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This article discusses the significance of international borders in Europe and Northeast Asia during the Cold War (1945–1989) and after. Using the concept of 'moral hazard', the article examines what happens when great powers frequently violate the borders of neighboring countries without suffering adverse repercussions. Norms of sovereignty and territorial integrity are viable only if large countries are willing to uphold them most of the time. The Soviet Union used or threatened to use military force against East European countries on numerous occasions (1953, 1956, 1968, and 1980–1981) with impunity. The Russian Federation adopted a broadly similar policy toward neighboring countries that had been republics of the Soviet Union until 1991. Russian forces in Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan, Belarus, and Ukraine served as instruments of Russian hegemony in those countries. Until 2014, Western governments made little or no effort to deter or counter Russian military encroachments in neighboring republics. By the principle of moral hazard, leaders in the Kremlin came to believe that they could act with a free hand in the former USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Soviet activists in the USSR and members of the Black Panther Party in the United States emphasized the need to document the truth of domestic human rights abuses not in the land of the Cold War adversary but in their own. In the process, they contested the dominant misrepresentations of Soviet citizens and African Americans that obscured those routine human rights abuses. Members of both groups conceived of documenting this truth as essential to ultimately eliminating these domestic forms of state-sanctioned violence. They also spoke of the act of speaking the truth in word and deed as facilitating their own liberation from what they similarly identified as a devastating Soviet and American spiritual death in countries that were officially represented in the Cold War universe as the moral antithesis. The 'woke' or liberated individual was no longer a subservient, mask-wearing 'Homo Sovieticus' or 'Negro' who mouthed the lies of unbounded Soviet democracy and American freedom, but a genuine citizen and full human being who demanded respect for their human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the British perspectives on the Luxembourg Reparations Agreement between Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany from 1952. Short-term economic interests were of central importance when it came to assessing the consequences of this deal for the United Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government welcomed West German reparations as a means of securing Israel's ability to pay for oil supplied by British companies, but at the same time saw them as a threat to its economic and political interests in the Middle East. British diplomats underestimated the long-term political value of the Luxembourg Agreement precisely because they read it verbatim. They recognized the reservations on both sides but did not expect that working relations between Israel and the Federal Republic would improve rapidly after the Agreement was ratified, limiting in turn the UK's political and economic room for manoeuvre in the region. By examining a hitherto little-noticed chapter of British foreign policy in the postwar years, the article foregrounds the commercial aspects of diplomacy in the early 1950s and contributes to a better understanding of international relations in the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The successful closure of arms control negotiations today is conditional on the commitment of many more states than during the Cold War. The question of what determines states' positions on arms control has therefore become increasingly relevant. Multiple scholars have identified external security threats by other states as the key explanatory factor of opposition to arms control, but empirical evidence hereof is so far limited to a small set of cases. Against this backdrop, this article carries out a global examination of the effect of external threats in the form of interstate disputes and rivalries on state support for arms control. This analysis is facilitated by a novel measure of arms control support that combines United Nations General Assembly voting data with manual coding of 1,178 resolutions. Across a variety of model specifications, the results do not show any significant effect of external threats on support for arms control. This article argues that this means either that the two variables are not related at all, or that two opposing mechanisms cancel out each other: arms control not only entails costs, but also benefits for states that face external threats, as it limits both states involved in a rivalry or dispute. Either way, this study challenges the notion that there is a strictly negative relationship between external threats and arms control support and thus contributes to our understanding of arms control and foreign policy making in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the 'global rupture of 1968'. It posits that anarchist prisoners' input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, 'national liberation' and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Francoism's repression of its civilian population was based on a massified prison system and parallel system of punitive parole. At their core were religious personnel who fulfilled key disciplinary functions for the new state. By the latter stages of the civil war (1936–1939), church and lay Catholic personnel had already produced the legal justifications to underpin the repression. They blended older quasi-theocratic and anti-egalitarian philosophy to meet the disciplinary needs of the new moment where a politically mobilized society was challenging older forms of traditional order and hierarchy (before and during the war). This church–state symbiosis in Spain was already explicit by the early-twentieth century. After World War Two, as before it, Franco's 'National-Catholic' dictatorship deployed religious personnel speaking an antiquated language of 're-Christianization' and 'religious conversion' to impose a modern, state disciplinary project – i.e., the sculpting and close surveillance of its population. Given the Church's full participation in this 'divine totalitarianism', it was paradoxical that by the time of Cold War ascendancy in the mid-1950s, it would be the same Church providing an alibi for Franco's state – in which judicial and penal systems remained militarized, and the everyday lives of its population closely controlled – to reassure Western interlocutors, who were themselves mostly socially conservative and/or Christian-Democratic, of Francoism's 'non-totalitarian' nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reviews new books on the fraught relationships between Ukraine, Russia and North Atlatic Treaty Organization countries since 1990, and on comparative studies of quasi-colonial subjugation, the development of anti-imperial nationalism and conflict, and protracted and violent transitions to full national independence in Ireland and Ukraine. There are comparisons of the ways in which four centuries of recurrent tension, conflict and divergence between Ukraine and Russia either resembled or differed from the five centuries of fraught relationships between Ireland and Britain. Ireland's Great Famine (1846–1849) is compared with Ukraine's Holodomor (1932–1933). The essay also assesses conflicting attributions of responsibility for 'squandering' the opportunity to enhance European security and global peace during the 1990s, and for bringing about dramatic escalations of Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 – initiating a 'Second Cold War' from 2014 onward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Few political notions are at once so normative and so equivocal as internationalism', wrote Perry Anderson 20 years ago. Little has changed: today too, internationalism tends to take the form of a regular exhortation to think or act beyond the border or boundary, yet its political content remains underdetermined. What do we mean when we talk about