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This book presents social innovation initiatives that incorporate social and natural capital into decision-making processes in Latin America.

Hearings of Aboriginal land rights claims in the Northern Territory of Australia began in the 1970s under pioneering legislation. It soon became obvious that the usual model of hearings as part of an administrative inquiry was not appropriate to those hearings. Changes were necessary to accommodate the cultural and linguistic attributes of the claimants. This chapter explains the changes that were made and the reasons for them. Hearings were conducted on a site-by-site, rather than a witness-by-witness, basis. Evidence was given by groups, instead of individuals. Linguists and anthropologists present at hearings were asked to help with spellings of Aboriginal words and names, to ensure the production of a high-quality transcript. Lawyers experienced in Aboriginal kinship systems and in the cultural and linguistic characteristics of Aboriginal discourse were essential to the process. However, evidence continued to be mainly by question and answer, despite the cultural antipathy of Aboriginal people to direct questions and requests for information.

Advancing women’s land rights is a priority for the international development agenda. Little consensus exists, however, on which rights should be monitored and reported, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa where individual property rights and customary tenure regimes coexist and where much agricultural land remains unregistered. In such contexts, land ownership statistics may provide only a limited picture of women’s and men’s land rights. While some surveys collect information on women’s land ownership, others collect information on women’s management of land or control over the output produced. Using recent waves of the Living Standards Measurement Study-Integrated Surveys on Agriculture (LSMS-ISA) for six African countries, we examine who holds the different rights on each plot of agricultural land and the extent to which these rights are held by the same person. We focus on (a) reported ownership, (b) who decides and manages the agricultural activities, and (c) who controls the output of land. We find that these rights over land do not always overlap, indicating that concepts of ownership, management and economic rights should not be used interchangeably. Consistent measures of women’s and men’s land rights are fundamental for the development of policies to empower rural women and to contribute to poverty reduction.

This paper is about Aboriginal peoples' strategies and actions to forge meaningful lives for themselves in the face of the enormous pressures of colonialism. Its focus is on land, and particularly those small areas in south-eastern Australia which became 'Aboriginal Reserve. To speak of reserves as the result of Aboriginal strategies seems incongruous: most Aboriginal speakers today are adamant that the reserves were concentration camps where, no matter how they might have felt about the land itself, their experience was of unrelenting segregation, repression and cultural assault by the agents of the government.

Figures and tables..Contributors..Acknowledgments..Editors' introduction..1 Perspectives of the past: an introduction - Isabel McBryde..2 Who owns the past? Aborigines as captives of the archives - Henrietta Fourmile..3 Inventing Aborigines - Bob Reece..4 Exchange in southeastern Australia: an ethnohistorical perspective - Isabel McBryde..5 Adelaide as an Aboriginal landscape - Philip Clarke..6 The struggle for recognition: part-Aborigines in Bass Strait in the nineteenth century - Lyndall Ryan..7 Coming in? The Yanyuwa as a case study in the geography of contact history - Richard Baker..8 Land in our own country: the Aboriginal land rights movement in southeastern Australia, 1860-1914 - Heather Goodall..9 'A rape of the soul so profound': some reflections on the dispersal policy in New South Wales - Peter Read..10 Growing up in Queensland - Bowman Johnson talks to Andrew Markus..11 Resettlement and caring for the country: the Anmatyerre experience - Elspeth Young..12 The Aboriginal embassy: an account of the protests of 1972 - Scott Robinson..Endnotes..Index

Foreword..Preface and acknowledgements..A chronology of Aboriginal history..Introduction: You wouldn't read about it: Aboriginal print journalism..1 A captive audience: THE FLINDERS ISLAND CHRONICLE..2 The power of the press: ABO CALL..3 Transitional voices: WESTRALIAN ABORIGINE, CHURINGA, HARMONY, ALCHURINGA..4 Militant voices: Militant newspapers in the 1960s, '70s and '80s..5 The view from Sydney: KOORI BINA, AIM..6 Northern concerns: N.Q. MESSAGESTICK..7 Into the mainstream: IDENTITY, ABORIGINAL AND ISLANDER..8 A journal of record: LAND RIGHTS NEWS..9 A national voice: KOORI MAIL..10 Wider exposure: Aboriginal journalism in non-Aboriginal newspapers..Endnotes..Sources and listing of Aboriginal periodicals..Selected bibliography..Index

