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Background Racial and ethnic minoritized groups report disproportionately lower trust in the health-care system. Lower health-care system trust is potentially related to increased exposure to racial discrimination in medical settings, but this association is not fully understood. We examined the association between racial discrimination in medical care and trust in the health-care system among people with and without a personal cancer history. Methods We examined racial discrimination and trust in a nationally representative American adult sample from the Health Information National Trends Survey 6. Racial discrimination was defined as any unfair treatment in health care on the basis of race or ethnicity. Trust in the health-care system (eg, hospitals and pharmacies) was grouped into low, moderate, and high trust. Multinomial logistic regression models were used to compare low and moderate trust relative to high trust in the health-care system and estimate odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs). Results A total of 5813 respondents (15% with a personal cancer history) were included; 92% (n = 5355) reported no prior racial discrimination experience during medical treatment. Prior experiences of racial discrimination were positively associated with low (OR = 6.12, 95% CI = 4.22 to 8.86) and moderate (OR = 2.70, 95% CI = 1.96 to 3.72) trust in the health-care system relative to high trust. Similar associations were observed when stratifying by personal cancer history. Conclusion Respondents who reported racial discrimination during medical encounters had lower trust in the health-care system, especially respondents with a personal cancer history. Our findings highlight the need to address racial discrimination experiences during medical care to build patient trust and promote health-care access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note analyses the Court of Appeal's decision in the Boohene case. The defendant paid the 'London Living Wage' to its own workers but did not require its contractors to pay this rate tothe workers they employed. The claimants sought to challenge this as race discrimination against them as 'contract workers' under s. 41 Equality Act 2010, because of a clear difference in the ethnicities of the two groups of workers. The claim was unsuccessful because the Court of Appeal ultimately concluded that the claimants' wages were set by their employer, the contractor, not by the defendant, even though the defendant influenced their wages by setting the price of the contract. The case highlights the complex and sometimes problematic relationship between outsourcing and wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do many people underestimate economic and racial inequality and maintain that theirs is a meritocratic society? Existing work suggests that people are rationalizing, misinformed, or misled. This article proposes an additional explanation: Inequality itself makes economic and racial disparities difficult to understand. In unequal societies, individuals establish their networks at formative institutions patterned by class and race. As a result, they unwittingly condition on key causal pathways when making descriptive and causal inferences about inequality. We use a simple agent-based model to show that, under circumstances typical to highly stratified societies, individuals will underestimate the extent of economic and racial inequality, downplay the importance of inherited advantages, and overestimate the relative importance of individual ability. Moreover, we show that they will both underestimate the extent of racial discrimination and overestimate its relative importance. Because segregated social worlds bias inference in these ways, all individuals (rich and poor) have principled reasons to favor less redistribution than they would if their social worlds were more integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1966, a new homelessness charity, Shelter, set out to redefine the homeless as impoverished families enduring poor or insecure housing rather than single men living on the street. Through a series of 'hard-hitting' reports and adverts, the group highlighted the destructiveness of poor housing on young families and gained a prominent national voice. This article examines Shelter's campaigns in the 1960s to examine how debates about homes and homelessness can reframe the development of discourses of 'crisis' that defined the 1970s and provided a key narrative of Thatcherism. It focuses on how Shelter deployed ideas of childhood, family, and the family home, often echoing theories of leading child psychiatrists of the post-war period, to warn of the profound and acute danger that the housing crisis represented to British society. Shelter's prominent and successful adverts and campaigns drew on growing anxieties about social and economic crisis, but did not discuss key issues of unemployment, racial discrimination, and deindustrialization. Instead, Shelter's campaigns focused on the damage poor housing did to family life and the education and life chances of individual children. Discourses of crisis in this period are often associated with 'inner cities' and failing reconstruction schemes, but Shelter presented an image of social crisis that was centred in the family and the family home. By analysing how Shelter drew on fears about the coming social crisis, the article suggests that the family home and the life chances of individuals were central to popular understandings and perceptions of crisis before the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular explanations of inequality as the result of individual failings rather than structural processes are powerful cultural mechanisms that legitimize and reproduce inequality in the United States. How might individuals' experiences of downward or upward mobility shape the explanations they give? We argue that perceived experiences of economic mobility may not only shape how Americans understand economic inequality but may also impact their beliefs about social inequalities more broadly. Using proportionally representative survey data of 1110 U.S. residents, we find that those who perceive that they currently occupy a lower economic class than when they were growing up (i.e. they experienced subjective downward mobility) were more likely than class-stable individuals to reject individualistic explanations of economic inequality and embrace structural ones. By contrast, the upwardly mobile were more likely to reject structural explanations. We find that mobility is similarly related to the likelihood of giving individualistic or structural explanations for race and gender inequality as well. Downward mobility is also associated with greater support of redistributive policies related to economic as well as gender and race inequality. These findings suggest that economic mobility may influence popular explanations of inequality and support for redistributive policy not only related to class inequality but for multiple axes of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The betrayal of the Western powers at the Paris Conference of 1919 directly led to the eruption of extensive anti-imperialism in China. This influenced Chinese politics throughout the 1920s and helped secure the return of tariff autonomy and the start of extraterritoriality talks at the end of the decade. The development, though not prominently anti-racist, struck African American observers as a notable achievement against white supremacy. Including it into their imaginary of a global offensive against racial discrimination, they regarded association with China as a unique opportunity to strengthen themselves and weaken white racists. But because of the ineffectiveness of China, African American reactions stemmed mainly from empathy rather than admiration. China, for its part, served as a resolute co-fighter