the Antarctic and had to take charge of the expedition when Scott died on his return from the South Pole. After the expedition he went to China and discovered the cause of schistosomiasis, returning at the start of the First World War in which he served with distinction, winning a DSO and Albert Medal but also being severely injured. After the war he served in various naval posts and became the youngest Surgeon Captain in the Navy before being retired on health grounds in 1928. He died at sea the following year.

This research examines prosecutorial decision making at the initial charging stage in Chicago homicide cases during the late 1990s. The objectives of this investigation are to determine whether African Americans were prosecuted more severely than similarly situated White and Latino defendants in Chicago homicide cases prior to the abolition of the death penalty in Illinois and to identify the factors that affected how severely prosecutors prosecuted defendants during that time. The study participants are adults who were identified by the Chicago Police Department as suspects in homicide incidents during the years of 1994 and 1995 and whose cases were selected for prosecution. Other relevant factors that may have influenced charging decisions include the defendant–victim relationship, the homicide circumstances, and the number of victims in a particular homicide incident. General linear regression modeling is used to determine the factors that affected how severely prosecutors prosecuted Chicago homicide defendants. Charge severity is measured by the number of charges of Class M felony murder that were filed against a defendant. The results indicate that prior to the moratorium on the death penalty in Chicago, all defendants studied (regardless of the race/ethnicity of their victims) were charged with fewer counts of murder (prosecuted less severely) than African American defendants who were charged with killing White victims. This direct and significant relationship persists even after adding defendant–victim relationship and homicide circumstance interaction terms to the analysis.

This article explores the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA)–Central Division, one of the many Garveyite groups that formed in the wake of Marcus Garvey’s 1927 deportation. The Central Division was formed in Harlem in 1935 and was active until the early 1940s. I argue that Garveyism remained relevant throughout the late 1930s and that the Central Division helped African Americans in Harlem in two major ways through representation and community outreach. Representation occurred primarily on the local level in dealing with government officials. Central Division membership (and even non-members) could use the expertise of the group to help secure aid, legal advice, and citizenship assistance, or help with a myriad of problems. The Division provided their services free of charge and took an aggressive stance on behalf of hundreds of African American citizens throughout the late 1930s and early 1940s. Community outreach consisted of a series of events, clubs, and events regularly sponsored by the Central Division ranging from trips to regular youth groups. While the years following Garvey’s deportation were not kind to the UNIA or its legacy, organizations such as the Central Division stretched diminishing resources in order to meet the direst needs of community members.

Five Came Back: A Story of Hollywood and the Second World War. Mark Harris. New York: Penguin Press, 2014. 528 pp. $29.95 hbk.The "five" of the title of Mark Harris's excellent book are A-list feature film directors who volunteered to shoot footage for the armed services during World War II. Frank Capra, John Ford, John Huston, George Stevens, and William Wyler were all too old, too established in their careers, and completely inexperienced in the ways and wiles of the military when they enlisted and offered to help the Office of War Information document both the European and Pacific theaters. They just were not the types of theaters they were familiar with. Nevertheless, off they went into the fierce and often terrifying world of war. Each was changed forever.Harris, author of Pictures at a Revolution and Five Movies and the Birth of the New Hollywood, presents a vivid picture of the adventures, at times dangerous, often heart breaking, nearly fatal, and on occasion humorous of the five disparate personalities, all of whom were honored by their profession and stood among the giants of the industry.Through exhaustive research and examination of original documents and footage, Harris constructs a mostly chronological and location-based study of why and how these particular five chose to go to war, and the repercussions of their individual missions. There are other major filmmakers represented as well: Darryl F. Zanuck, David O. Selznick, Jack Warner, John Wayne, Jimmy Stewart, and writers James Agee, Eric Ambler, and Irwin Shaw among them.Harris's clear conversational style offers a wealth of personal anecdotes as well as history, served up with enough inside film industry references to satisfy both academic and casual readers. With the history of American film becoming more widely taught outside of strict film school curricula, Five Came Back is a welcome addition to the expanding bookshelf.As Harris relates, there was a good deal of resentment on the part of career officers who saw recently commissioned Hollywood directors as parvenus, and yet the five directors approached their assignments with enthusiasm and vigor, certain that their contributions would be welcomed and valued. They were also accustomed to being in charge, accustomed to being deferred to, and not accustomed to hearing the word "no." They saw their military counterparts as bumbling, the weighty bureaucracy inefficient, and knowledge of the filmmaking process cursory at best. Five Came Back is full of great stories many of which would make fine movies on their own. Assigned to the Signal Corps, Army Air Corps, and the Navy, these five shot footage from the perspective of true filmmakers, offering a look back at a time in history much less conflicted than our own.Frank Capra, commissioned into the Signal Corps, was the commanding officer of the unit, supervising operations from Washington, D. …

An increasing number of theologians assert that the Western world has moved from a Christendom era to a post-Christendom era. In relation to this, this article discusses the charge of sectarianism. The article argues that the task that lies before the church in the Western world in not to bypass its distinctiveness with accusations of sectarianism, but to recapitulate an understanding of its own distinctiveness that should be seen as a precondition for its engagement in society. Such an ecclesiological position holds, it is asserted, important potential for an understanding of the role of a missional church in a post-Christendom society.