Foreword..Prologue..Acknowledgements..1 Reading the porridge: Introducing the native title system..2 The dilemmas of the black leadership: ATSIC, the native title working groups and their successors..3 Like unacknowledged bastards: The native title representative bodies..4 State expectations: Executive government of the states and territories..5 Mining rules and the sheep's back: Non-government third party respondents..6 Poets and slaves: The National Native Title Tribunal..7 You can take the judge out of the court... The Federal Court of Australia..8 The end of uncertainty: The native title system in retrospect..Notes..Index

Amy Laurie was about sixty-nine years of age when I recorded her experiences. She lives in a Housing Commission home in Kununurra which serves as a meeting place for her numerous relatives, some of whom spend most of the dry season on the surrounding Kimberley cattle stations. As Amy explains, ‘You should see when they all come in together. This yard is going to be full.’ Much of her time these days is taken up looking after the youngest of her twenty-one grandchildren. Possessing an excellent rapport with the teenagers, she listens attentively to their viewpoints, taking an active interest in land rights and other vital issues affecting Aboriginal people. She is astutely aware of the dilemmas and difficulties facing the younger generation, but despite the absence of ultimate solutions, she remains positive. Amy is eager to share her past experiences with ‘the kids’, telling them a ‘good yarn’ about ‘early day black-fellers’ or a ‘bullock rush’, and teaching them pride in their culture.

In this chapter, the author gives a brief account of land rights, native title and site protection laws introduced and implemented since the 1960s, and consider how Aboriginal women’s interests have been accommodated, or overlooked, in these laws and procedures. This discussion gives the legal and administrative framework. Justice Blackburn found against the Aboriginal people of the Gove Peninsula having a proprietary interest in the land capable of recognition in common law. He argued that even if the Yolgnu had had any interests in the land they were extinguished when the Crown acquired radical title to that land. By 1979–80 in the claims to the Utopia and Willowra pastoral leases Aboriginal women’s knowledge and rights were recognised, both by their own researchers, legal representatives and land councils, and the land commissioner hearing the claims. The chapter investigates how Aboriginal women express and communicate their knowledge to gain a public voice and a recognition of their rights in land.

The Crown takeover of all the lands of Aboriginal Australia as terra nullius has affected Aboriginal lives ever since. There were good reasons to under-estimate-the smaller the population of Aboriginal Australia, the easier to justify taking the land as not being used productively, and the less the guilt. The 'White Australia' policy developed from unionists' fears of cheap labour and was written into the Labor Party platform. A 1937 report on development in the Northern Territory stressed the 'inviolability of the national policy of a White Australia. The frequent repetition of 1788 has tended to encourage people to think that the invasion was long ago; however, some massacres are within living memory, many more in folk memory. In 1985, the Department of Aboriginal Affairs commissioned a report on attitudes to land rights. Australian National Opinion Polls found that support for land rights was 21 per cent across the country and as low as 6 per cent in Western Australia.

Since the mid 1970s, Australian society has taken action to recognise the wrongs done to the Indigenous people of Australia. Developments such as the National Inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, the rise of the land rights movement, and the recognition of moral rights through the Copyright Act have affected the ways that Indigenous cultural material is managed in collecting institutions. This chapter will begin with a comparison of the ways archives and libraries manage Indigenous cultural material, then will move on to examine how each manages culturally sensitive materials. The findings will be based upon a study made of access policies in major libraries, archives, and Indigenous organisations in Australia.