internationalism? The following discussion sought to approach this question not by returning to first principles – to a definition of internationalism that could stand outside of a given historical context – but by reconstructing different concepts of internationalism developed by a series of lesser studied political movements spanning the 20th century. Musab Younis discusses anticolonial and pan-African internationalisms of the 1920s–40s; Maria Chehonadskih interrogates the interwar Soviet internationalism of Alexander Boganov; Layli Uddin excavates the Islamic socialist activities of Maulana Bhashani; and Dilar Dirik focuses on the meanings of internationalism in the history of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. These movements bore witness to a fundamental set of shifts in the nature of the international system as empires collapsed and new nation-states were born, while global structures of exploitation and extraction recomposed themselves in the Cold War and post-Cold War landscape. In this context, all conceived of internationalism as a fundamentally revolutionary project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cold War tensions between the superpowers marked the years 1956 to 1966, where the United States, Britain and France prioritised European defence against Soviet aggression. Despite being envisaged for civil aviation purposes, the Concorde aircraft was the Franco-British alternative to US proposals concerning the introduction of a supersonic bomber within the Inter-Allied Nuclear Force (IANF) to protect against Soviet attack during the Cold War technological race. This offers a unique case study for the examination of Franco-British bi-lateral partnership in the context of European defence. This article will concentrate on three main themes. The first investigates how Concorde was considered as a viable component for the IANF. Subsequently, the loci of US, British and French policy decisions will be explored with regards to constructing supersonic aircrafts. Lastly, the article considers how foreign policies influenced the shift from a military-use Concorde to a more commercial option. The historiography on Concorde focuses on its commercial impact, and how it affected the Franco-British partnership. Considering Concorde from the defence perspective allows us to analyse the divisions between the US and French grand design ideas – the IANF and Europe puissance – and how they provoked further friction in the Franco-British military relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments involved in civil wars often seek to shape foreign perceptions of the conflict and of the government's role in the conflict. To this end, for example, many such governments have engaged in public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) in the United States since the end of the Cold War. Specifically, these governments have hired US public relations (PR) and lobbying firms to present favorable narratives of themselves and their role in the conflict. Through PDCs, governments seek to shape US public pronouncements about the governments and the conflict itself. Are PDCs effective tools to reach this goal? We argue that the effect of PDCs is divergent. PDCs help mobilize both supporters and opponents of the sponsoring governments. In so doing, PDCs increase both positive and negative public statements from US officials toward the civil war government. We compile data on PDCs in the United States since the end of the Cold War. Our results have implications for research on foreign influence in foreign policy, combatants' moral hazard, and international norms about combatant behavior. Moreover, in order to gauge the influence of foreign actors on domestic narratives of civil wars, it is crucial to consider how such foreign actors can indirectly shape the discourse around conflict by mobilizing domestic factions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Ewen Cameron is known as the Canadian psychiatrist behind the Montreal Experiments, a series of brainwashing experiments. As part of a larger Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) project known as MK Ultra, the CIA regarded these experiments as a potential military weapon during the Cold War. However, a closer look into Cameron's research and project MK Ultra shows that these experiments began long before Cameron was contacted by the CIA. Additionally, Cameron received funding for his experiments indirectly, so he was probably never aware the money was from the CIA. In this paper, I analyse the published work of Dr Cameron from the beginning of his career to his role in MK Ultra, and evaluate his own possible reasoning behind these experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the career arc of Dutch psychoanalyst Joost A. M. Meerloo by examining his biography and his psychology of interrogation and confession. His life story, particularly his experiences during the German occupation of the Netherlands and his escape to England during World War II, shaped his views on these issues, as well as his rise to prominence as an expert on these topics in the United States. His psychoanalytic perspectives on interrogation and confession, including false confession, reflected the zeitgeist of the First Wave of Cold War interrogation tactics and related scholarship. His career as a scholar of interrogation faded with the study of distinct interrogation tactics used by communists during the Korean War, the emergence of experimental social psychology, and a growing cohort of scholars who rejected his psychoanalytic views in favor of more contemporary approaches. For these reasons, his work remains undervalued, increasing the risks that today's scholars will fail to recognize his larger contributions and his warnings about vulnerability and psychologists' roles in military interrogations. The article reviews the rise and fall of the career of Joost A. M. Meerloo as a scholar of Cold War interrogation, including his contributions and his unheeded warnings about vulnerability and psychologists' roles in military interrogations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a new nation-state in 1947, Pakistan's relations with the larger Arab world were fraught with many tensions and contradictions. Ever since, many readjustments have taken place on both sides. These rearrangements derive from such tectonic shifts as the ebbing away of Arab nationalism 1967 onwards, petro-dollar rush in the 1970s, Iranian revolution in 1979, end of Third worldism, Afghan war, unipolarity post–Berlin Wall, 9/11 besides labour migrations, military alliances and domestic imperatives of various states and polities. Presently, Pakistan is tied to the Middle East in a three-pronged manner. Economically, it is dependent on petro-dollar rich Gulf Sheikhdoms. This relationship can be described as pure clientelism. Next, geographical proximity and Cold War compulsions have implied an unavoidable Iranian nexus. Finally, with the rather recent rise of Turkey as a subimperial power in the Middle East, Pakistan has also tilted towards Turkey of late. However, beyond geopolitics and economy, Pakistan's embrace of the larger Muslim world has ideological connotations as well. Imagined as a Muslim Zion, commissars at the helm of ideological state apparatuses in Pakistan have always imagined Pakistan as an integral part of the larger Muslim community, numerous contradictions notwithstanding. Hence, informed by the theories of clientelism and subimperialism, this study argues that Pakistan's relations with the Middle East are anchored in economics, geopolitics and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the emergence of leftist rebel groups? I provide one explanation for their origins in colonized and recently decolonized countries during the Cold War. In this context, I argue that imperial assimilatory education programs terminating in the metropole facilitated the rise of a would-be rebel leadership cadre committed to leftist ideas and connected to leftist activists, and this cadre ultimately made the formation of a leftist rebel group more likely. Relying on archival and primary materials, I focus on variation in educational experiences of rebel leaders in Eritrea's Independence War to qualitatively