The Gur-Ze'ev/McLaren interchange covered a wide range of issues that are important for twenty-first century socialists. In this article, the author concentrates on two of them: first, Gur-Ze'ev's charge that critical pedagogy is part of the ‘new anti-Semitism’; second, his critique of McLaren's support for Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian model of twenty-first century socialism.

Because they involve the movement of millions of people over periods of days or weeks, pilgrimages create economic development in the areas in which they take place. In this paper the author proposes to analyze, in a comparative way, some economic dimensions of two contemporary pilgrimages: Lourdes, a French Marian Catholic pilgrimage, and Dajia Mazu, a Taiwanese Taoist pilgrimage. We will demonstrate how the links between the economic and the religious fields are based on differences between the multiple actors of the pilgrimages: religious organizations, secular organizations (elected representatives, administrators, political parties, shopkeepers), the groups of pilgrims and the divine universe. The ‘secular’ effects of the religious field on the economic lead first to the joint mobilization of politicians and local administration staff with more or less direct links with the religious people in charge, in order to perpetuate and regulate the flow of pilgrims (reception policy, accommodation, organization of cultural events, tourism, etc.). But pilgrimages also generate financial donations and offerings, which are in certain cases part of the pilgrim’s interaction with the economy, the vendor in effect acting as the divine dispenser of benefits and ‘favours’. These offerings are collected by religious and/or secular organizations and reinvested, as the case may be, in the religious and/or social or even political domain, as in Taiwan. So the collection of these offerings takes on an important economic dimension, especially as the size of the donations is at least partly connected to the obtaining of the requested favours.

This article responds to the new and major work on Lobby Loyde by Paul Oldham. It focuses on the middle period of Loyde’s career, from the Chicago-period Billy Thorpe and the Aztecs through to Lobby’s work with Sharpie band (was it?) Coloured Balls, and connects and compares Lobby’s trajectory to that of the post-Lobby Aztecs, as expressed in Sunbury, the 1972 parallel Australian event to Woodstock. Who led these processes, the bands or the crowds? If the crowd claimed a band, what happened to musical autonomy in this process? This was a moment when mass audience response became tribal, and opened the possibility that musicians were no longer in charge of their art. Trying to escape from the wiles of the music industry, these musicians instead seem to have become captive to their audiences.

One of the most dramatic scenes in Shakespeare's "Henry V" occurs on the eve of the great St. Crispin's Day battle. The king stands before his ailing, battle-weary troops, and uses his words to renew their spirits and resolve: "That he which hath no stomach to this fight, let him depart; his passport shall be made, And crowns for convoy put into his purse; We would not die in that man's company . . . but we in it shall be remembered — we few, we happy few, we band of brothers; For he today that sheds his blood with me shall be my brother." Henry communicated a clear course to victory to his band of brothers, marked by honor at all costs, bolstering the fighting spirits of his men while inviting the disillusioned to depart. The sheer strength of his words and conviction inspired his men to risk their lives for their country. The following day, he led them to victory. School leaders could learn a lot from Henry V.

This article examines recent developments in U.S. network politics. Focusing on the rise of the Tea Party as well as the standoffs in Madison, WI, it analyzes the emergent forms of populism via network forms. In addition, this conjuncture produces new mutations in the relationship between networks and sovereignty. Finally, the affective charge of these future networked movements, from fear to hope to love, need investigation.

In Onitsha, an important commercial center in Nigeria, success as a merchant was the usual route for women who aspired to elite status in the period before the 1930s. In 1928, a school for girls was opened by the Holy Rosary Sisters, a Catholic order created especially by the bishop in charge of Onitsha Diocese. The opening of this convent school in Onitsha heralded a major transformation in the lives of Onitsha women, marking the transition between two epochs with regard to how women achieved elite status. From the mid-1930s a new class of elite women began to appear in Onitsha, all products of mission education; this transition from traders to teachers marks a major shift in the lives and roles of elite women. The colonial government contributed to this transformation with policies that undermined women’s ascendancy in the market by placing men in leadership positions there.

