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This chapter examines the development of right-extremism in Germany. It identifies a third wave of right extremism, which reflects the latent needs of a society emerging from structural/economic and value modification. The emergence of a ‘new axis of conflict,’ representing a non-material agenda ranging from national identity to authoritarianism, from xenophobia to moral traditionalism, has provided a non-ephemeral base on consent for the extreme right. Despite the failure of the extreme right in the electoral arena, it is still present in street level activity, especially in the East.

This chapter explores the development of the extreme right in France. It discusses the rise of the Front National (FN), the political party perceived by other parties and its own voters and cadres as being the right extreme of the right-left continuum. It is argued that the extreme right has fallen back to its tradition of fragmentation and internal quarrels. The two parties pursue diverging strategies, confrontational for the FN and bargaining-oriented for the Mouvement National Republicain. However, none of these have produced results.

This chapter discusses major developments in right extremism in Europe between late 2000 and mid-2002. It highlights the successes of the following parties: FN in France, the FRPn in Norway, DFP in Denmark and Fortuyn in the Netherlands. It also provides brief updates on extreme right parties in Austria, Italy, Belgium and Germany.

The extreme right has consolidated its presence across Western Europe. This book presents a compilation of studies on the ideological meanings and political/partisan expressions of the extreme right, their post-war evolution, and the reasons behind the success and failure of various parties. It highlights the rise of a new type of parties that are anti-system rather than neo-fascist.

This chapter explores the ideology and evolution of the extreme right. Historians and political philosophers have attributed the ideologies of ‘counter-revolutionism’ and ‘fascism’ to this term. However, in the 1980s, a new set of ideas entered the political discourse of the right; fascism and its variants no longer remained the unique cultural sources. Two types of extreme right parties have emerged: traditional extreme right parties, and post-industrial parties.

This chapter explores the extreme right in Belgium. Both the Walloon and Flemish extreme right parties advocate a strong state with a harsher penal code, ‘law and order’ enforcement, restoration of traditional moral values and sex roles, and radical opposition to the political system and established parties. However, these parties maintain different views on the issue of ethnic nationalism, and both refuse to be labelled as ‘fascist.’

This chapter explores the lack of success of the extreme right in Great Britain. Fascist leanings were kept in check in the 1930s, when a fascist party was formed, and in the post-war years when right extremists tried to obtain political relevance. Right extremist parties never benefited from full political legitimacy, and their attachment to the traditional fascist mould precipitated their demise.

This chapter explores the lack of success of extreme right parties in the Netherlands. Extreme right parties failed to take partly due to organizational weakness and lack of leadership. Counter-mobilisation against the extreme right was also very strong, both in the streets and in institutions.

This chapter explores the rise of extreme right political parties in Scandinavia. The parties that occupy the extreme right positions in the political sphere are the Fremskridtsparti and the Dansk Folkeparti in Denmark, and the Fremskrittsparti in Norway. The inclusion of these parties in the category of extreme right remains debatable and problematic. However, their features qualify for inclusion in this political family, although their anti-system profile is limited compared to that of their European counterparts.

This chapter explores the evolution of fascism in Italy. Fascism found its complete and lasting realisation in inter-war Italy from 1922 until 1943-45. No other extreme right party succeeded in post-war Italy. In the 1990s, a new party, the (Lega Nord) Northern League, has been credited with anti-system and right-extremist credentials.

This chapter explores the Left-Right dichotomy and the meaning of the term ‘Right.’ It discusses how the terms Left and Right entered the political domain, and concludes that the changing paradigm of the political space reinforces the Left-Right divide rather than marginalizing it. It argues that ‘images’ of the Right have multiple facets at the mass public level, while different styles of thought of the Right have appeared in the realm of political ideologies.

This introductory chapter begins with an overview of the evolution of extreme right parties in Western Europe since the 1980s. It highlights the emergence of new extreme right parties that do not share any commitment to neo-fascism, but rather are anti-system as they undermine the democratic system’s legitimacy through their discourse and actions. They also respond to the needs generated by post-industrial society that traditional parties have failed to address.

The extreme right grew significantly in the last two decades of the 20th century, as evidenced by the advent of new parties, rise of formerly small and marginal organisations, and radicalisation of former ‘moderate-conservative’ parties. The most striking feature of the present ‘wave’ of right extremism is the dispersion of extreme right parties across Europe, compared to its concentration in Italy and Germany in the previous decades. Although majority of these parties reject any reference to fascism, their ideological core contains elements depicting a right extremist ideology or ‘mentality.’

The extreme right never took hold in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Their relatively new democratic regimes as well as socio-economic change eliminated the foundations of right-extremist values, and distanced the public from its traditional authoritarianism and neo-fascist heritage. Moreover, the extreme right did not provide sufficient organisational and political articulation for the populist anti-system protest during the mid-1980s, thus failing to attract a sizeable audience.