evaluate different explanations for the formation of groups with different ideologies. I probe generalizability quantitatively with a global sample of civil wars, as well as qualitatively with an overview of cases colonized by Portugal using archival data from three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often suggested that today we are living in the "end times." Confronted by a perpetual incursion of major global crises, we increasingly find ourselves incapable of meaningfully relating to the present, let alone to the future. The forever deferred "end" throws the very idea of time out of joint. Unable to advance, our imagination retreats, with retrograde tendencies taking over both culture and politics. From incessant movie prequels and sequels, through the re-emergence of populist fascist politics, all the way to the return of Cold War rhetoric, we witness our reality becoming increasingly substituted by a string of peculiar rehashings and reunions. History, as we knew it, is no longer "made"; we strain to cling to the past, equating the future with dystopia. Crucially, this problematique of the fading of temporality is not new. In fact, it has got a history of its own. This paper explores our current (a)temporal whereabouts by reflecting upon them from the perspective of their historical trajectory. It does this by revisiting the work of André Gorz—a thinker whose contributions equip us with the insights needed to confront time out of joint effectively and embrace the idea of future. The article argues that the roots of today's temporal malaise can be found in the process of "economicization," which subordinated the notion of utopia to its principles, thereby nullifying it. Examining the effects of the unbridled reign of economic rationality over our imagination, it calls for a temporal intervention by means of ecological rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates aspects of heritage and atrocity by bringing the Japanese case into focus. The dissonant nature of such dark cultural heritage has gained greater attention since the late 1990s in Japan and around the world, though scholarship has been largely limited to the European context. While locating the Japanese making of dark heritage in the context of the decomposition of the Cold War in Asia, I will first examine the process by which specific sites of past violence are transformed into war heritage in Japan. Second, I will explore how changing values and attitudes toward war-related sites causes changes in strategic planning for heritage management. These two themes will be demonstrated through an examination of civic activities to conserve the remains of underground warehouses built during the Second World War in Nagano and Osaka. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the end of Second World War, fascist movements re-emerged in many areas of Europe. This forced governments to consider counter-measures from the early days of the Cold War, when communism was seen as the main threat. Nevertheless, even studies produced in recent decades aimed at exploring the immediate postwar history of Europe using a more accurate and comprehensive approach than in the past have failed to pay sufficient attention to this issue. In response, this article aims to place new emphasis on the re-emergence of fascism by comparing the behaviour of the Labour governments of postwar Britain with the attitude of the various Italian executives of the first legislature, characterized by Christian Democracy majorities. Through this comparison, the article will demonstrate how this re-emergence represented a comprehensive challenge to the process of defining a new democratic culture, since it raised questions about the right way to tackle extreme political movements while also preserving essential pillars of democracy, such as freedom of expression and assembly. The comparison also explores how governments attempted to confront this issue with solutions that also had the potential of undermining the communist threat, in a moment when governments believed that democracy was in need of protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five books under review address nuclear weapons and the risk of war during the Cold War. Four of the five contend this risk was higher than understood by policymakers at the time or many scholars in its aftermath. They attribute this risk to strategic alerts, close encounters of opposing forces in crisis, and lack of access to critical intelligence. They consider the superpowers to have emerged unscathed from the Cuban missile crisis as much due to luck as leader commitments to avoid war. I interrogate the concept of "luck" and use my analysis to evaluate these arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Imperial overstretch' and the role played by related ideational issues derived from particular liberal tenets and the United States' belief in its 'manifest destiny' to lead the world have been regularly cited as explanations for why the United States' ambitious project to transform the world in the post–Cold War era failed. In this article, I argue that these analyses have overlooked a crucial causal factor that also impelled the United States to undertake its ultimately doomed project: hope. I demonstrate that analyses of hope's influence have found that while hope can exert a positive influence, it can also – if irrational – induce self-destructive behaviour. During the period of unipolarity, the United States repeatedly advanced teleological visions of a bright future for humanity routinely infused with the language of hope. I demonstrate that hope was, however, more than just a discursive device; it was itself a catalyst for the United States' actions. I argue that a confluence of factors at the end of the Cold War aligned to impel the rapid emergence of a particular variant of hope – defined as 'wilful hope' – which inspired the United States to act as it did. I demonstrate how this disposition was evident in the rhetoric employed by both Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush but also – more importantly – in the strategies they each implemented. Ultimately, this disposition played a crucial – though not exclusive – role in undermining international support for US leadership and precipitating the end of 'the unipolar moment'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Freedom on the Offensive: Human Rights, Democracy Promotion and US Interventionism in the Late Cold War" by William Michael Schmidli is a book that analyzes the emergence of democracy promotion as a key aspect of US human rights policy during the 1980s. The book focuses on Ronald Reagan's efforts to overthrow Nicaragua's revolutionary government and highlights how the Reagan administration's definition of democracy was influenced by anti-Soviet sentiments and a desire to promote American economic interests. The book also explores the clash between Reagan's minimalist vision of human rights and the more progressive vision of the Sandinista government, which emphasized social justice and economic rights. Overall, the book provides insights into the complex dynamics of US foreign policy during the late Cold War era. [Extracted from the article]

M.E. Sarotte, Not One Inch: America, Russia, and the Making of the Post-Cold War Stalemate, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 2021; xii +550 pp.; £16.99 pbk; ISBN 9780300268034 One comes away from this book wishing that more dreams came true. Maintaining the PfP as the long-term basis of NATO expansion would have required that most leading members of the Clinton administration - including Clinton himself - actually believed in such a vision. In her view, Clinton administration officials foolishly frittered away their chance to make the Partnership for Peace the bedrock of NATO's forays into the former Eastern Bloc. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents the discussion on turbulent post-war heating up of the cold war in Southeast Asia. Topics include presenting Mills as an uncouth non-sociological interloper trespassing on the intellectual private property; and not taking very long for pushback from the ideologues and the beneficiaries of the spoils of the emergent neoliberal capitalism.