for racial equality in a relationship of mutual usefulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By situating Brown within [gallows literature and anti-lynching activism] traditions, I argue that Clotel constitutes a critical inflection point: an early African American literary intervention in public discourses about criminalized Black people and white mob violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the racial justice uprisings of 2020, our world order continues to reel from the consequences of the systemic racism that is the product of colonial projects past and present. In this introduction to the International Journal for Transitional Justice 's (IJTJ) Special Issue on Race, Racism and Transitional Justice, we ruminate on key disciplinary critiques of the bounds of transitional justice. We analyze the IJTJ's record of addressing race and racism, relying on data from a coding project of almost all its publications. We find that the explicit discussion and engagement with race and racism has been wanting in the Journal. This volume helps us to consider what it would mean for the field to begin to take race, racism and racial justice seriously. Our hope is that it will help catalyze the remembering, exposing and reimagining of the role of race and racism in transitional justice and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian military-corporate dictatorship faced the resistance and mobilization of several marginalized groups. In this article, we reconstruct the subaltern memories of Black and poor women from the outskirts of São Paulo who participated in Christian Base Communities and the Cost-of-Living Movement, and we show how their mobilization was supported by social movements across the country. Despite their dimension and impact, a report by the Brazilian National Truth Commission fails to recognize their role in the country's democratic transition and the violence suffered by marginalized groups. These memories support a reflection on the myth of 'racial democracy' in Brazil as a general denial of racial violence throughout the country's history, which leaves intact its structures of injustice. We argue that the reconstruction of subaltern memories can have a significant impact on transitional justice and recover their critical role in democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings transitional justice scholarship to bear on the case of racial violence in the United States. We investigate how knowledge of racial terror lynchings shapes Black Americans' support for symbolic and material transitional justice measures. We administer a survey with an embedded experiment to Black residents in Maryland, a US transitional justice pioneer. We provide select respondents with information about historical lynching violence and find that they are more likely to support symbolic transitional justice (e.g. apologies and memorial markers) than individuals presented with information on contemporary police killings. Regarding material transitional justice (e.g. monetary reparations and community projects), we find no significant differences between groups. Linked fate excepted, we do not find that key aspects of Black identity and the Black American experience (i.e. historical knowledge, police contact, church involvement and Black nationalist beliefs) moderate transitional justice attitudes. Our work indicates the promise and limits of information campaigns to mobilize support for transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Exposure to racial discrimination may exacerbate disparities throughout the cancer care continuum. Therefore, we explored how experiences of racial discrimination in the health-care setting manifest for Black cancer patients and how it contributes to racial disparities in cancer care. Methods This qualitative analysis used semistructured in-depth interviews with Black cancer survivors not on active treatment from May 2019 to March 2020. All interviews were audio recorded, professionally transcribed, and uploaded into Dedoose software for analysis. We identified major themes and subthemes that highlight exposure to racial discrimination and its consequences for Black cancer patients when receiving cancer care. Results Participants included 18 Black cancer survivors, aged 29-88 years. Most patients experienced racial discrimination when seeking care. Participants experienced racial discrimination from their interactions with health-care staff, medical assistants, front desk staff, and health insurance administrators. Exposure to overt racial discrimination in the health-care setting was rooted in racial stereotypes and manifested through verbal insults such as physicians using phrases such as "you people." These experiences impacted the ability of the health-care delivery system to demonstrate trustworthiness. Patients noted "walking out" of their visit and not having their health issues addressed. Despite experiences with racial discrimination, patients still sought care out of necessity believing it was an inevitable part of the Black individual experience. Conclusion We identified that exposure to racial discrimination in the health-care setting is pervasive, affects health-seeking behaviors, and degrades the patient–clinician relationship, which may likely contribute to racial disparities in cancer care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Security Studies Section (ISSS) of the International Studies Association aims to promote the study of global, international, regional, and national security—broadly conceived. Over the past decade, ISSS has also sought to improve diversity and inclusion for its membership, culminating in its Taskforce on Diversity in Security Studies. In this forum, taskforce organizers, researchers, and participants examine the ways in which ISSS has collected data and then acted to improve both experiences and outcomes for historically excluded scholars, using an intersectional approach but with a specific focus on race. By critically reflecting on the role of professional associations in combatting racism in academia, using the case study of ISSS, the forum has two aims. First, we hope that by sharing ISSS experiences and processes, we may encourage other professional associations to self-reflect on how they may contribute to racial injustice, as well as how they can reveal and counteract racial oppression. Second, rather than solely focusing on goals and outcomes, the forum also gives voice to personal perspectives of researchers and participants to highlight how it is people who ultimately make up the heart of efforts to challenge racism and discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational formats that seek to raise police officers' awareness about racial discrimination often focus on formal violations of the principle of non-discrimination or canons of values. First, based on a critical discussion of positions on discrimination in policing and proposals for police training in Germany this paper argues based on human rights for a broader understanding of the challenge to tackle racial discrimination in policing. In reference to neo-Aristotelian virtue ethics, competencies for proactive encounters with affected groups will thereby be explored. Second, it outlines a framework for educational formats on this issue that address police officers as whole persons, who should, in the context of their professional practice, develop the virtue to understand the perspectives of and to build relationships of care with marginalized individuals. An example of a tested format that integrates perspectives from civil society will be presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction The 'second-generation' (i.e. the children of migrants) represent one of the fastest growing subpopulations of the child and young adult populations in Europe today. The research so far appears to indicate that their mortality risk is elevated relative