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The following article analyzes the way in which the complex link between intellectuals and political power influenced the design of Argentine foreign policy from 1983 to 1989, and in particular one of its main goals: to spur the country's integration with Latin America. The theory is based on the analytical categories devised by Robert Putnam, Antonio Camou, and Carlos Altamirano, to be specified as the text unfolds. In terms of methodology, primary sources are mainly articles from the Argumento Político and El Bimestre político y económico journals, as well as debates, interviews, and material from the Fondo Jorge Federico Sábato. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a reading and analysis of the news sources in its editorials, the following article identifies the repercussions of the social thought and actions of Celso Furtado as an intellectual and state operator in the Rio de Janeiro press. With the Cold War and anti-Communist culture pervading Brazil representing the context of the early years of the 1960s, such a scenario is responsible for the reactions to Furtado's positions in his project for developing the country. We also discuss the nuances of the economist's thought in light of his education and his reflections on Brazilian and Latin American societies. The attacks on this project by the middle and upper classes of Brazilian society deemed the Northeast to be a "dangerous" region, concerned as they were with the specter of communism in the reforms' agenda, particularly that of agricultural reform. The political and ideological nature shared by the Brazilian elites and their clear opposition to the developmentalist theories reverberated in the discourse of the editorials published in the Jornal do Brasil and the Tribuna da Imprensa newspapers from 1961 to 1962. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article's primary aim is to retrace the trajectory of Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, one of the main organic intellectuals to belong to the social class of land and slave owners, which formed a power bloc in the Brazilian Empire along with the merchants. Many features of this trajectory are confused with the very process of constructing the Imperial State. As a great thinker of the Regresso Conservador [Conservative Regression], Vasconcelos was Deputy General, senator, a minister of various portfolios and a member of the Council of State, thus having progressed through the main existing positions of power. Strongly opposed to the first monarchy through a defense of liberal principles, which he then ardently fought against as of 1835/1836, Vasconcelos became one of the main formulators and spokesmen for the conservative project, based on an uncompromising defense of order and slavery. His refined intellect influenced an entire generation of imperial politicians, particularly the Trindade Saquarema [Saquarema Trinity]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the influence liberalism and socialism exerted upon Alfonsinism via two groups of intellectuals who accepted the president's political decision to allow them to rise through the ranks of power. One group was headed by Carlos Nino, a renowned lawyer followed by many young students of his legal philosophy seminars at the University of Buenos Aires, and the other, known as the 'Esmeralda' Group, was created by entrepreneur Meyer Goodbar and featured intellectuals linked to social and political sciences and communications. While the first group incorporated elements of liberalism, the second group leant towards socialism. But why was Alfonsín open to these groups right from the campaign stage? How was it possible that the groups, influenced as they were by such widely different ideologies, supported a politician with a background in radicalism? And how was it that the groups were able to establish friendly relations with each other and work on several matters together? The analysis is guided by these questions. In terms of methodology, it uses oral and written sources cited at opportune points in the development of its argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work of Argentine author Luis Horacio Velázquez demonstrates that the government of President Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955) featured cultural policies, and that these were downplayed or even denied by historiography on Peronism until the 1990s. Velázquez's work suggests that Perón did however face difficulties in consolidating important elements of his cultural policies, such as the control of "violence" among workers, the valuing of work, the defence of roles traditionally attributed to women and the criticism of addiction and extra-marital relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]