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Background Accurate estimation of ischemic core on baseline imaging has treatment implications in patients with acute ischemic stroke (AIS). Machine learning (ML) algorithms have shown promising results in estimating ischemic core using routine noncontrast computed tomography (NCCT). Objective We used an ML-trained algorithm to quantify ischemic core volume on NCCT in a comparative analysis to pretreatment magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) diffusion-weighted imaging (DWI) in patients with AIS. Methods Patients with AIS who had both pretreatment NCCT and MRI were enrolled. An automatic segmentation ML approach was applied using Brainomix software (Oxford, UK) to segment the ischemic voxels and calculate ischemic core volume on NCCT. Ischemic core volume was also calculated on baseline MRI DWI. Comparative analysis was performed using Bland–Altman plots and Pearson correlation. Results A total of 72 patients were included. The time-to-stroke onset time was 134.2/89.5 minutes (mean/median). The time difference between NCCT and MRI was 64.8/44.5 minutes (mean/median). In patients who presented within 1 hour from stroke onset, the ischemic core volumes were significantly (p = 0.005) underestimated by ML-NCCT. In patients presented beyond 1 hour, the ML-NCCT estimated ischemic core volumes approximated those obtained by MRI-DWI and with significant correlation ( r = 0.56, p Conclusion The ischemic core volumes calculated by the described ML approach on NCCT approximate those obtained by MRI in patients with AIS who present beyond 1 hour from stroke onset.

This article revisits Chinese intellectual discourse on the Indian nationalist movement during the Republican period and argues that interest in the Indian National Congress cut across ideological divides. By examining a range of published sources from the 1920s to the 1940s, this article shows that leading intellectuals took seriously the political movement Mohandas Gandhi led as a distinct model of revolutionary politics, spiritual resistance against Western industrial modernity, and an uneasy alliance between the national bourgeoisie and emerging subaltern groups. It demonstrates that unfolding events in India facilitated articulation of competing views on what decolonization entailed for China and other colonized societies. The Republican period was a unique moment when, in contrast to both the late imperial and postsocialist periods, the Chinese elite considered India as a potential exemplar of a new form of revolutionary politics that held not only national but also global significance.

In 1927, the Buddhist scholar, Tan Yunshan, travelled to Santiniketan on the invitation of Rabindranath Tagore to teach Chinese at Visva Bharati University. Subsequent years would see him develop close ties with the Guomindang and Congress leaders, secure Chinese state funding for the first sinological institute in India and mediate between the nationalist movements during the Second World War. That a relatively marginal academic, who participated in neither the May Fourth Movement nor any major political party, and who had little prior experience of India, could have played such an important role in twentieth century Sino-Indian relations raises questions over the conditions that made possible Tan’s illustrious career. This article argues that Tan’s success as an institution builder and diplomatic intermediary was attributable to his ideological affinity with the increasing disillusionment with capitalist modernity in both China and India, the shifting dynamics of the Pan-Asianist movement and the conservative turn of China’s nationalist movement after its split with the communists in 1927. While Nationalist China and the Congress both tapped into the civilizational discourse that was supposed to bind the two societies together, the idealism Tan embodied was unable to withstand the conflict of priorities between nation-states in the emerging Cold War order.