to people with non-migrant backgrounds. Sources of data Peer-reviewed publications. Areas of agreement Second-generation status is a clear marker of elevated mortality risk in Europe in early life (including stillbirth, perinatal, neonatal and infant mortality) and adulthood, particularly if the parent(s) were born outside of Europe. Socioeconomic inequality plays an important, albeit rarely defining, role in these elevated risks. Areas of controversy It remains unclear what causes-of-death are driving these elevated mortality risks. The exact influence of (non-socioeconomic) explanatory factors (e.g. health care, racism & discrimination, and factors related to integration) on the elevated mortality risks of the second-generation also remains unclear. Growing points The second-generation will continue to grow and diversify in Europe; we must intervene to address these inequalities now. Areas timely for developing research Place more emphasis on the complexity of migration background, specific causes-of-death, and understanding the roles of explanatory factors beyond socioeconomic background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the connection between health and aesthetics during the Harlem Renaissance, with a focus on the film "Looking for Langston" and Anne Spencer's garden. The film uses floral imagery to portray Black queer desire, while Spencer's garden provided a sanctuary from discrimination and racial violence. The article argues that Spencer's garden challenges traditional ideas of home and beauty, and redefines the aestheticization of Black health. It also discusses the National Negro Health Week, which promoted beautification as a means to improve Black health, and highlights the contributions of artists and Black gardeners to the New Negro movement's concept of health and beauty. Anne Spencer's garden was a place of solace and healing for the Black community in Lynchburg during the Harlem Renaissance. Through her poetry, Spencer explored the relationship between aesthetics, the body, and the environment. She used botanical imagery to depict the harm caused by racism to both the Black body and the landscape, while also emphasizing the potential of beauty and aesthetics to restore balance and promote healing. Spencer's poems suggest that the restoration of aesthetic pleasure can have a healing effect and counteract the negative impact of racism and mental distress. This article delves into the connection between beauty, health, and belonging in the work of poet and gardener Anne Spencer during the Harlem Renaissance. Spencer's garden provided a refuge for Black individuals in a hostile Southern environment, and her cultivation of diverse and vibrant plant life reflected her rejection of prescribed notions of beautification. The garden also embodied a balance between openness [Extracted from the article]

A criminal record can be a serious impediment to securing stable employment, with negative implications for the economic stability of individuals and their families. State policies intended to address this issue have had mixed results, however. Using panel data from the Fragile Families study merged with longitudinal data on state-level policies, this study investigates the association between criminal record based employment discrimination policies and the employment of men both with and without criminal records. These state policies broadly regulate what kinds of records can be legally used for hiring and licensing decisions, but have received little attention in prior research. Findings indicate that men with criminal records were less likely to be working if they lived in states with more policies in place to regulate the legal use of those records. Consistent with research linking policies regulating access to records to racial discrimination, black men living in protective states reported this employment penalty even if they did not have criminal records themselves. Thus, these policies, at best, may fail to disrupt entrenched employment disparities and, at worst, may exacerbate racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how a transnational vision of Ireland was created in the United States by two philanthropic women in Chicago's Columbian Exposition of 1893. Lady Aberdeen and Alice Hart each used accessible images of Ireland and the bodies of white exhibited women to authenticate their narrative of dying rural industries that needed to be revived. Their specific visions of Irish development and survival were located against the backdrop of significant Irish migration to the United States and capitalized on feelings of nostalgia popular among the newly settled Irish-American population. By trading on discourse of an Irish whiteness, a Scotswoman and Englishwoman foregrounded Ireland's place in the imagined hierarchy of civilizations popular in the nineteenth century. They materially, physically and performatively manufactured Ireland as being at the apex of civilization narratives – positioned as the Irish Villages were at the start of the Midway Plaisance. If the Irish only laboured enough, produced enough, and consumed enough, their symbolic place in the fairground would ascend to the main arena of industry, technology, and capitalism – ensuring the survival of Ireland's people and land. Through interrogating the multiple ways in which women's bodies, rural industries, and commerce interacted in the space of the Fair, the article contributes to studies of Irish identities in Ireland, England, and the United States at the interface of race, gender, and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While evidence suggests a durable relationship between redlining and population health, we currently lack an empirical account of how this historical act of racialized violence produced contemporary inequities. In this paper, we use a mediation framework to evaluate how redlining grades influenced later life expectancy and the degree to which contemporary racial disparities in life expectancy between Black working-class neighborhoods and White professional-class neighborhoods can be explained by past Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) mapping. Life expectancy gaps between differently graded tracts are driven by economic isolation and disparate property valuation which developed within these areas in subsequent decades. Still, only a small percent of a total disparity between contemporary Black and White neighborhoods is explained by HOLC grades. We discuss the role of HOLC maps in analyses of structural racism and health, positioning them as only one feature of a larger public–private project conflating race with financial risk. Policy implications include not only targeting resources to formerly redlined neighborhoods but also the larger project of dismantling racist theories of value that are deeply embedded in the political economy of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the disparities in pediatric cancer survival rates among different racial and ethnic groups. While there has been a significant decrease in pediatric cancer mortality overall, not all groups have benefited equally from medical advancements. The underlying causes of these disparities are complex and not fully understood, but social determinants of health, such as unequal access to healthcare and medical mistrust, likely play a role. However, when standardized treatment is provided, there are no differences in survival rates based on race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status. The article emphasizes the need for sociomedical research to understand and address these disparities, as advancements in medical technologies and drug discoveries alone may not reduce them. [Extracted from the article]