This is a study of Joseph C. Byrne, an Irish entrepreneur who embarked on a number of colonial schemes and fashioned himself as an emigration expert. In 1848 he published Twelve Years’ Wanderings in the British Colonies. From 1835 to 1847, followed by a number of emigrant guides to the individual Australian colonies, the Cape of Good Hope and Port Natal. Descriptions of indigenous peoples proliferate throughout Byrne’s guides. While his texts were informed by his own travels, he also quoted liberally from official correspondence, newspapers, and other contemporary works. His accounts reflect both his own opinions, and also a broad spectrum of imperial attitudes and approaches towards Indigenous peoples. This article explores Byrne’s ideas of how Indigenous peoples might best serve the interest of British emigrants: that is how they might or might not be made ‘useful’ to British subjects, and also, in some cases, how their inevitable demise would provide ‘peculiar advantages to emigrants’. His accounts of Indigenous people illustrate the problems posed by the ‘native question’ in imperial thinking, and the way in which Britain grappled to envisage the future place of indigenous people within its colonies in the face of growing settler demands for land.

This chapter demonstrates the tension between law and cultural norms in regard to women’s rights to land in Africa. It examines the prospects for the actualization of women’s land rights in sub-Saharan Africa. Women’s contribution to agricultural production in Africa is very high. Women form a majority of smallholder farmers who produce about 80% of the food, both for household consumption and for sale. Social and cultural norms in sub-Saharan Africa do not prohibit women’s access to land. In all parts of the country, women are culturally prohibited from inheriting land and in many ways they themselves are treated as objects of property. The general guarantee of non-discrimination in African countries lacks practical meaning for women because laws and policies tend to fight shy of upsetting social and cultural norms. Instead, the most important determinant of the success of law under conditions of change is the distance between the law and the social and cultural norms that it must change.

In recent years, China’s fast economic growth and urbanization have been accompanied by an increasing number of cases of infringement and deprivation of land rights of rural women. This chapter offers an in-depth overview of many of these legal cases to demonstrate the complex yet pervasive means by which rural Chinese women are being discriminatorily deprived of their land claims. As land claims can often be legally overruled even when protected by national law due to the allowance of the government to protect a villages’ right to self-governance, many women have lost their rights to contract and use rural land, to use their homestead, to receive land compensation funds, and to receive revenues from collectively owned economies. This chapter discusses six types of deprivation women commonly experience and explores the practical legal approaches that have been employed to successfully combat these deprivations and what the limitations of these methods are towards mitigating land rights claims for Chinese rural women in the future.

In 2001, an Irish subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell was granted planning permission for a pipeline and refinery to develop the Corrib Gas fields off the North West coast of Ireland. Shell has been forced on a continuous basis to review its respective planning applications by the independent planning authority in Ireland as a result of appeals by local community groups and individuals. Equally significantly, the community of Rossport has been all but destroyed by the project. The material is laid out as follows: initially, students are provided with background information for both parts of the case, describing the place, the issues and the main actors. In 2005, Shell issued legal proceedings against some Rossport landowners including Willie Corduff, compelling them to cooperate with the development. The imprisonment of peaceful protestors for defending their land rights struck a chord with the public, and the men became known nationally as the Rossport 5.

In the Canadian context, Indigenous peoples have become increasingly vocal in their opposition to capitalism-as-usual, stressing that its repercussions have not only been profoundly harmful to their well-being but also go hand-in-hand with environmental destruction. This chapter examines the conjunction between Indigenous collectivities, their economic expression in the aftermath of land claims, and the sets of values that are at the root of Indigenous economies. It explores debates about how citizenship has been configured in response to capitalist relations and assesses the degree to which, in spite of these configurations, Indigenous peoples have been able to adopt forms of "insurgent citizenship", through which they have appropriated some aspects of citizenship whilst resisting others. Using Inuit as an example, it interrogates whether the values that inform their economies actually shape how citizenship in their polities is expressed and performed.

For more than two centuries, the large and interconnected region spanning northeast Bengal, Burma and what is today known as Northeast India has been intersected by a multitude of formal and inform ...