Since the end of the Cold War, the EU aims to advance to a relevant and autonomous actor in international politics—especially concerning security and defense politics. Scholars interested in whether the EU member states actually converge in their security and defense preferences often analyze strategy papers qualitatively, focusing on selected countries at specific points in time. In this article, we propose a dictionary approach for analyzing the development of security and defense preferences within the EU over the last three decades using quantitative text analysis. We make use of 163 strategy papers, published by all EU member states and the EU itself since 1994. The findings show that EU member states react similarly to international events, but do not converge substantially in their preferences. Furthermore, there is no substantial convergence to the position of the EU itself. We finally discuss usefulness and validity of quantitative text analysis in comparative research more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the concept of social denial, this article puts the American Psychological Association's (APA's) pattern of willful blindness, identified by independent reviewer David Hoffman, in historical context by examining the contributions of Cold War social scientists to the CIA's KUBARK torture manual, and discusses the implications of this history for the reform of the APA's ethics policies. David Hoffman found that the leadership of the APA colluded with Department of Defense (DoD) to ensure that the APA's ethical policies were no stronger than those issued by the DoD. While the independent reviewer did not find evidence of collaboration between the CIA and the APA, this was not due to a lack of effort on the part of the APA, which was anxious to establish good relations and so promote the use of psychology in the national security arena. While Hoffman did not find that the APA knew that its collaborations would facilitate the development of abusive interrogation techniques, it showed a marked, motivated lack of interest in whether or not the DoD or CIA was abusing prisoners. The APA maintained its strategic ignorance even while engaging in a public relations campaign designed to give the impression that it was deeply concerned about multiple reports of psychologist involvement in a system of torture. This willful ignorance was not unprecedented and follows a predictable pattern of knowing and not-knowing to which all psychologists should attend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wartime dominates the 21st century. The term is ubiquitous in contemporary politics, providing an intuitive trope for narrating foreign relations, grappling with intractable policy problems, and responding to shocking events. Such pervasion makes it easy to forget that wartime is a relatively recent political invention. It began as an instrumental and somewhat stylized concept that authorized exceptional violence by promising to contain it within strict temporal boundaries. Yet in the same era that wartime achieved international prominence, war itself became an increasingly ordinary and extended dimension of politics. Today, 'wartime' refers to a number of unconstrained and often self-perpetuating violent practices that have changed global politics and national security policies in deep and enduring ways – nowhere more so than in the United States. To introduce the special issue, this article presents wartime as a neglected and paradoxical topic at the heart of International Relations. It sketches the concept's historical emergence, from innovative Presidential discourse through expansion in World War II and the Cold War, to 21st century entrenchment in daily life and habits of foreign relations. We also make the case for why US wartime marks an especially apt example of a global phenomenon, and one worthy of increased scrutiny within International Relations (IR). Finally, we provide synoptic summaries of the articles that comprise the special issue, showing how they work together to interrogate key aspects of 21st century wartime. We conclude with reflections on how the study of wartime may be extended to better understand its impact on historical and contemporary global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the contribution of decolonising states to the nascent international order emerging after the end of World War II. More precisely, it investigates the Indian contribution to the emerging international human rights regime, focussing on two key contributions: the advocacy for a strong supranational authority endowed with substantial enforcement mechanisms for the realisation of human rights and the equally strong defence of a bifurcation of civil-political and socio-economic rights into two treaties. Both contributions have been largely ignored within International Relations – and where they have been acknowledged, they have been subsumed into either narratives of liberal progress (as in the case of human rights enforcement) or Cold War rivalry (as in the case of a separation of the two Human Rights Covenants). In contrast, this paper seeks to shed light on the agency of Indian diplomats and politicians. It shows how their positions were neither simply replications of pre-existing scripts nor bare executions of superpower preferences. Instead, they were responses to the challenges of becoming a post-colonial state in a still overwhelmingly imperial world. Two challenges stood out: the definition of citizenship in light of internal diversity and a widely dispersed diaspora and the challenge of development against the backdrop of highly unequal global economic relations. In this article, I trace the movement of key protagonists between the Constituent Assembly and the United Nations to show how they were engaged in a project of postcolonial worldmaking, which required the simultaneous transformation of domestic and international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the influence of Gen. George C. Marshall on the foundation of the US intelligence community after the Second World War. It argues that his uneven achievements demonstrate how the ceaseless wrangling within the Truman administration undermined the crafting of a coherent intelligence policy. Despite his bureaucratic skills and prominent positions, Marshall struggled to achieve his ends on matters like signals intelligence, covert action, or relations between the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency. Yet he crafted an enduring vision of how intelligence should supplement US national security policy that remained potent throughout the Cold War and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What connection exists between protests and coup attempts? Although recent studies have revealed that the former incites the latter, they generally do not consider international factors. We contend that post-Cold War nonviolent protests have promoted coup attempts. With sentiment in the international community turning against coups following the end of the Cold War, coup organizers have had to