Can political rallies affect the behavior of law enforcement officers toward racial minorities? Using data from 35 million traffic stops, we show that the probability that a stopped driver is Black increases by 5.74% after a Trump rally during his 2015–2016 campaign. The effect is immediate, specific to Black drivers, lasts for up to 60 days after the rally, and is not justified by changes in driver behavior. The effects are significantly larger among law enforcement officers whose estimated racial bias is higher at baseline, in areas that score higher on present-day measures of racial resentment, those that experienced more racial violence during the Jim Crow era, and in former slave-holding counties. Mentions of racial issues in Trump speeches, whether explicit or implicit, exacerbate the effect of a Trump rally among officers with higher estimated racial bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic analysis of racial discrimination in public accommodations is remarkably limited. To study this issue, we construct a national data set of nondiscriminatory establishments from the Negro Motorist Green Books , a travel guide published from 1936 to 1966 to aid Black Americans in finding nondiscriminatory retail and service establishments. We document patterns in the geographic spread and evolution of Green Book establishments, as well as the correlates of Green Book presence. We find that economic and social measures, as well as state laws relating to racial discrimination and antidiscrimination, were correlated with the provision of nondiscriminatory services. We then use the Green Book data to test whether market conditions and white consumer discrimination led businesses to bar Black customers prior to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. We use plausibly exogenous variation from white World War II casualties and Black migration patterns to isolate the effect of a change in the racial composition of consumers on the growth of nondiscriminatory businesses. We find that the share of nondiscriminatory establishments grew faster in locations with larger increases in the share of the Black population, but the magnitudes were small. These results highlight the importance of federal legislation in ending racial discrimination in public accommodations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present the first large-scale comparative field experiment on appearance-based racial discrimination in hiring conducted in Europe. Using a harmonized methodology, we sent fictitious résumés to real vacancies in Germany, the Netherlands and Spain, randomly varying applicants' ethnic ancestry (signaled foremost by name) and applicants' racial appearance (signaled by photographs). Applicants are young-adult country nationals born to parents from over 40 different countries of ancestry (N  = 12 783). We examine average differences in callback across four phenotypic groups and four regions of ancestry and present the first cross-country comparable estimates of appearance-based racial discrimination reported in the field-experimental literature. We find that applicants' phenotype has a significant and independent effect on employers' responses in Germany and the Netherlands, whereas in Spain we only find evidence of hiring discrimination for particular combinations of phenotype and ancestry, which suggests a less direct and more complex effect of phenotype in this country. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guided by the Social Identity Model of Collective Action, the current research utilizes a three-wave longitudinal study collected pre and post the 2020 U.S. Presidential election to examine the motivations underlying Latino Americans' group-based social media engagement (N  =   1,050). Results revealed that Time 1 group (Latino) identity increased Time 2 perceptions of social media as efficacious in improving group outcomes, which in turn increased Time 3 group-based social media engagement. Although T1 Latino identification was not significantly associated with T2 perceptions of personal or group-based injustice, the former (but not the latter) increased T3 group-based social media engagement. Our findings reflect that marginalized group members engage with social media in part because they believe it is efficacious in improving their disadvantageous group status. This may be an especially attractive strategy for those who face individual experiences of unjust treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the liberal democracies of the global north, fears associated with migrant maternity are a long-standing part of immigration politics. This article raises concerns about what narratives political and public debates on migrant maternity are mobilizing, who they are targeting, and how these narratives shape the experiences of a wide range of migrants in Canada as they access prenatal and obstetric care. The article uses policy and media analysis to examine how migrant maternity is problematized in Canada through the "passport baby" narrative alongside interview data, which illustrates how this narrative impacts the lives of mothers with a range of migrant trajectories. This article argues that this problematization relies on overgeneralizations that overlook the complexity of migration, continues to be shaped by racial discrimination and stereotypes, and results in increased vulnerability for pregnant migrants within Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial body of research focuses on racial disparity in the criminal justice system, with mixed results due to difficulty in disentangling differential offending from racial bias. Additionally, some research has demonstrated that victim characteristics can exacerbate racial disparity in outcomes for offenders, but little research has focused on the arrest stage. We use a quasi-experimental approach that examines incidents involving co-offending pairs to isolate the influence of offender race on arrest, beyond any characteristics of the incident itself, and we test for moderating effects of victim race and sex on racial disparities in arrest. Our findings reveal that, on average, when two offenders of different races commit the same offense together against the same victim, Black offenders are significantly more likely to be arrested than their White co-offending partners, especially for assault offenses. More importantly, this effect—for both assaults and homicides—is particularly strong when the victim is a White woman. Because these differences are between two offenders who commit the same offense together, we argue that the most plausible explanation for the differences is the presence of racial bias or discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Although the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) banned characterizing flavors in cigarettes in 2009, this initial ban exempted menthol. After examining numerous reports on the adverse health effects of menthol cigarettes, the FDA proposed a menthol ban in April 2022. This study analyzed Twitter data to describe public reaction to this announcement. Aims and Methods Posts containing the word "menthol" and/or "#menthol" were collected from April 21, 2022 to May 5, 2022 from Twitter's Streaming Application Programming Interface (API). A random sampling procedure supplied 1041 tweets for analysis. Following an inductive approach to content analysis, posts were classified into one or more of 11 themes. Results Posts discussed the FDA announcement (n = 153, 14.7%), racial discrimination (n = 101, 9.7%), distrust in government (n = 67, 6.4%), inconsistencies between policies (n = 52, 5.0%), public health benefits (n = 42, 4%), freedom of choice (n = 22, 2.1%), and health equity (n = 21, 2.0%). Posts contained misinformation (n = 20, 1.9%), and discussed the potential for illicit markets (n = 18, 1.7%) and the need for cessation support (n = 4, 0.4%). 