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Despite numerous studies and treatments of Phoenician syntax, little has been done in relation to a text linguist approach. The present study analyses the Phoenician inscription of Azatiwada on a complete textual basis, and highlights syntactic constituents that help mark segmental beginnings and ends throughout the text. It will be shown that demonstrable patterns occur that signal demarcations in syntax. Literary devices relevant to this study are also examined, insomuch as they contribute in defining and confirming the syntactic analysis. These devices are viewed separately, yet cooperatively with the syntax, and afford a proper syntactic understanding from a different set of criteria. Two of these literary devices include anadiplosis and chiasmus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on the discovery of a Hieroglyphic Luwian-Phoenician bilingual inscription. Where the inscriptions were discovered; Advantages and disadvantages of using hieroglyhic portion of the inscription in studies; Rhetorical structure of the Phoenician text; Details on the Phoenician text.

This paper offers new interpretations of passages in KAI 1: 2 and KM 121 on the basis of contextual and etymological considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inscription from Karatepe (KAI 26) is a bilingual artefact in Luwian and Phoenician. Since both texts are written in a fluent and idiomatic manner, they must be interpreted independently. A comparison between them can be undertaken only after an independent reading. This way of approaching the texts calls into question the volitive interpretation of the so-called blessing in III:2-III:11 in the Phoenician version on the basis of the volitive meaning of the parallel Luwian section. Indeed, the presence of a blessing is unlikely in a royal Phoenician inscription because of its literary genre. Moreover, it is improbable that wbrk in II:2 begins a blessing since all other Phoenician inscriptions use the yiqtol ybrk to introduce one. Lines III:2-11, rather than being a request for blessing, are a description of blessing and prosperity accorded to the city by Baal and the gods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will discuss the volitive mood of the blessings found in the Phoenician and Luwian inscriptions of Azatiwada. Within the framework of a linguistic approach to the text, I will examine textlevel syntax, genre and influences between the Phoenician/Luwian bilingual inscriptions within their cultic context. All of these components help establish the volitive mood of the blessings within the inscriptions. It will be demonstrated that we are witnessing blessings beyond the parameters of the indicative mood of past events. These elements are established by the combination of the factors listed above and contribute to the composition and shaping of the texts as a whole, all of which maintain an ongoing cultic function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A single Latin manuscript, Berne codex 123 (folio 7a), preserves a statement by Isidorus Hispalensis who tells of twelve parts of speech in Phoenician, consisting of the usual eight with the addition of the article, the ‘impersonal mode’ (having no set person or number), the infinitive and the ‘gerund’. This paper proposes identifying the gerund with the infinitive followed by a personal pronoun, a construction attested in Phoenician inscriptions from Byblos, Zincirli, Karatepe and Çineköy, and occurring sporadically in Ugaritic, Hebrew and South-Arabian. It is argued that it represents an earlier stage or a variant of the Ethio-Semitic ‘gerund’ denoting an action simultaneous or anterior to the one expressed by another verb in the perfect or the imperfect. Its absence in Aramaic, North-Arabian and Classical Arabic once again shows the weakness of the hypothesis of a ‘Central Semitic’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Several verbal morphologies including the core orthography {ld} are attested in ninth- and eighth-century bce Aramaic texts from Sefire and Tell Fekheriyeh. From their similar contexts, all can be demonstrated to have the semantics 'to remove', but scholars are divided as to the root source and precise phonology of these verbs. The present paper demonstrates that these {ld} verbs belong to a cognate set descendant from proto-Semitic *√l(-)ð. The representation of the reflex of the interdental *ð by {d} is a precocious development only attested broadly in later Aramaic, but its surfacing here can be rationalized by appeal to diachronic phonology, phonotactics and linguistic typology. The consistent employment of developed orthography for this root is perhaps related to the existence of a broad and consistent early Aramaic curse tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Phoenician name of Cyprus was not known with certainty until now. From the beginning of the Iron Age to the Hellenistic period the island was divided into independent kingdoms, each kingdom named after its capital. For this reason, only the names of towns or regions appeared in local inscriptions of that period - not the name of the entire island, whose name in Phoenician was therefore unknown. In this paper, we intend to review the entire evidence relating to the question (from both the second and the first millennia bce, both internal and external sources) and present a new document, definitively solving the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In three instances in the Hebrew Bible, in two separate contexts, we find the word pa‛ămōtāyw denoting parts of an item of furniture. In all three instances, the most attractive interpretation of the word is 'its feet', which would mean short projections at the bottom of the object that bear its weight. However, there has been a surprising reluctance among translators and commentators to understand the word in this sense. In this paper, the various alternative interpretations of the word will be surveyed and the reason for this reluctance will be investigated. It will be argued that this reason is invalid and that 'its feet' is the correct understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes a longer piece of direct speech (Gen. 45:3–15) as a starting point for a discussion of clause linking in relation to the concepts of ‘main line’ and ‘discourse type’ as well as the verbal grammatical morphemes making up the Biblical Hebrew verbal system. It is suggested that the concept of ‘discourse type’ must be redefined in order to be productive: ‘a type of text characterized by a standardized coding of the main line’. In this sense direct speech is not a discourse type, since its main line can be coded by many types of clauses. ‘Direct speech’ is a pragmatic concept referring to the utterances of actants in the text. With Joseph's speech as point of departure the narrative storyline and the main line in instructional/procedural discourse are discussed. It is shown that the wa-VprefS clause is used not only to code a storyline in SBH but also to elaborate a preceding finite or non-finite clause. It is also suggested that when clauses are coordinated they as a rule show the same syntactical structure: NC1+NC1, Vsuff+Vsuff, VprefS+VprefS, etc. (Isaksson 2013). If there are no discourse type constraints (as there are in narrative prose and instructional discourse) co-ordinated clauses may be juxtaposed with or without the conjunction wə/wa. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Reviews several studies which analyzed how Europeans portrayed the Ottoman Empire. Framework of Ottoman orientalism; Description of a classical Ottoman imperial paradigm; Transformation of the imperial paradigm.

Studies the Old Aramaic inscription unearthed at Tell el-Qadi, Israel in July 1993. Significance of the inscription due to its first extra-biblical mention of The House of David; Scribal and related aspects bearing on the speaker in the text; Translation of the text of the inscription.