portray their actions as democratic. Launching a coup attempt during ongoing nonviolent protests became a convincing method to prove democratic bona fides. This is because the international community favors nonviolence, and it signals that the emerging regime will not have extreme preferences and will keep order. Conversely, the international community does not regard violent protests as legitimate, and staging a coup attempt during violent protests will not enable a military to claim legitimacy. This argument is tested through statistical analysis and by using the 2011 Egyptian coup as a case study. As expected, the results indicate that the impact of protests on coup attempts varies depending on (1) whether those protests are violent or nonviolent, and on (2) the period. Specifically, only the nonviolent protests in the post-Cold War era prompt coup attempts meaningfully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the pervasive confidence that the development of nuclear weapons ensures peace and stability by making wars too expensive to fight for, South Asian strategic stability has drifted into nasty security competition through arms race with an episodical crisis that continues at the sub-conventional level. Deterrence studies that were relegated to the bins of history soon after the end of the Cold War received a renewed interest of scholars on the subject since the demonstration of deterrent capabilities by South Asian rivals in 1998. A new wave of deterrence studies has developed in the current multipolar world with some scholars adopting Cold War models of analysis in the contemporary realms of South Asia, whereas other are attempting new analytical approaches. This article aims to offer a fresh look at how to provide a clear concept of strategic stability, how strategic stability is applicable in contemporary South Asia and what the recent crisis between India and Pakistan being interwoven with terrorism tells us about crisis stability between the two countries under the shadows of nuclear weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the mid-1940s to the fall of the Colonels' Dictatorship in 1974, Greek society was defined by an official anti-communist discourse that divided it into 'nationally-minded' Ethnikofron citizens and left-wing 'enemies of the nation'. The article shows how this power discourse deployed visual media to construct an emotional regime of fear around communism during and after the Greek Civil War. It uncovers a large volume of propaganda imagery, including posters, illustrations, book covers, photographs, newsreels and feature films, which was used alongside texts and corporeal practices to vilify the Greek left. The article argues that the visual language of Ethnikofrosyni patterned itself on older scripts of negative othering embedded in Greek popular culture, such as lycanthropy, teratology, witchcraft, Islamophobia and Orientalism to discredit communism without engaging with its twentieth-century ideas and policies. Communists were therefore portrayed as monsters, beasts, barbarians, Muslims, Turks, Jews and unfeminine women to arouse primordial fears that threatened the deepest symbols of Greek national identity. The article stresses the centrality and relative autonomy of images in the discourse of Ethnikofrosyni and uses comparisons to unveil the processes of circulation and domestication operating across different national strands of anti-communism in the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of the Obor Foundation is important for several reasons. Firstly, it covers the contribution of an up-till-now largely overlooked Western philanthropic enterprise to promote a cohesive national cultural identity for Indonesia in the wake of the fall of Sukarno. Secondly, Obor was an attempt to move beyond previous Cold War efforts to spread liberal ideas globally, most notably by the Congress for Cultural Freedom. To overcome critiques of top-down Westernization and neocolonialism, Obor sought to establish local control over the publishing process in a reciprocal arrangement of shared responsibility. Thirdly, it was symbolic of the move of the Ford Foundation, which had invested a great deal in the modernisation (i.e. Westernization) of Indonesian education, towards introducing a greater level of autonomy in their operations from the late 1960s onwards, expressing a general confidence in (and sufficient monitoring of) Western-trained and/or -oriented local leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In "America's Wars: Interventions, Regime Change, and Insurgencies after the Cold War" by Thomas H. Henriksen, the author provides an overview of 30 years of US liberal interventionism. The book covers military interventions from Panama to the Gulf War, conflicts in Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, and Kosovo, as well as the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Henriksen explores the belief among US policymakers and military leaders that the United States has great power over events worldwide, and argues for the importance of small wars in maintaining US security. The book offers valuable insights for those interested in these conflicts and interventions. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the writings on loyalty and betrayal of sociologist Erving Goffman and political scientist Morton Grodzins. Both thinkers made unique contributions to the understanding of those topics while simultaneously offering critical appraisals of early Cold War America. Examining these writings in historical and intellectual context, and reading them against each other, reveals important elements of this work that are worthy of a fresh appreciation. Within this analysis, the article reflects on social criticism during treacherous times, from open resistance to subtle intellectual legerdemain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transatlantic religious networks promoted by Americans after World War I not only delivered human and financial resources but they also brought about significant changes in religious and political thought and practice in Europe. The experiences, networks and narratives created through two world wars equipped Europe with an ideological arsenal, which it marshalled against the Soviet threat during the cultural Cold War and which provided the European integration process with resources and legitimacy. The invocation of 'spirit' proved an extremely effective way of legitimizing the European project: it identified materialism as the seed of destruction of civilization; it promoted an interfaith narrative that was acceptable to different churches and religious sensibilities; and it represented human rights as the historical legacy of Christianity. Salvador de Madariaga's life reflects the evolution of the role of religion in the twentieth century, especially with regard to non-denominational Christianity. He was a committed missionary of ecumenist global civic conscience and a crusader for freedom of conscience against totalitarian interference. His defence of liberalism and his repeated calls