541 (52.0%) tweets did not fit into any of the prescribed themes. Conclusions Twitter posts with the word "menthol" commonly discussed distrust in government and mentioned racial discrimination. Findings demonstrated the possibility of near real-time Twitter monitoring of public opinion on a menthol ban. These data may be valuable for designing tobacco control health communication campaigns in the future. Implications The U.S. FDA proposed a ban on menthol cigarettes in April 2022. This study's content analyzed Twitter posts over a 2-week period to understand the public's response to the proposed menthol ban. Twitter posts with the word "menthol" often discussed distrust in government and mentioned racial discrimination. Findings demonstrated the possibility of near real-time Twitter monitoring of public opinion of regulatory action. Findings underscore the need to educate the public about the potential health benefits of banning menthol from cigarettes, particularly for populations that experience tobacco-related health disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Black communities are targeted by more cigarette advertisements than White communities and racial discrimination among Black people is related to cigarette use. However, little is known about these factors with non-cigarette tobacco product use among Black adults. Therefore, this study assessed the association of non-cigarette advertisement exposure and racial discrimination with use of non-cigarette tobacco products among Black adults. Aims and Methods Black adults (n  = 533) from The Family and Community Health Study in 2016 were asked if they had seen advertisements for e-cigarettes, snus pouches, filtered cigars, large cigars, cigarillos, dissolvable tobacco, smokeless tobacco, hookah, and tobacco pipe and if they used these in the past month. For products with the highest past month use and significant correlations with advertisement exposure, separate logistic regression models were performed that evaluated the association between advertisement exposure, racial discrimination, and non-cigarette tobacco product use while controlling for cigarette use, sex, socioeconomic status, and age. Results Use of cigarillos, large cigars, and hookah were higher than other non-cigarette tobacco products assessed. Logistic regressions revealed that more advertisement exposure in the past month was associated with higher odds of using cigarillos, large cigars, and hookah (p  < .01). More experiences of racial discrimination were associated with past month cigarillo use, but not hookah or large cigars (p  < .01). Conclusions Non-cigarette tobacco advertisement exposure was associated with the use of non-cigarette tobacco products. Experiences of racial discrimination were associated with the most used non-cigarette tobacco product among Black adults, cigarillos. Implications This is the first time that a specific type of cigar (ie cigarillos) has been associated with experiences of racial discrimination among Black adults. Efforts to reduce non-cigarette tobacco marketing and eradicate exposure to racial discrimination among Black adults may aid in eliminating tobacco-related health disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern movement to abolish the death penalty in the United States stresses that this punishment cannot be applied fairly and effectively. The movement does not emphasize that killing prisoners is inhumane per se. Its focus is almost exclusively on administrative, procedural, and utilitarian issues, such as recurrent exonerations of innocents, incorrigible racial discrimination, endemic arbitrariness, lack of deterrent value, and spiraling financial costs. By comparison, modern European law recognizes any execution as an inherent violation of human rights rooted in dignity. This humanistic approach is often assumed to be “European” in nature and foreign to America, where distinct sensibilities lead people to concentrate on practical problems surrounding executions. This Article demonstrates that, in reality, the significant transatlantic divergence on abolitionism is a relatively recent development. By the late eighteenth century, abolitionists in Europe and America recurrently denounced the inhumanity of executions in language foreshadowing modern human rights norms. Drawing on sources overlooked by scholars, including the views of past American and French abolitionists, the Article shows that reformers previously converged in employing a polyvalent rhetoric blending humanistic and practical objections to executions. It was not until the 1970s and 1980s that a major divergence materialized. As America faced an increasingly punitive social climate leading to the death penalty’s resurgence and the rise of mass incarceration, abolitionists largely abandoned humanistic claims in favor of practical ones. Meanwhile, the opposite generally occurred as abolitionism triumphed in Europe. These findings call into question the notion that framing the death penalty as a human rights abuse marks recent shifts in Western Europe or international law. While human rights have indeed become the official basis for abolition in modern Europe, past generations of European and U.S. abolitionists defended similar moral and political convictions. These humanistic norms reflect a long-term evolution traceable to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. But for diverse social transformations, America may have kept converging with Europe in gradually adopting humanistic norms of punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A much-anticipated end of the COVID-19 pandemic is on the horizon. It is important to reflect on the ways in which the pandemic has impacted the international politics of migration and especially on the migration-security nexus, which is still little understood but affecting policies and population movements with future implications. How the pandemic has shaped tradeoffs between securitization of migration, health, and economic concerns in governing migration? What are the new trends emerging from the pandemic on the migration-security nexus? And how can we study these in the coming years? This Research Note features insights from scholars associated with the British International Studies Association's working group on the 'International Politics of Migration, Refugees and Diaspora'. They argue that the pandemic has exacerbated tendencies for migration control beyond reinforcing nation-state borders, namely through foregrounding 'riskification' of migration discourses and practices, adding to an earlier existing securitization of migration considered as a 'threat'. Digital controls at borders and beyond were ramped up, as were racial tropes and discrimination against migrants and mobile persons more generally. These trends deepen the restrictions on liberal freedoms during a period of global democratic backsliding, but also trigger a counter-movement where the visibility of migrants as 'key workers' and their deservingness in host societies has been enhanced, and diasporas became more connected to their countries of origin. This Research Note finds that enhanced controls, on the one side, and openings for visibility of migrants and transnational connectivity of diasporas, on the other, are worthy to study in the future as political trends per se. Yet, it would be also interesting to study them as interconnected in a dual movement of simultaneous restriction and inclusion, and in an interdependent world where the power of nation-states has been reasserted due to the pandemic, but migrant transnationalism has remained largely intact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces one manifestation of the unique process of Asian-American abjection (Shimakawa, K. [2002]. "I should be—American!" Abjection and the Asian (American) Body. In National Abjection (pp. 23–56). Duke University Press.), produced from a dialectic of an aspirational model minority myth and the targeted status of an ever-evolving yellow peril. I highlight the nuances of such abjection through a "lacking personality" metanarrative imposed on Asian-American finalists on the reality television show, So You Think You