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This article reconsiders the problem of 'liberal Toryism' in the 1820s not by looking at the government's policies, but instead at the very 'liberal' language through which they were expressed. It argues that an existing domestic language of 'liberality'—which was associated with religious toleration and with freer trade—was quite distinct from the new political movements on the Continent. Canning and Huskisson used this well-established, and generally well-esteemed, language to enhance and extend their appeal to 'public opinion'. However, many Tories were coming to view this terminology with increased suspicion in the aftermath of the Revolutions of 1820. The article stresses the way that the Tory press popularised a negative typology of the 'liberal system' which ran together religious, economic and foreign affairs, and depicted Canning and Huskisson as 'theorists' content to ruin the moral fibre and economic health of the nation in quest of an abstract metaphysics. By 1826 'liberal' and 'illiberal' were increasingly seen as distinct positions that could not be bridged. Although Canning's brief ministry was not able to bring about a reconfiguration of parties, the final years of decade saw a clear sense among many Tories that 'liberalism' was a powerful threat to traditional religious, political and economic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the territorial statecraft of the Conservative Party both internally and in the Coalition Government since 2010. Using Bulpitt's statecraft framework alongside some more recent work on UK intergovernmental relations, it argues that the Conservative Party has pursued broadly the same strategy as the previous Labour administration: centre autonomy management. Thus, as long as the devolved administrations and Welsh and Scottish Conservatives stick to their low politics remit, territorial policy divergence and autonomy remain mostly irrelevant to the centre. In terms of intergovernmental relations, the Conservatives have handled territorial politics in coalition reasonably well. However, the recent Scotland Act and the Commission on Welsh Devolution point towards a future of sharing Treasury control over UK public finances. With the centre's governing autonomy increasingly compromised, the Conservative Party faces the challenge of creating a new strategy which allows it to pursue its priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Europe has long divided the UK's political parties, especially the Conservatives and Labour. The parliamentary vote to enter the Common Market relied on rebel pro-European Labour MPs, while in the 1980s Labour was calling for withdrawal. If a decade on the Conservative Party saw a growing number of rebels against the Treaty of Maastricht, three decades later those Tory rebels-alongside a new party established to oppose membership, the UK Independence Party-have grown in number and look to the UK's ultimate withdrawal from the EU. This article explores the impact of European integration on British party politics, examining the ways in which it has caused division and fragmentation at the national level. It then looks at the impact of British membership on European level parties, which have also seen a degree of fragmentation owing to the nature of British parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconsiders, through the case study of High Tory MP Sir Humphrey Mackworth (1657-1727), an influential thesis that core values of the landed class were incompatible with ‘projects’—new speculative commercial and industrial ventures floated in the emerging stock market. Rather than presupposing inherent tension between Whig and Tory, or Court and Country, the article explores how the High Tory, critical of Whig finance, conceptualized and lent legitimacy to his mining scheme. The first section reviews the historiography and the second introduces the case study. The article then shows that Mackworth viewed and promoted his business as a pursuit of piety, profit, and public service. This godly framework, it will be shown, was no rhetorical ornament: it even influenced how Mackworth understood the frauds he committed, which made him a notorious swindler but also an ‘innovative entrepreneur’ contributing to local economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at government policy and politics in Great Britain in 2010, focusing on the "Big Society Plan" of Prime Minister David Cameron. The plan's emphasis on social enterprise, civil society, and the service sector is discussed. The influence of political parties on social development policies is reviewed, including the Tory and New Labour parties. The author discusses the state of hegemony in British society and comments on the use of moral persuasion to influence social values and political attitudes.

Examines the political campaign of the Conservative Party in Great Britain. Performance and key decisions of the Tory leadership; Conservative leadership from 2001-2005; 2004 campaign on the Conservatives' policies on public services.

The article accounts the experiences of the Conservative Party under the administration of the Labour Party in Great Britain from 1997 to 2001. It discusses the debacle of the 1997 general election, the changes in leadership in June 1997, and the changes to the Shadow Cabinets. The amendment on the structure, organisation and personnel at Conservative Central Office are also tackled. It offers information on the Conservative election campaign from May to June 2001, the mid-term elections and the success of the Tory Party in local government elections.

Challenges the orthodoxy of `partial realignment' and reasserts working-class support's value to England's Tories' electoral hegemony between 1886 and 1906. Conservatism's appeal to gender- and class-based social identities; Leaders' belief of Conservative party's prospects as dependent on low voting and registering turnouts; Beer-barrel and domestic-centered forms of Tory politics; Appeal of New Liberalism vis-a-vis Conservatism.

The article provides information on the British House of Lords in the 1980s. It commands public and academic attention due to its heightened profile and widespread belief that made it evolved as an institution. It displayed fundamental changes both in form and character and offered clear evidence of modern professionalism and independence. It has an average of 211 divisions for the three sessions after 1983 and 250 in the 1985 and 1986 sessions. The Tories are the largest but short of a majority for the working Lords while it has a clear majority over the voting Lords and it is considered as a party assembly.

The article offers information on the future of the politics and government of Great Britain. It is mentioned that many of the essential assumptions over British politics and government have been in scrutiny and that major parties in the political scene in this country have been thrown into confusion. The author identified three interpretations in the political structure of this country. These interpretations include the period of the Whig Party, the Tory Party, and the Marxist, which underscored the growth of the labor sector. Moreover, of these three interpretations, it is mentioned that the Tory was battered hardest.

This section presents a correction to the article "Making a 'New Conservatism': The Tory Reform Committee and Design for Freedom, 1942-1949," published in the June 2020 issue.

The piece presents an introduction to a set of articles about comprehensive schooling, Great Britain's Labour political party's thoughts about that, and the concern that a future Tory government might reverse any progress being made to improve schools.