for a cultural construction of Europe were rooted in his conviction of the intrinsically spiritual nature of all human beings, his identification with the legacy of Christianity and his desire to guarantee universal freedom of spirit. This article analyses documents from Madariaga's personal archive and other archives in Europe and America in order to chronicle his spiritual journey and to understand his crusade to create a 'Europe of the spirit'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the course of civil war, it is not unusual for armed rebels, who are fighting to either take control of a state or create a new one, to create state-like governing institutions. For example, nearly 64% of rebels between 1945 and 2012 created at least one governing institution. One challenge to moving the literature on rebel governance forward is getting data on the many possible institutions that comprise rebel governance. I introduce new data, the Rebel Quasi-State Institutions dataset, which covers 235 rebel groups and codes annually for 25 institutions during the entire existence of the group. I demonstrate the usefulness of this new dataset by exploring a relationship important to scholars: that of rebel strength and rebel governance institutions (Stewart, 2020). These analyses show two things. First, there is value in disaggregating rebel governance and looking at institutions separately because not all governance institutions are correlated with strength in the same direction. Second, taking into account the time dimension is important. Since rebel conventional capability increased as a result of the end of the Cold War (Kalyvas & Balcells, 2010) and rebel institutions became more prevalent, there is an important time component to rebel governance that correlates with events in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on the Soviet treatment of the Holocaust is riddled with generalizations about a conspiracy of silence, as opposed to the sacred status the genocide came to hold in 'the West.' Yet what scholars have interpreted as the 'Western' response has been mainly limited to initiatives emerging from countries that did not experience occupation during World War II. This article examines French prisoners of war at the Rava-Russka camp in Ukraine who played vital roles in Soviet investigations of Nazi atrocities. Back home, these Frenchmen found that joining the Gaullist narrative of the war depended upon whether they could demonstrate their resistance, a revision in which recollections of crimes against Jews had no place. By analyzing how French witnesses presented their experiences differently to the Soviet and French governments and how each government manipulated these testimonies, this article argues for the need to depart from the East-West dichotomy imposed by the Cold War. Once the Soviet case is placed in a Europe-wide context, it becomes clear the USSR was not a backward outlier uniquely committed to a conspiracy of silence. On the contrary, the Holocaust had elements of a 'usable past' only for the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evacuations, imagined as well as actual, reflect national strategic preoccupations, cultural assumptions and prevailing social values; they also reveal practical strengths and weaknesses in international relationships and in states' interactions with their own citizens, at home and abroad. But evacuations are deeply symbolically significant too and grounded in far longer, intertwined social and strategic histories. Using the remarkable case study of Operation Chivalrous, the first plan devised for the evacuation of British military families from early Cold War Germany, this article uses evacuation to throw light on the changed relationship between British citizens and the state after 1945. The plan and planning revealed not only the renewed significance of the family in the post-war world, but also the tensions in the new welfare state. But, more broadly, this article argues that Britain's Cold War planning was closely linked, both practically and symbolically, to its responses to the end of empire and the domestic aftermath of the Second World War. In unpacking the intricacies of a proposal that was never used, for a war that was never fought, this article underlines the wider historical value of unrealised plans in revealing 'ideational contexts' and social attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the British Foreign Office decision to abandon a British-run war crimes trial after the Second World War against suspected perpetrators of the Holocaust in Latvia and the efforts of a Holocaust survivors' organization to seek justice. Faced with repeated inquiries from The Association of Baltic Jews in Great Britain and their parliamentary allies, the Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin repeated a lie told to him by his subordinates that Holocaust victims were imprecise in their testimony, making them unreliable witnesses and justifying the release of several suspected war criminals. Although very few German and Latvian perpetrators saw the inside of the courtroom, survivor advocacy countered the prevailing silence about the Holocaust in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits comparative urban studies produced during the Cold War in the framework of 'socialist worldmaking', or multiple, evolving and sometimes antagonistic practices of cooperation between socialist countries in Eastern Europe and decolonising countries in Africa and Asia. Much like the recent 'new comparative urbanism', these studies extended the candidates, terms and positionalities of comparison beyond the Global North. This article focuses on operative concepts employed by Soviet, Eastern European, African and Asian scholars and professionals in economic and spatial planning across diverse locations, and shows how they were produced by means of 'adaptive' and 'appropriative' comparison. While adaptive comparison was instrumental in the application of Soviet concepts in countries embarking on the socialist development path, appropriative comparison juxtaposed concepts from various contexts – whether the 'West' or the 'East' – in order to select those best suitable for the means and needs on the ground. This article argues that this conceptual production was conditioned by the political economy of socialist worldmaking and shows how these experiences are useful for a more critical advancement of comparative urban research today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reassessing the historical significance of the 17 June 1953 insurrection, Ostermann underlines its enduring consequences for the United States, as well as the SED regime. Political observers in Washington considered the SED regime much steadier than it actually was, an idea that deeply affected their ability to anticipate that revolt and fully grasp its meaning once it arose. Historical research on the occupation of Germany in the aftermath of the Second World War has focused, in general, on the founding of the German Federal Republic (FRG) and its Cold War implications. [Extracted from the article]