The traditional account of Dharmapada represents the identity consciousness of the Oriyas from the middle of the nineteenth century to the first phase of the twentieth century by repudiating the charge that the Oriya people could not make or complete the stupendous Konarka temple and that they did not possess such masterly skill. When the past is not properly seen, and so denied, in the present, traditional accounts help in articulating the past. The traditional account of Dharmapada is a significant example of the connection between the distant and hard-to-believe past and the present. The tradition from the 1930s onwards asserted the social and cultural identity of the Oriyas. It was appropriated from a different context, the Samba Purana, and had many phases of construction. The Dharmapada tradition forms a significant part of the common artistic tradition of South India (which has been presented in this article in the contexts of the temples of Belur and Simhachalam). No doubt the major aim of the formation of this account in the beginning was to assert the fact of completion of the stupendous temple of Konarka by the artisans of Orissa. However, from the nationalist phase of the 1920s, it was reconstructed to mobilize the young men and women of Orissa. Young, self-sacrificing Oriya men and women were needed for the new Orissa-in-the-making, and the Dharmapada tradition of this phase accordingly highlighted the spirit of self-sacrifice. The efforts of the Oriya nationalists to inspire the Oriya youth in the first two decades of the twentieth century found an interesting finishing point in the Dharmapada tradition, which is now accepted as an unmistakable marker of Oriya identity, just like the Jagannatha cult.

The postwar US federal government spent a decade, initiated two federal treason trials, and dispensed over one million dollars in legal pursuit of John Provoo for his crimes in the Philippines as a POW and as a propaganda agent for the Japanese. In a strange perversion of justice the US attorney even invited to the federal court Provoo’s former captors — Japanese propagandists, military officials and POW guards — to establish his guilt. Why was the US government so keen to pursue and charge a lone second world war POW with treason? What dread did Provoo strike in the hearts of US officials? This article examines how Provoo embodied wartime and postwar American panic concerning East Asia, just as the situation in the region dramatically spiraled out of American control.

This article develops an account of who controls Europe’s semipresidential cabinets politically. The authors ask which actors negotiate cabinet composition and what shapes who is in charge of the cabinet—questions that have been the focus of key debates about the political consequences of this regime type since Duverger. This article proposes and tests a principal—agent account of semipresidential governments as controlled by the president and assembly parties whose constitutional and electoral authority and ability to act on behalf of the voters critically shapes their influence on the government. The authors test their argument using data on 218 cabinets in 13 Eastern and Western European semipresidential regimes (1945—2005).

Recent years have seen the renewal of historiography concerning the police in the early modern period. Specialists no longer receive the figure of cities without police forces before the creation of modern institutions. Moreover, recent research has demonstrated convergence of a great movement of reflection with reforms of the police forces and organizations in European towns, especially in the second half of the eighteenth century. Two tendencies illustrate this evolution: first, the general decline of the institutions of civic police forces and their replacement by professional forces and, second, the professionalization of municipal police forces. But these reforms of the police force could also be realized via use of traditional mechanisms of community policing. In several cities, inhabitants of the district or neighborhood were again in charge of functions of “modern” policing. Although it is premature to present a global synthesis, various European examples demonstrate that there is no linear historical process leading directly from community or civic policing to a state police force while bypassing the municipal police force. The historical processes of the modernization of the police in early modern Europe are more complex.

On a cold December day in 1650, 22-year-old Anne Greene was hanged in Oxford. When taken down after half an hour, she was found to show signs of life and over the next few days William Petty (1623–87), Thomas Willis (1621–75), Ralph Bathurst (1620–74) and Henry Clerke (1622–87) ministered to her full recovery. She was later pardoned of the charge of infanticide and, with the coffin wherein she had lain as a trophy, went into the country, became the subject not only of a prose and poetic narrative but also of a woodcut. Anne married happily, bore three children and lived until 1659. A combination of low-body temperature and external (pedal) cardiac massage after her failed execution, it is suggested, helped to keep her alive until the arrival of the physicians who had come to make an anatomical dissection but serendipitously won golden opinions.