Can Dance (SYTYCD). I forward an Asian-American rhetorical approach informed by critical rhetorics of race by Lacy and Ono (2011. Critical Rhetorics of Race. New York University Press) and Ono and Pham (2009. Asian Americans and the media , Vol. 2. Polity) to problematize rhetoric that abjects Asian-Americans. I suggest that depictions of Asian-Americans as lacking personality in popular media are part of the same continuum of racialized yellow peril abjection, upholding a conditional belonging that allows anti-Asian racial violence to flourish, particularly in moments of crisis and public moral panic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic analysis of racial discrimination in public accommodations is remarkably limited. To study this issue, we construct a national data set of nondiscriminatory establishments from the Negro Motorist Green Books , a travel guide published from 1936 to 1966 to aid Black Americans in finding nondiscriminatory retail and service establishments. We document patterns in the geographic spread and evolution of Green Book establishments, as well as the correlates of Green Book presence. We find that economic and social measures, as well as state laws relating to racial discrimination and antidiscrimination, were correlated with the provision of nondiscriminatory services. We then use the Green Book data to test whether market conditions and white consumer discrimination led businesses to bar Black customers prior to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. We use plausibly exogenous variation from white World War II casualties and Black migration patterns to isolate the effect of a change in the racial composition of consumers on the growth of nondiscriminatory businesses. We find that the share of nondiscriminatory establishments grew faster in locations with larger increases in the share of the Black population, but the magnitudes were small. These results highlight the importance of federal legislation in ending racial discrimination in public accommodations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main controversies throughout the negotiation of a regional binding instrument to fight racism that led to the approval of the 'Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination, and Related Forms of Intolerance' in 2013. In order to identify the regimes of racism denial that shaped the process, the article explores the major controversies in terms of language, concepts, and the need for a more targeted binding treaty on racism, focusing on the leading role of Brazil. The analysis considers the links between scales; from the regional debate to States' national discourse and practices, within the context of global efforts to advance standards to fight racism, particularly those established at the third World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, in Durban. By reviewing country reports, drafts of the convention, and analysing interviews with some participants of the debates at the Organization of the American States (OAS), this study assesses how the different strategies deployed served to perpetuate regimes of denial of racism, strongly present in the official discourse and challenged in the building of a binding instrument to fight racism in the Americas. Analysis revealed the deep challenges associated with combating racism as a systemic form of oppression historically linked to the region's colonial past and legacy of the transatlantic slave trade. Finally, consensus was only reached by moving away from the 'Durban language', showing how disputed concepts and remedies highlight that racism remains a politically sensitive issue in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article posits that racialized administrative power is the status quo in the United States and results from a wicked problem broadly construed as institutional racism. Acknowledging a baseline reality of racialized administrative power in the United States allows public administration theory to more directly grapple with the institutional racism that paradoxically may seem too big and complex to empirically study yet simultaneously too important and urgent to ignore. This article offers three contributions to the development of public administration theory from this conceptual frame of racialized administrative power as the status quo. First, by conceptualizing institutional racism as a wicked problem, a case is outlined to replace an assumption of neutral administrative power with a baseline assumption of racialized administrative power in the United States. Second, the article explores two prominent areas of theory in public administration—representative bureaucracy and administrative burden—to demonstrate how a baseline assumption of racialized administrative power can reorient and expand theoretical questions and research. Third, the article discusses the epistemological implications for public administration theory and research based on an assumption that racialized administrative power is the status quo. These contributions offer a step forward in addressing the need for public administration theory to better account for the institutional racism that pervades the management and performance of public organizations in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1940 and 1970, more than 4 million African Americans moved from the South to the North of the US, during the Second Great Migration. This same period witnessed the struggle and eventual success of the civil rights movement in ending institutionalized racial discrimination. This article shows that the Great Migration and support for civil rights are causally linked. Predicting Black inflows with a shift-share instrument, we find that the Great Migration raised support for the Democratic Party, increased Congress members' propensity to promote civil rights legislation, and encouraged pro-civil rights activism outside the US South. We provide different pieces of evidence that support for civil rights was not confined to the Black electorate but was also shared by segments of the white population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author nonetheless reminds us of the American government's continuing role in erasing the uniqueness of Hmong Americans by replacing "the Hmong" with generic references to "Southeast Asians". Historically speaking, Hmong refugees once served as allies of American armies in Secret Wars fighting against communist forces in Laos and Vietnam. This book is opened with an introduction to the historical backdrop against which Hmong refugees in Laos immigrated to America. [Extracted from the article]

In the United States, survey research and qualitative studies consistently find that people of color—and Blacks in particular—report substantially lower levels of trust than do whites. These racial differences in trust pervade a range of social contexts, from interpersonal relationships with friends, family, and neighbors to interactions with the health care and criminal justice systems. Scholars often attribute racial differences in trust to historical and contemporary forms of discrimination, yet few studies have assessed the relationship among race, discrimination, and trust in the context of the United States. Using the Chicago Community Adult Health Study, I examine how the experience of discrimination relates to generalized trust, trust in neighbors, and trust in community police. Findings reveal that personal experience with discrimination contributes modestly to racial differences in trust. In fact, the negative association between discrimination and generalized trust appears strongest for whites. These findings suggest that understanding distrust requires a richer conceptual framework that moves beyond personal experience with discrimination. I argue that the theory of systemic racism provides a framework for understanding distrust as a consequence of countervailing efforts to uphold and