It is often assumed that we are currently living in an 'age of apology', whereby countries increasingly seek to redress human rights violations by offering apologies. Although much has been written about why this may occur, the phenomenon itself has never been examined through a large-scale review of the apologies that have been offered. To fill this gap, we created a database of political apologies that have been offered for human rights violations across the world. We found 329 political apologies offered by 74 countries, and cross-nationally mapped and compared these apologies. Our data reveal that apologies have increasingly been offered since the end of the Cold War, and that this trend has accelerated in the last 20 years. They have been offered across the globe, be it that they seem to have been embraced by consolidated liberal democracies and by countries transitioning to liberal democracies in particular. Most apologies have been offered for human rights violations that were related to or took place in the context of a (civil) war, but there appears to be some selectivity as to the specific human rights violations that countries actually mention in the apologies. On average, it takes more than a generation before political apologies are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines depictions of Africans in China during the period when China moved to establish diplomatic relations across the African continent – the foundation of what would become Africa–China relations today. Chinese posters were early forms of mass visual interaction with (the image of) foreign nationals. They reflect how Chinese society viewed itself in relation to others as it developed a global awareness through domestic mobilization. This study investigates how Africa and Africans are depicted in Chinese posters and how they shaped and/or reflected discourses of the period. It also examines motivations behind the inclusion of Africans in Chinese posters, arguing that this largely had a domestic rationale. By historicizing the meaning-making process of the image of Africa in 20th-century Chinese posters, this paper demonstrates that Chinese posters informed public opinion by defining friend and foe, focused more on China and her Cold War entanglements than on Africa, and simultaneously challenged and reinforced some widely held stereotypes about the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the periphery of Portuguese right-wing authoritarian rule, in the Atlantic archipelago of the Azores and its Central Group, political repression remained part of local life in the period after the Second World War. However, in spite of the Portuguese political police being installed in Terceira (in the Central Group) in 1954, this repression remained porous, and many Azoreans used the loopholes for their own advantage. The everyday life history approach allows us to understand these strategies and challenges: it shows how individuals used the internal conflicts amongst the agents of the Portuguese state or the presence of one of the principal US American military bases of the Cold War in Terceira Island. Medical doctors played out their social prestige to defend themselves of accusations, and elites of small towns used the political police to further their own goals. In some extreme cases, profiting from the internal contradictions of the regime even meant committing some small acts of democratic choice on the local level, or mobilizing against an unpopular bishop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the years 1982–1984, which witnessed the first systematic effort to establish a moderate right-wing youth organization in Greece during the Cold War. It shows that the invention of the political songs of the Liberal youth ONNED underpinned its mass mobilization in 1982–1984. In this vein, our analysis enriches recent historiographical approaches that focus on cultures of Conservatism and on political and cultural changes in post-authoritarian Southern Europe in the 1970s to 1980s. Those political songs were linked to both the rhetoric and the practices of ONNED cadres and members. Their lyrics conveyed anti-Communist post-memories of the Civil War in Greece (1943/1946–1949), as reconfigured and filtered through the experiences of ONNED cadres and members in the aftermath of the 1967–1974 dictatorship and the electoral victory of the Socialists in 1981. Thus, the study of the Liberal youth complements the analysis of moderate right-wing subjects in Spain, for whom the Civil War was no reference point after democracy was restored in 1975. Simultaneously, the article enriches research on the Greek Liberal youth so far, which has neglected how this subject reconfigured its approach to the Greek Civil War in comparison to the Right in the preceding decades. Our article also shows that the songs under study accompanied a wide range of ritualistic and prosaic practices of ONNED cadres and members. Listening to and singing those songs was part of a double demarcation process between ONNED cadres and members and their left-wing opponents, as well as within ONNED. For instance, in Thessaloniki, the more Conservative members embraced those songs in their leisure activities and their everyday spaces. By contrast, the more centre-right members were more critical, but still tolerated such music. The everyday life and spatial history approach is crucial to illuminating the varying reception of the political songs of ONNED within this organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the history of psychiatrists' entwined efforts to understand the psychological effect of nuclear war's threat and to disseminate those findings as a contribution to the antinuclear movement. The sub-specialty of 'nuclear psychiatry' sought: (1) to expose how avoidance, denial, and dehumanization set the conditions for the arms race and, potentially, nuclear war; (2) to explain the psychological consequences of nuclear war's threat, particularly on children and adolescents. By enlightening leaders and the public about delusional, distorted thinking on the nuclear question and the rise of nuclear anxiety, psychiatrist-activists hoped to leverage their expertise for political ends. Connecting developments in the United States with those in Great Britain and the Soviet Union, this article draws on previously untapped archival and published materials, including research findings, media coverage, and internal documents from profession-based antinuclear organizations from the 1960s through the 1980s. In the process, it reveals the centrality of psy-disciplines to the history of the antinuclear movement and the Nuclear Age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Malayan Emergency: Revolution and Counterinsurgency at the End of Empire" by Karl Hack is a comprehensive study of the conflict in Malaya between 1948 and 1960. The book explores the themes of insurgency warfare, decolonization, and the Cold War in Southeast Asia. Hack provides a chronological analysis of the conflict, with a focus on the period leading up to General Templer's arrival in 1952. The book also examines the experiences of the colonial state, the Communist insurgents, and the Chinese population caught in the middle. Hack's research is based on extensive archival sources and interviews with key figures, making it a valuable resource for those interested in the end of empire, counter-insurgency, or the history of Southeast Asia. [Extracted from the article]

