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Background: Among older people, walking is a popular and prevalent activity. Walking is key to increasing physical activity levels and resulting physical and mental health. In the context of rapidly ageing populations, it is important to better understand what factors are associated with walking among older people, based on the socioecological model of health., Methods: We used data from Understanding Society (n:6450), a national panel survey of UK adults aged 65 years and over living in Great Britain. Slope Indices of Inequality (SII) were calculated for weekly walking hours for older people according to individual, social and area characteristics. These include health, loneliness and social isolation, previous walking and sporting activity, residential self-selection, contact with neighbours, number of close friends and social activity. Spatial area-level data described local area crime, walkability, and proximity to retail, greenspace, and public transport amenities., Results: Multivariable models indicated that poor health, particularly requiring help with walking, was the strongest predictor of weekly walking hours (SII (95% CI) comparing those needing help vs. no help: -3.58 (-4.30, -2.87)). However, both prior sporting activity (most vs. least active: 2.30 (1.75, 2.88)) and walking for pleasure (yes vs. no: 1.92 (1.32, 2.53)) were strongly associated with increased walking several years later. Similarly having close friends (most vs. fewest, 1.18 (0.72, 1.77)) and local retail destinations (any vs. none: 0.93 (0.00, 1.86)) were associated with more weekly walking., Conclusions: Past engagement in physical activity and walking for pleasure are strong predictors of walking behaviour in older people, underscoring the importance of implementing and sustaining walking interventions across the lifespan to ensure continued engagement in later years and the associated health benefits. However, poor health significantly impedes walking in this demographic, emphasising the need for interventions that offer both physical assistance and social support to promote this activity., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Gender role attitudes have been found to be associated with the mental health of adults and adolescents, but little is known about whether parents' gender attitudes are associated with their children's mental health. Using data from Understanding Society, the UK Household Longitudinal Study (UKHLS), a large-population representative sample, we examine the links between parental gender role attitudes and child mental health outcomes as measured by the total and five components of the strengths and difficulties questionnaire (SDQ). We construct structural equation models, separately for mothers and for fathers and for children aged 5 and 8, and adjust for key sociodemographic variables. We find that children aged 5 years exhibit fewer emotional and peer relationship problems and are more prosocial when their mothers have more egalitarian (compared to traditionalist) gender role attitudes. We also find that children are more prosocial at age 8 when their mothers have more egalitarian gender role attitudes. No statistically significant mediation effect is observed via maternal parenting behaviour. Fathers' more egalitarian gender role attitudes were associated with higher hyperactivity at age 5 and more prosocial behaviour at age 8. Further, engaging in less negative parenting behaviour completely mediates the association of fathers' more egalitarian gender attitudes with children's mental health across the majority of the SDQ scales. This suggests that parental gender attitudes may be a possible target for the prevention of mental health difficulties among children; however, future research will be required to examine the extent to which the associations we identified reflect causality., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no competing interests., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Background: Socioeconomic inequalities are well established across health, morbidity and mortality measures. Social class theory describes how social groups relate, interact and accrue advantages/disadvantages relative to one another, with different theorists emphasising different dimensions. In the context of health inequalities, different social class measures are used interchangeably to rank population groups in terms of health rather than directly exploring the role of social class in creating inequalities. We aim to better understand how four distinct social class mechanisms explain differences in a range of self-reported and biological health outcomes., Methods: We use data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study, a representative population survey of UK adults, to identify measures pertaining to Early years, Bourdieusian, Marxist, and Weberian social class mechanisms. Using logistic and least-squares regression we consider the relative extent to which these mechanisms explain differences in health (Self-reported health, SF12 Physical (PCS) and Mental (MCS) Component Scores, General Health Questionnaire; N = 21,446) and allostatic load, a biomarker-based measure of cumulative stress (N = 5003)., Results: Respondents with higher social position according to all social class measures had better self-rated, physical and mental health, and lower allostatic load. Associations with Marxist social class were among the strongest (e.g. Relative Index of Inequality for very good/excellent self-rated health comparing highest versus lowest Marxist social class: 4.96 (4.45, 5.52), with the Weberian measure also strongly associated with self-rated (4.35 (3.90, 4.85)) and physical health (Slope Index of Inequality for SF12-PCS: 7.94 (7.39, 8.48)). Health outcome associations with Bourdieusian and Marxist measures were generally stronger for women and older respondents, and physical health associations with all measures were stronger among those aged 50+ years., Conclusions: The impact of social class on health is multi-faceted. Policies to reduce health inequalities should focus more on unequal capital ownership, economic democracy and educational inequalities, reflecting Marxist and Weberian mechanisms., (Copyright © 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Transitions into work and family roles have become increasingly delayed as participation in tertiary education widens. Such transitions may have adverse or beneficial effects on health behaviours such as smoking and drinking (alcohol). Role socialisation effects may reduce smoking or drinking, but clustering of transitions may lead to role overload, weakening or reversing any role socialisation effects. Effects of transitions were examined in three UK cohorts: the 1958 National Child Development Study, the 1970 British Birth Cohort Study, and the West of Scotland: Twenty-07 Youth Cohort (from around Glasgow, growing up in the same time period as the 1970 cohort). Latent class analysis was employed to identify heterogeneous patterns of transition timing for leaving education, entering employment, starting cohabitation, having a first child, and leaving the parental home. Propensity weighting was then used to estimate causal effects of transition patterns (relative to tertiary education) on smoking and heavy drinking in early adulthood (ages 22-26), adjusting for background confounders (gender, parental socioeconomic position, family structure, parental and adolescent health behaviours, adolescent distress and school performance). Three groups made early (age 16) transitions from education to employment and then either delayed other transitions, made other transitions quickly, or staggered transitions with cohabitation beginning around ages 19-21; a fourth group transitioned from education to employment around ages 17-18. Compared to those in tertiary education with similar background characteristics, those in these groups generally had higher levels of smoking, especially where transitions were more clustered, but less heavy drinking (except those who delayed other transitions after moving into employment). Results partially supported role socialisation effects for drinking, and role overload effects for smoking. Wider participation in tertiary education could have helped reduce smoking levels in these cohorts, but might also have increased risk for heavy drinking., (Copyright © 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

