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For 40 years, Nigeria has separated its citizens into two categories, ‘indigenes’ and ‘non-indigenes.’ Indigene citizens can trace their genealogical roots back to a community in a specific locality. All local governments issue certificates of indigene to certify this origin, but the techniques of identification and the definition of the term indigene vary radically from one local government to another. This chapter explores the relationship between local government officers, the chiefs working for them, and users seeking a certificate in Oyo State and Plateau State. This bureaucratic relationship is a form of ordinary state-citizen interaction, yet it redefines an exclusive local citizenship. The chapter seeks to understand how applicants engage with these procedures, how ancestral origins are investigated, and the conditions in which issuing certificates of indigene can become a controversial political issue.

International audience; The last two decades have seen the term ‘foreign fighter’ enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host’s combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

This book examines the international dimensions of the Greek military dictatorship of 1967 to 1974 and uses it as a case study to evaluate the major shifts occurring in the international system during a period of rapid change. The policies of the major nation-states in both East and West were determined by realistic Cold War considerations. At the same time, the Greek junta, a profoundly anti-modernist force, failed to cope with an evolving international agenda and the movement towards international cooperation. Denouncing it became a rallying point both for international organizations and for human rights activists, and it enabled the EEC to underscore the notion that democracy was an integral characteristic of the European identity. This volume is an original in-depth study of an under-researched subject and the multiple interactions of a complex era. It is divided into three sections: Part I deals with the interaction of the Colonels with state actors; Part II deals with the responses of international organizations and the rising transnational human rights agenda for which the Greek junta became a totemic rallying point; and Part III compares and contrasts the transitions to democracy in Southern Europe, and analyses the different models of transition and region-building, and how they intersected with attempts to foster a European identity. The Greek dictatorship may have been a parochial military regime, but its rise and fall interacted with signifi cant international trends and can therefore serve as a salient case study for promoting a better understanding of international and European trends during the 1960s and 1970s.

The most relevant comparative studies on the impact of war on the patterns and pathways of Welfare State development have emphasized the importance of demobilization, welfare benefits and educational programmes for veterans and refugees among the long-term policy repercussions of the World Wars.1 The relations between post-war policies, party politics and groups of victims, such as widows, orphans, disabled veterans and the unemployed, have been examined in depth especially for the post-WWI era. By contrast, the historiography on the aftermath of WWII has identified the role of Communist parties, the Europeanwide process of constitution-making, the integration of the labour movement into the active life of the state and a powerful commitment to welfare as the most important aspects of the post-war political transitions of 1945.2 The post-war period, notably the aftermath of the war, is a key moment in the construction of European welfare states: on the one hand, military occupations, the circulation and propaganda of foreign models, and the presence on the ground of international organizations allowed for the entanglement of national and international actors and policies; on the other hand, the widespread awareness of the inadequacies of the collapsed existing systems and the social crisis created by the war called for reforms. [First paragraph]

As the fiftieth anniversary of 1968 approaches, this book reassesses the global causes, themes, forms, and legacies of that tumultuous period. While existing scholarship continues to largely concentrate on the US and Western Europe, this volume will focus on Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. International scholars from diverse disciplinary backgrounds explore the global sixties through the prism of topics that range from the economy, decolonization, and higher education, to forms of protest, transnational relations, and the politics of memory.

International audience; This text explores the return of the Free French to metropolitan territory in 1944–45. The intense emotions provoked by rediscovering the soil of France and their compatriots were succeeded by more mixed and even bittersweet feelings. Very soon, dreams dreamed far away and for many years met the reality of a country deeply wounded by the defeat of 1940 and by the Occupation. The takeover of administrative and political power, and the beginnings of the purges, provoked clashes with the Allies and even more with the metropolitan Resistance, which were essentially quarrels of legitimacy. The violence of the fight for the Liberation mercilessly took its toll. Each and every person who had survived the conflict found the resumption of a personal and intimate life more difficult than expected. Finally, some of the hopes for renovation that had been developed throughout the war began to waver. This led to a frustration tinged with bitterness on which contrasting memories took root.; Ce texte évoque le retour des Français libres sur le territoire métropolitain en 1944–45. Aux émotions intenses provoquées par les retrouvailles avec le sol de France et avec les compatriotes, ont succédé des sentiments plus mitigés, voire doux-amers. Très vite, les rêves nourris au loin et des années durant se sont heurtés à la réalité d’un pays profondément meurtri par la défaite de 1940 et par l’Occupation. La prise en mains des rênes administratives et politiques ainsi que les prémisses de l’épuration ont donné lieu à des heurts, quelquefois à des affrontements, avec les Alliés et, plus encore, avec la Résistance intérieure, c’est-à-dire à des querelles de légitimité. La violence des combats libérateurs a impitoyablement prélevé son dû. Pour chacune et chacun sur qui le conflit avait imprimé sa marque, la reprise d’une vie personnelle et intime s’est avérée plus difficile que prévu. Enfin, quelques-uns des espoirs de rénovation développés tout au long de la guerre ont commencé à faire long feu. Une certaine frustration teintée d’amertume en a découlé sur laquelle des mémoires contrastées ont pris racine.

This timely, comprehensive and interdisciplinary volume advances an original argument about the complex roots and multiple politics of globality. It shows that technological innovations and decisive developments since 1945 – from the nuclear revolution to anthropogenic climate change and debates about the Anthropocene – have prompted reflections on the global condition of humanity and helped reshape political communities by making the world (appear) small, manageable and interconnected.

The volume places the neutral states and the NAM in the context of the Cold War and demonstrates the links between the East, the West, and the so-called Third World. In doing so, this collection provides readers an alternative way of exploring the evolution and impact of the Cold War on North-South connections that challenges traditional notions of the post-1945 history of international relations. The various contributions are framed against the backdrop of the evolution of the Cold War international system and the decolonization process in the Southern hemisphere. By juxtaposing the policies of European neutrals and countries of the NAM, this book offers new perspectives on the evolution of the Cold War. With the links between these two groups of countries receiving very little attention in Cold War scholarship, the volume thus offers a window into a hitherto neglected perspective on the Cold War. Via a series of case studies, the chapters here present new viewpoints on the evolution of the global Cold War through the exploration of the ensuing internal and (mainly) external policy choices of these nations.