Every state that signed a labour-recruitment agreement with West Germany attempted to exert influence over their citizens who lived in West Germany. But because most of the states with which West Germany signed agreements – with the exception of Italy – were ruled, at least for a time, by dictators or military juntas, the efforts by sending states to influence their citizens abroad at times proved problematic for the democratic and liberalizing West German state. This article examines West Germany's response to Yugoslavia's efforts to 'govern the seventh republic', that is, to exert a profound influence upon its citizens in West Germany. It focuses on the establishment, operation, and West German response to Yugo Clubs, institutions with which Yugoslav officials sought to bind their citizens more tightly to the Yugoslav state. This history represents, in some ways, a distinctive case, because Yugoslavia was the only communist state with which West Germany signed a labour-recruitment agreement. Shifts in the Cold War context, and especially the rise of détente and Willy Brandt's new Ostpolitik during the late 1960s, are thus critical to understanding West Germany's response to Yugoslavia's efforts to influence its citizens abroad. During the 1960s, West German officials, fearing a communist infiltration, resisted Yugoslavia's efforts to assert influence over Yugoslav labour migrants. But with the emergence of détente in the late 1960s and into the 1970s, West German officials supported Yugoslavia's attempts to influence Yugoslav guest workers, even when some troubling aspects of these efforts came to light. Finally, some German officials supported the clubs because they believed they would keep Yugoslav guest workers closely linked to their homeland, thereby increasing the likelihood that they would eventually return home. This belief, in turn, supported the West German fiction that it was not a land of immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how the global Cold War conflict was made sense of and situated in local political, cultural and physical landscapes and communities during the 1980s in Britain and Denmark. Using civil defence as a prism, the article employs a comparative approach to explore variations within and between countries of how local authorities prepared or resisted the prospect of nuclear war. The article finds that two main imaginaries emerged that shaped shared understandings of society before, during and after the imagined future war: one emphasized the possibility of nuclear survival and even welfare, the other urged resistance and renounced the futility of civil defence preparations. The article argues that local actors used these imaginaries to empower themselves, to define how nuclear space was imagined and lived and to construct desirable (and undesirable) visions of the future. The imaginaries were multiscalar and interacted with developments at global and national levels, and the article sheds light on this three-way dynamic of understanding and articulating the nuclear age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how melancholia constitutes a psycho-geopolitical space interweaving Korean subjects' psychic and political lives with the dynamics of the (post) Cold War alliance between Japan and the US. The Wednesday Demonstration is the weekly protest in Seoul that calls for an official apology and legal compensation from the Japanese government for comfort women who worked in the sexual slavery system under the Japanese Empire during WWII. The fact that the weekly protests have continued for 30 years since 1992 signifies that the comfort women issue has remained an unresolved (geo)political issue between South Korea and Japan for three decades, despite apologies and monetary compensations by the Japanese government. This article offers a psychoanalytic-geopolitical rationale for the endless grief of Korean postcolonial subjects who cannot accept the measures of the Japanese government regarding the comfort women issue. Based on 1-year's participant observations and in-depth interviews with Korean activists who engaged in the Wednesday Demonstration from September 2019 to August 2020, this article aims to accomplish three goals. Firstly, this article shows how Korean postcolonial subjects were/are haunted by colonial past. Secondly, I examine why Koreans cannot complete mourning for comfort women in the context of ROK-US-Japan geopolitical relations. Lastly, this article interrogates how ethno-nationalists intervene to turn melancholia into a motivation for ethnic solidarity and how their attempt might have failed by exploring a Korean postcolonial subject's psychic lives. In doing so, I argue that the wounds of Koreans related to the comfort women issue are not simply from colonial history, but they are postcolonial wounds that have not healed 'appropriately' under the (US-sponsored) South Korean/Japanese (post-)Cold War security arrangement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depictions of children in British science fiction and horror films in the early 1960s introduced a new but dominant trope: the 'extraordinary' child. Extraordinary children, I suggest, are disturbing because they violate expected developmental norms, drawing on discourses from both the 'psy' sciences and early neuroscience. This post-war trope has been considered by film and literature scholars in the past five years, but this existing work tends to present the extraordinary child as an American phenomenon, and links these depictions to adults' psychoanalytical anxieties about parenthood and the family. This article, considering Village of the Damned (1960), Children of the Damned (1963), The Damned (1963), and Lord of the Flies (1963), will contend that the extraordinary child was British before it was American, and tapped as much into nuclear anxieties generated by the early Cold War as fears about the 'permissive society', especially given that many of these films preceded the peak of the 'Swinging Sixties' and were based on British science fiction of the 1950s. The 'psy science' that was dominant in these films was developmental psychology, not psychoanalysis. Moreover, adolescents as well as adults were key audiences for these films. Drawing on self-narrative essays written by English adolescents aged 14 to 16 between 1962 and 1966, I will demonstrate that this age group employed their own fears of nuclear war and their knowledge of psychological language to challenge adult authority, presenting a counter-narrative to adult conceptions of the abnormal and irresponsible 'rising generation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]