contest the racial hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the results of a massive nationwide correspondence experiment sending more than 83,000 fictitious applications with randomized characteristics to geographically dispersed jobs posted by 108 of the largest U.S. employers. Distinctively Black names reduce the probability of employer contact by 2.1 percentage points relative to distinctively white names. The magnitude of this racial gap in contact rates differs substantially across firms, exhibiting a between-company standard deviation of 1.9 percentage points. Despite an insignificant average gap in contact rates between male and female applicants, we find a between-company standard deviation in gender contact gaps of 2.7 percentage points, revealing that some firms favor male applicants and others favor women. Company-specific racial contact gaps are temporally and spatially persistent, and negatively correlated with firm profitability, federal contractor status, and a measure of recruiting centralization. Discrimination exhibits little geographical dispersion, but two-digit industry explains roughly half of the cross-firm variation in both racial and gender contact gaps. Contact gaps are highly concentrated in particular companies, with firms in the top quintile of racial discrimination responsible for nearly half of lost contacts to Black applicants in the experiment. Controlling false discovery rates to the 5% level, 23 companies are found to discriminate against Black applicants. Our findings establish that discrimination against distinctively Black names is concentrated among a select set of large employers, many of which can be identified with high confidence using large-scale inference methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just months after the Mississippi Truth Commission's public launch in 2009, organizers abandoned the Commission despite sufficient funding and growing public support, deciding instead to pursue a statewide oral history project. This study explores why, offering insight into an understudied phenomenon: incomplete truth commissions. Drawing on ethnographic observations, archival documents and interviews with local practitioners, this study highlights several reasons that local organizers changed course. In addition to a shifting cultural context, the Mississippi Truth Commission faced several cognitive challenges. First, local audiences struggled to comprehend the structure and scope of the truth commission model, leading to 'Transitional Justice 101,' a perpetual, and ultimately unsuccessful, public education program. Second, local organizers' visit to South Africa in 2009 cast doubt on the efficacy of truth commissions and caused them to question the metaphoric logic that had constructed Mississippi's history of racial violence as analogous to South Africa's, providing implicit justification for the Commission until that point. Thus, alongside economic and political resources, this research suggests that cognitive resources are a critical, and often overlooked, component of truth commissions' infrastructure. Findings also indicate that incomplete truth commissions can be leveraged to support alternative truth-seeking processes that may be more advantageous in stable democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the debate about the impact of UN human rights review mechanisms on the ground, focusing on the issue of prosecution in hate crimes cases. National legislative or institutional changes presented as implementation measures do not necessarily reflect reforms in practice or genuine commitment of the government to comply with the recommendations of international human rights bodies. Rigorous follow-up of recommendations is missing from the UN review mechanisms—a gap which is frequently filled by domestic NGOs. The article focuses on the case of Hungary and those review mechanisms which are the most significant ones concerning hate crime-related advocacy, namely, the Universal Periodic Review and the state reporting system of the Human Rights Committee and the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The impact assessment is based on a content analysis of recommendations and on semi-structured interviews with representatives of domestic NGOs advocating for more efficient prosecution of hate crimes. The author argues that more emphasis should be put on a thorough assessment of national reports and communications from the perspective of whether they reflect significant and long-term changes in practice. At the same time, state representatives involved in the Universal Periodic Review and expert members of UN treaty bodies should strive for a more detailed expression of recommended guidelines in order to adequately address the nuanced reality of human rights violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 1939, the British Government lifted a formal 'colour bar' to military service for the duration of hostilities. Yet despite the state's rhetoric of a multi-racial, multi-ethnic 'People's War', racial discrimination continued to pervade Britain's wartime armed forces. In particular, the Royal Navy (RN) fiercely resisted opening up naval service to eligible British men of colour. Providing a fresh critical perspective on wartime Admiralty records, this article establishes that the Second World War catalysed a significant shift from a codified de jure structure of racial exclusion in the Navy, to a more informal system that was rooted in a complex and diffuse web of de facto racist recruiting practices. It demonstrates the ways in which, between the temporary removal of the formal 'colour bar' to naval service in 1939 and its permanent abolition in 1947, the RN enacted a series of complicated covert mechanisms that were designed to shut out men of colour by stealth as far as possible. The article also scrutinises a number of letters of protest that were written to the Admiralty on behalf of Black West Indian, Maltese and Anglo-Indian individuals who were denied entry to the Service. These letter-writers collectively sought to expose the Navy's hidden racial discrimination and to challenge, with varying degrees of individual success, the naval institution's continued practices of racial exclusion. Overall, this article ascertains how complex and contested meanings of 'race', national 'belonging' and 'Britishness' were invested in the Royal Navy during the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Roma are Europe's largest minority group and face extensive discrimination across the continent. Drawing on a survey of Roma and non-Roma households in twelve Central and Eastern European countries, we analyze the extent to which legal cynicism, as a cognitive frame, is connected to the avoidance of helpful social institutions. We thus expand existing research on legal cynicism to focus on individuals' contacts with potentially helpful institutions that can buffer inequality. We conclude that the interplay of legal cynicism and system avoidance, which have provided deep insights into the reproduction of structural disadvantage in American cities, also provide us with international insights into the causes of inequality and minority disadvantage across hundreds of towns in Central and Eastern Europe. In this way, legal cynicism and system avoidance work to reproduce durable inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers parallels between the Emergency Quota Act of 1921, the Immigration Act of 1924, and contemporary immigration policy in the U.S. Particular focus is given to how the Trump administration weaponized the COVID-19 pandemic to drive immigration restriction. Other topics discussed include how xenophobia and racism are often used to justify public health and immigration policy, anti-China and anti-Chinese rhetoric used by Trump and his administration, and brief introductions to several articles in the issue including one by Alexandra Minna Stern.