Background/Context A charge heard repeatedly, especially in contemporary media by neo-conservatives such as David Horowitz and George Will, maintains that there is a “liberal bias” in North American academe. The primary grievance is that students in higher education are being indoctrinated into a left-wing ideology that discriminates against conservatives and that some professors are using their classrooms as a political podium at the expense of intellectual diversity. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The purpose of this project is to analytically assess the charge of “liberal bias” as it is specifically leveled at those who make social justice education a requirement of higher education, and especially teacher education. Research Design Using conceptual analysis, this project highlights two aspects of the charge: the charge of “bias” and the charge of “ideology/imposition.” It is argued that the charge of bias is grounded in an assumption about teacher neutrality. The concept of teacher neutrality is examined and shown to be primarily concerned with evenhandedness. It is concluded that under conditions of systemic injustice, social justice education is evenhanded. The charge of ideology/imposition is then explored, and it is argued that the underlying concern revolves around the development of critical reflection. Four different readings of “ideology” are delineated. It is argued that social justice education, although ideological in some sense, does not in principle involve imposition because it promotes rather than arrests criticality. The type of criticality that social justice education promotes is then elucidated. Conclusions/Recommendations Making social justice education a requirement of higher education is both evenhanded and, although a type of ideology, it promotes rather than impedes criticality. Educational researchers are exhorted to be less concerned about bias and ideology in regard to social justice education and to turn their attention to how privileged students can be educated without recentering their privilege in ways that sacrifice the education of the marginalized. How can education recognize and repair not just the harm done by others but the harm that occurs under the name of education?1

In these disparate voices we can hear the closure occurring — the interlocking mechanisms closing, the doors clanging shut. The society is battening itself down for `the long haul' through a crisis. There is light at the end of the tunnel — but not much; and it is far off. Meanwhile, the state has won the right, and indeed inherited the duty, to move swiftly, to stamp fast and hard, to listen in, discreetly survey, saturate and swamp, charge or hold without charge, act on suspicion, hustle and shoulder, to keep society on the straight and narrow. Liberalism, that last back-stop against arbitrary power, is in retreat. It is suspended. The times are exceptional. The crisis is real. We are inside the `law-and-order' state. (Hall et al., 1978: 323)Welcome to the desert of the real.1

This article argues that it is urgent for the church to recover the Bible as the one true story of the world. The first section explores what it means to confess that the Bible is one story. The second section argues that reading the Bible as one story is urgent for three reasons: it is only in reading the Bible as one story that we can understand the Bible's authority, that we can understand our identity as God's people as missional, and that we can counter other meta-stories that compete for our allegiance. The last section responds to the postmodern charge that all grand stories are oppressive.

In September 1914 John Redmond promised Britain that nationalist Ireland would fight Germany `wherever the firing line extends'. Although the creation of an `Irish Brigade' was blocked, Redmond encouraged nationalist enlistment in the 16th (Irish) Division. Separatists accused him and his colleagues of being `recruiting sergeants' for the British army. This charge influenced how the Irish party was seen both during the war and after 1922. This article argues that, as with other core Redmondite themes, the nationalist party was in fact divided over Irish enlistment in Britain's army. It concludes that the majority of home rule MPs did not share Redmond's commitment to recruiting but instead shared the `mental neutrality' which characterized much of nationalist Ireland during the early part of the war.

Veteran reporter Davis recalls how a minor case of shoplifting in London’s Oxford Street, when a woman left a store without paying for five gaily-coloured hats, turned into a major story that tested Fleet Street’s finest. The accused was identified as Nina Ponomareva, aged 27, a teacher and mother of a two-year-old boy named Sasha – a white beret listed in the charge was meant for him. “So far, so routine… But, unfortunately for all, Nina was also one of the Soviet Union’s most famous women, a world-class athlete who at the 1952 summer Olympics in Helsinki had taken gold for discus throwing. Fondly nicknamed Miss Muscles, she was in London with almost 100 other Russian athletes to compete against the British in a two-day meeting at the White City, due to begin the next evening.” Summoned to appear before magistrates and headlined ‘Nina of the Five Hats’, the discus genius’s non-appearance in court set off a chain of events that Involved the Russian chargé d’affaires, Lord Reading, minister of state at the Foreign Office, and the august British ambassador in Moscow, Sir William Hayter (Winchester and New College, Oxford), who “was infuriated to be summoned to the Kremlin to be harangued over this piddling business.” Davis reveals the whole hilarious story.

When Gerhard Ritter said that the ‘Schlieffen plan’ was the proximate cause of the First World War, his proofs were political, cultural, and moral, and he did not bother to hide his disdain for military history. For Ritter the ‘Schlieffen plan’ was not an operational military question, it was the apotheosis of German militarism, a disease in the German body politic that needed to be cured. Inventing the Schlieffen Plan (Oxford, 2002) took the diametrically opposite stance, being a purely military history of German war planning, which showed that the ‘Schlieffen plan’ was operationally absurd. In his defence of the charge of German war guilt, Robert Foley has to adopt Ritter’s standpoint and repudiate his own previously published work concerning German operational planning.