Socio-economic inequalities in adiposity are of particular interest themselves but also because they may be associated with inequalities in overall health status. Using cross-sectional representative data from Great Britain (1/2010-3/2012) for 13,138 adults (5652 males and 7486 females) over age 20, we aimed to explore the presence of income-related inequalities in alternative adiposity measures by gender and to identify the underlying factors contributing to these inequalities. For this reason, we employed concentration indexes and regression-based decomposition techniques. To control for non-homogeneity in body composition, we employed a variety of adiposity measures including body fat (absolute and percentage) and central adiposity (waist circumference) in addition to the conventional body mass index (BMI). The body fat measures allowed us to distinguish between the fat- and lean-mass components of BMI. We found that the absence of income-related obesity inequalities for males in the existing literature may be attributed to their focus on BMI-based measures. Pro-rich inequalities were evident for the fat-mass and central adiposity measures for males, while this was not the case for BMI. Irrespective of the adiposity measure applied, pro-rich inequalities were evident for females. The decomposition analysis showed that these inequalities were mainly attributable to subjective financial well-being measures (perceptions of financial strain and material deprivation) and education, with the relative contribution of the former being more evident in females. Our findings have important implications for the measurement of socio-economic inequalities in adiposity and indicate that central adiposity and body composition measures should be included health policy agendas. Psycho-social mechanisms, linked to subjective financial well-being, and education -rather than income itself-are more relevant for tackling inequalities., (Copyright © 2016 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd.. All rights reserved.)

It is widely recognised that poverty is associated with poor health even in advanced industrial societies. But most existing studies of the relationship between the availability of financial resources and health status fail to distinguish between the transient and permanent impact of poverty on health. Many studies also fail to address the possibility of reverse causation; poor health causes low income. This paper aims to address these issues by moving beyond the static perspective provided by cross-sectional analyses and focusing on the dynamic nature of people's experiences of income and health. The specific objective is to investigate the relationship between income and health for adult participants in the British Household Panel Survey from 1991 to 1996/97. The paper pays particular attention to: the problem of health selection; the role of long-term income; and, the effect of income dynamics on health. The results confirm the general findings from the small number of longitudinal studies available in the international literature: long-term income is more important for health than current income; income levels are more significant than income change; persistent poverty is more harmful for health than occasional episodes; and, income reductions appear to have a greater effect on health than income increases. After controlling for initial health status the association between income and health is attenuated but not eliminated. This suggests that there is a causal relationship between low income and poor health.

A number of studies have shown that lone parents have poorer health status than the general population. However, what is missing from the existing literature is any systematic assessment of the contribution that lone parents' relatively poor socioeconomic circumstances make to their relative health disadvantage. This paper aims to fill this gap. It employs a large national dataset based on three consecutive years of the British General Household Survey (1992/1993 to 1994/1995) to assess the relative health status of lone parents in comparison to couple parents, and to evaluate the importance of different explanations for their health differences. The results confirm that lone parents, particularly lone mothers, have poor health status relative to parents living as couples. The observed health differences mirror variations in socioeconomic circumstances. However, even when a wide range of demographic and socioeconomic circumstances are included in multivariate models, lone mothers still have significantly poorer health than couple mothers for four out of five health variables. The paper concludes by discussing alternative explanations for the health differences between lone and couple parents--such as the absence of an intimate/confiding relationship, the stress and stigma associated with becoming a lone parent and health selection--and by highlighting future options for policy and research in this area.

A number of studies have suggested that inequalities in the distribution of income may be an important cause of variations in the average level of population health among rich industrial nations. However, what is missing from the debate so far is any systematic review of evidence about the relationship between different measures of income distribution and indicators of population health. This paper aims to bridge that gap. First, it summarizes the recent English language literature on this topic and illustrates the methodological problems that weaken the inferences that can be derived from it. Secondly, it presents new empirical estimates of the relationship between different measures of income distribution, infant mortality and life expectancy based on the most authoritative data published to date. In contrast to most earlier studies, we find very little support for the view that income inequality is associated with variations in average levels of national health in rich industrial countries. Some possible explanations for these differences are outlined.