The run-up to the 2020 election in the United States was marked by an unprecedented health pandemic and a social movement to challenge structural racism and advance social justice. Record numbers of Americans risked their health by protesting and voting in 2020. We analyze the relationship between a desire to advance social justice and Native American political behavior and political accountability utilizing data from the 2020 American Election Eve Survey's large sample of Native American voters. We find that in 2020, both perceptions of racial discrimination and the COVID-19 health pandemic had a significant effect on Native American mobilization and political accountability. We also advance the limited research on the Native American electorate by finding that living on or very near tribal lands is a consequential factor for Native American political behavior and their pursuits for justice through political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Qatar v. UAE case, the Court reached, without giving much explanation, an interpretation different from that of the CERD Committee over the phrase "national origin" in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This, in fact, marks a deviation from the Court's previous case law. Through a close reading of the Court's judgment and the Committee's decision, this comment argues that their diverging interpretations bring to the surface the structural differences between these two institutions. These differences had been obscured in the Court's jurisprudence, and a more principled approach towards human rights treaty bodies is needed for the Court in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial inequality in sentencing has decreased substantially over the last decade. In 2009, the average sentencing difference between black and white defendants in federal court was nearly 3 yrs. By 2018, this difference was less than 6 mos. Among drug offenders over this same period, the black–white gap went from 47 mos. down to zero. Yet, despite the fact that racial inequality in the legal system remains at the fore of sociological discourse, these developments remain conspicuously under-evaluated and the underlying processes driving these changes remain unknown. This article fills this gap by applying longitudinal decomposition methods to US District Court data between 2009 and 2018. Three notable findings emerge. First, the declining racial gap was driven, in equal parts, by decreasing black sentences and increasing white sentences. Second, black and white sentences became more equal almost entirely due to changes in observable case characteristics and not due to changes in the treatment of offenders. Third, shifts in the prosecutorial use of mandatory minimums played a critical role in decreasing black–white sentencing inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on Sudanese refugees and asylum-seekers in Lebanon, who in 2018 constituted 4 per cent of all persons of concern to United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in that country, this article explores how the UNHCR protects and assists refugees not encompassed by the mainstream humanitarian response. The article finds that in terms of refugee recognition, resettlement, and overall protection, Sudanese refugees receive differential treatment when compared with the more dominant refugee groups. More precisely, it argues that the humanitarian practices contribute to structural processes of invisibilisation of the particularities of the protection concerns and circumstances of Sudanese refugees. It spotlights how, while racism and racial discrimination remain major protection concerns for the Sudanese community in Lebanon, humanitarian vulnerability assessments are altogether blind to these categories of harm. In examining how Sudanese refugees respond to and resist such processes of invisibilisation , the article also examines two key collective action approaches through which Sudanese refugees seek to access better protection and assistance: the establishment of representative refugee committees, on the one hand, and refugee protest, on the other. It finds that refugee protest was an important means of countering humanitarian processes of invisibilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disparities along racial and ethnic lines persist across domains. Distinguishing among the possible sources of such disparities matters. This article introduces an absolute test for identifying prejudice in the presence of statistical discrimination. In the context of police officers deciding whether to conduct vehicle searches, the key intuition of the test is that each officer's search decisions and search outcomes generate a point on a concave "return possibility frontier," (RPF) whose slope equals the officer's search cost, or personal standard of evidence for conducting a search. Variation along a RPF provides information about search costs, and a discrepancy in these costs across drivers of different races constitutes prejudice. The model and test generalize and unify the existing literature, and the test can be partially extended to the setting where officers vary in the quality of their information, or discernment. Higher discernment generates an expansion of the frontier, and a version of the test remains valid for more discerning officers. Empirically, the test finds suggestive evidence of prejudice against Hispanic drivers and of varying discernment among officers of different races and ethnicities. These results are robust to (and not well explained by) officer experience. (JEL C26, K42, J15) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hidenori Sakanaka has been one of the most important figures in shaping Japan's immigration policy in the last 50 years. It is difficult to think about colonial Japan's aim to create a Japan-led "Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere" as anything other than an ideology of Japan as a chosen nation. [Extracted from the article]